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0-169

 

 

 

'4 -W '

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at

?:

A BUREAUCRACY IN A CRISIS SITUATION

By

James Daniel Cowhig

A TEESIS
Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER.OF ARCS

Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology

1951

A CKN CHILDREN T

The writer wishes to acknowledge the guidance and assistance
of Dr. Charles R. Hoffer, Department of Sociology and.Anthropol0gy,
Michigan State College, under whose general supervision this study
'was done; and of Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Department of Sociology and
AnthrOpology, Michigan State College, whose interest made the study
possible. He wishes to express appreciation to Dr. William H. Form,
Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology, Michigan State College,
for his invaluable and generous advice throughout the course of the
study, and without whose assistance this study would be much less
adequate. Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Administration
and Staff of the Michigan State Library for their courtesy and co-

Operation.

n’fi- '” " '7 ' " '"
K7. ‘ t

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . .

The PTOblem o e e e e e
{BthOdo e e e e e e e 0
Limitations of Method .
Theoretical Orientation

II. FOREAL ORGANIZATION

Introduction. . . . . .
Formal Organization . .
III. DJFOFJDIL ORGANIZATION . .

Introduction. . . . . .
Work Situation. 0 e e o

Modification of Formal Rules.
Values and Goals. . . . . . .

Morale. e e e e e o

Orientation toward.Authority.
Camuunication O O o o e o e 0
Occupational Characteristics.

Iv. m mISISO O O O O O O O O O O 0

Review of Sociological Literature
PhYSical EfféCtS Of CriSiS. e e e e e e e e
Emotional Reactions to Crisis . . . . . . .

V. THE INPACT

IntrOdUCtione e e e e o e o e 0
Physical Effects of Crisis. . .
Formal Organization in Crisis .

Informal Organization in Crisis

VI.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . .

APPENDIX A o o e o e e o e e e e e e e e

O O O O O
O O O O 0
O O 0 O O
O O O O O
O O O O O
O 0 O O O
O O O O O
O O O 0 O
o O 0 O O
O O O 0 O
O O O O O
O O O O O
O O O O O
0 O O O O
O O O O O
0 O O O O
O O O o 0
O O O O O
on Crisis

OF CRISIS ON SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

O O C O

O O O O

O O O O O O O O

O O O O O O O O

00..

Page

10
12
114

21

21
22

APPENDIX B O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 91

BIBLImRAPi'IX-oggooooooo00000000000000...9S

CRAP Ti‘R I

INTRODUCTION

On February 8, 1951 at l2zhO P.M., a fire was discovered in the
State Office Building in Lansing, Michigan. This building housed at
that time, most of the agencies of the State of Michigan. By the time
the blaze was finally brought under control and extinguished, approx—
imately $6,000,000 damage had been done to the building, and the facil-
ities of many of these agencies had been largely damaged or destroyed.
As a result of this fire, all the agencies housed in the building had
to be evacuated and re-located. The Michigan State Library was one of
these agencies. This paper is concerned with this agency.

This enforced disruption of the agency's functions provided an
Opportunity to investigate some aspects of the social consequences of
sudden changes in physical location of the agency, the functions it
performed, and the way in which these functions were performed.

The library staff was a group of peOple which had been performing
specific services under certain conditions. What happens to the organ—
ization when these conditions are radically altered? In the most gen-
eral terms, that is the question which this study is designed to answer.

Since not Ell the changes could be described or explained, it was
decided to limit the inquiry to the examination of the results of the
fire upon some aspects of the social structure of the agency. In order
to do this, certain more specific questions were posed:

First: What were the changed conditions under which the agency

had to Operate following the fire?

Second: Did these new conditions include new goals and new means
to attain these goals?

Third : How were the formally-defined social relationships of
the staff affected by the fire; and what effect did
these changes, in (l) and (2) above, have upon the in-
formal social relationships which obtained prior to the
fire?

Fourth: What means were available to the agency to implement
these changes during the fire?

Fifth : What was the relationship between the social structure
of the agency and the selection of certain means in
preference to other possible means in meeting the crisis?

These questions are primarily concerned with the impact of unantici-
pated disruptive events upon a specific type of social organization. In
the case Of the Michigan State Library, it was initially assumed that
this agency was an example of a bureaucracy. On the basis of this as-
sumption, it was decided to concentrate attention on the aspects of
social change which relate to the way in which a bureaucracy is organ,
ized.

As in any social situation of this kind, the major sources of infor-
mation were the individuals involved in these changes. An interview
schedule was designed, with the afore—mentioned questions in mind, for
the purpose of obtaining the desired information. The schedule was ad-
ministered to as many Of the library staff as was possible during the
four-month period of field research. This information, together with
that gained from the Official records of the agency, constitutes the basis

of this study.

I‘llllullllll'll

There are some obvious limitations to any inquiry of this kind;
and there are some which are unique to this particular investigation.
The former will be only briefly indicated here, since both types of
limitations will be treated at greater length in other parts of this
report.

First: Concentration on one aspect of any event means that other
aSpects - perhaps equally or more significant -— are completely ig-
nored. This is the problem which every investigator faces. It is
felt that the recognition of this limitation should be made EXpliCito

Second: Among the more important of the methodological problems
which confronts all those who must rely upon what are essentially sub-
jective and personal accounts of a given event is the fact that the

investigator is never sure that what the actors say happened actually

C
I
Q.

hairen. It is here maintained that what the individuals corccrNed

I;

took place - whether it 'really' did or not - is important. it

U)
51)

is upon these beliefs that the individuals must act. The major share
of this report is based. upon irii‘orz'naiion of this kind.1

The significance of this study rests upon the assumption that what
is true of a certain type of social organization in a specific situation
can be partly generalized to other organizations of this same type under

similar conditions. Thus, if the Michigan State Library is an example

 

l. W. I. Ihcmas' dictum, "If non define situations as real, than they
are real in their consequences," applies here.

of a bureaucracy in a crisis, then an examination of the reactions of
this organization to this situation whould yield information which
would give insight to other organizations so organized and faceiwith
similar situations.

A more complete statement of the specific problem follows.

The Problem

This study will be concerned with an examination of the social
structure of the Michigan State Library during a period when the
normal functions of the organization were disrupted by a sudden
series of unanticipated events. It will be an attempt to:

A. Describe what happened to the organization.

B. Describe how the organization reacted to these events.

C. To explain through the use of some sociological concepts
concerning the nature of social organization, why these
reactions - rather than other possible reactions - took
place.

Assumptions:

1. It was initially premised that the Michigan State Library
was organized as what is known as a rational-legal bureaucracy. The
extent of its correspondence to a model of a pure or ideal-type bu-
reaucracy must be empirically determined. On a purely formal level,
it is possible to determine the-extent of this correspondence by com-
paring the rules and regulations under which the organization must
function with the criteria which are used to define a bureaucracy.
On the formal organization of the library information can be secured
from 'objective' sources, i.e., the written documents which specify
the way in which the agency shall be organized.

In addition to this formal aSpect of the organization, there

exist other relationships which are not 'officially' recognized, but

~6-

which are important in determining what the organization will do and
what it can do. It is not sufficient to know what the formal struc-
ture of the organization is; one must also consider the informal
structure of the organization. This information must be obtained
from the personnel of the organization. The duties which were actu-
ally performed by the actors; the conditions under which these duties
were performed; and the informal associations which were formed as a
result of these factors are just a few of the considerations which in-
fluence the organization's behavior to any new situation. The use of
an interview schedule constitutes an attempt to determine the social
relationships - both formal and informal -— which obtained prior to
the fire. The schedule was necessary since the investigator was not
acquainted with the social organization of the staff before the fire
took place. If we are to know what changes took place as a result of
the fire, we must know what the organization was before the fire.

On the formal level, this presents little problem, since the documents
are available for examination. On the informal level it is consider-
ably more difficult. (This presents a methodological problem which
will be discussed in another section.)

2. The organization of any human activity implies that cer-
tain desired goals are to be attained. Bureaucratic organization
further specifies that the desired goals are to be attained through
the use of certain specified means. These goals are assumed to be
values for the individuals who are attempting to achieve them. One
of the goals of the Michigan State Library is that of serving the

people and the libraries of the State. The extent to which this goal

is valued or internalized by the members of the staff influences the
amount of effort that will be expended to realize this goal. we must
know, therefore, whether or not the values which are implicit in the
formal rules and regulations of the organization are also the values
which the actors consider most important, for the actors may define
these values differently than is intended by the organization.2 For
instance, seniority provisions may be viewed by the organization as a
means for insuring continued service. The actors may define this means
as the most desirable end, rather than a means.

3. A third assumption concerns librarianship as an occupa-
tion. If the actors who occupy the positions in this structure are
significantly different from those persons in other occupations,
then this will affect the way in which the organization is able to re-
act to a new situation. Thus, it is known.that the majority of li—
brarians are female. There are physical and socially prescribed limits
to the kind of work they can.do. If they are career oriented and
identify strongly with the occupation, rather than viewing the occupa-
tion as only incidental to a more primary interest, then this, too
will influence their reactions.

h. It is postulated that the disruption of function may
have resulted in a change in the immediate ends and structure of the
organization. If the performance of end A by the employment of means
X becomes impossible, either other means must be instituted to perform

other ends; or means I must be substituted for means I in order to

 

2:? In this context, 'organization' refers to executive or ad-
ministrative policy.

—8—

perform end A. In our problem we would thus think that ideally, those
who held the positions of most importance and responsibility for the
attainment of these ends before the fire will also be the most import-
ant and most reSponsible for the realization of these ends during and
after the fire. The nature and extent of this disruption of func-
tion also influences the changes which must be made. The extent to
which physical facilities are damaged or destroyed and the extent to
which these facilities are necessary for the normal functioning of the
organization, influence the time needed before these functions can be
restored.

S. The resources which are placed at the disposal of the
organization will be partly determined by the importance to the larger
society of the functions which the organization performs. we would
eXpect that, in our society, the functions of a library are not cons
sidered nearly as important or as vital as the functions of the State
Highway Department for example. This means that there will be a
relatively low priority attached to the reinstitution of these func-
'tions by those who are in the position to make decisions about this
matter. Obviously, then, the rapidity and efficiency of the restora—
tion of service by the Michigan State Library are dependent not only
upon the internal structure of the organization, but also upon the
relationship of this organization to the other groups and organiza-
tions, and to the society in which it exists. However, we will not

consider this aspect of the prdiem here.

In order to verify these assumptions, information must be ob~
tained about:

1. The formal organization of the agency and the extent to
which this organization corresponds to an ideal bureaucracy.

2. The informal, or human, organization of the agency, in-
cluding those factors which might modify the operation of ideal bu-
reaucratic administration.

3. The nature of the disruptive events and the changes in
physical location. They will be assumed to be causally related to
the kind of changes in the organization which are observed after the
fire.

h. The new and emerging forms of social organization ob—
served after the fire.

The information, from (1) and (2), will permit us to reconstruct
the organization as it existed before the fire. This pre-fire social
structure will be compared with the emerging social structure in order

to answer - partially at least - the problem.

~13-

Method

The principle method.of investigation for this study was the use
of a rather intensive interview schedule.3

This schedule was standardized only after ten interviews had been
taken. It was found that some of the original questions were either
difficult to answer, resented by the interviewees, or not particular-
1y relevant. The schedule was revised accordingly.h

The first section of the schedule attempts to reconstruct the
work situation before the fire, by attempting to find out what type of
duties were performed, the facilities available, and some aspects of
the informal structure. Section II deals with the fire in an attempt
to see what changes took place during and immediately following the
fire. As the questions indicate, this was also an effort to find out
what actors did the most 'important' jobs. By finding out what the
most undesirable aspects of the crisis were, one can infer from this
the values held by the personnel toward the job. Section III is a
further attempt to elicit these values - which are often implicit -
and to make them explicit, as well as to determine the work situation
following the fire.' The last section was designed partly to leave the

actor with a favorable impression and partly to obtain information as

3. See Appendix A for the schedule used.

h. The use of a tape recorder had been considered but rejected,
since it was felt that this would only add to any reluctance that the
actors might feel about speaking frankly. Also, the facilities avail-
able to the observer limited the use of this rather cumbersome equip-
ment.

-11...

to the most important persons to contact for further interviews.
Each interview required from 30 minutes to two hours to complete.

The permission and 000peration of the administration of the
Nfichigan.State Library was secured before any investigation was
attempted. An unsolicited announcement of the project was made
by the administration, which requested the cooperation of the
staff.

Every effort was made to assure the interviewee that his state-
ments would be kept strictly confidential. This assurance was re-
peated during the course of the interview, if it was felt necessary.
In light of these assurances, certain information which may be
relevant and significant has been omitted. It is felt that this
policy is both ethically and scientifically justifiable. The sched~
ule was filled in at the time of the interview and in the presence
of the interviewee. The interviews were conducted at the place of
employment, and in a place which assured privacy. Due to the condi-
tions which prevailed at the time, this presented no problem.

Some hO of the fifty-one members of the staff who had been
housed in the State Office Building were formally interviewed.

They represented every department of the library. In no case was an
outright refusal received, although in several instances considerable
reticence was evident. In these cases, no attempt was made to 'force'
any answers.

In addition to the formal interviews, casual conversations were
held with several members of the staff throughout the course of the
investigation. The observer was given.permission to attend monthly

Staff meetings as well.

Information as to the formal structure of the organization was
obtained from the organizational charts and the formal rules and
regulations of the Civil Service Commission. A complete file of
newspaper clippings covering the occurrence of the fire was made

available to the investigator.

Limitations of Method

The investigator was an outsider who had had no previous con-
tact with any members of the staff, and was unfamiliar with the inp
formal, or human, organization as it had existed before the fire.

It is quite probable that many comments which were significant were
missed.

The older (in.point of service ) members of the staff remembered
well a previous 'survey‘ which was to have been confidential. Unfort-
unately, it was not kept secret. Thus these peOple were very cautious
about what they would say.

Since it was impossible to gather all the data at one time, many
of the interviews are widely separated in time. Many of the questions
dealt with a situation which had to be reconstructed by the actors.
Quite possibly they may have forgotten some of the significant aspects
of the situation. In addition, one must be aware that the actors them-
selves only saw a segment of the total situation. This situation was
probably defined in a number of ways, and was probably viewed from an
entirely different perspective than that of the sociologist.

Any control of the situation —- other than that control which a

standardized schedule permits -xby the observer was out of the

question, since the interviews had to be held at the convenience of the
personnel. Thus it is obvious that all the limitations which inhere in
any investigation which uses as its chief method the interview, applied
in this case; plus some additional ones which were a result of the
particular situation. For example, the composition of the staff was
such that it was difficult for any immediate rapport to be established
between the actor and the investigator. The personnel of the staff
discussed the kinds of questions which were asked, and thus some of
them were well aware of the questions that 'should' be asked.

The interviews took place during a four-month period - from
February 1h until June h, at which time the staff was once again forced
to move to a different location. This seemed to be a wise time to termi-
nate the investigation, since this movement introduced a new series of
changes. The process reported is not a complete one; it is still going
on. This study selected a certain period of this process for investi-
gation.

£233; In the following pages, reference will be made to situations
which occurred and to certain statements which were made by members of
the staff. The content of the situations and of the statements has been
altered so as to minimize any identification of individuals. These in—
cidents are quoted because they illustrate a certain phase or aspect of
the reactions of the staff. The content has been changed, but the mean-
ing has been retained.

we wish to make very explicit that this analysis in no way
implies any criticism of the staff or administration or of anyone con-

cerned with the library. This writer would not be qualified to make a

critical evaluation of the reactions, first because he is not trained
in library techniques and second, because this study ignores, for the

most part, this aspect of the crisis.

Theoretical Orientation

The growth and development of the modern corporation, of large-
scale governments, of modern armies, and other large and complex social
institutions has been accompanied by the develOpment of bureaucratic
administration. As a result of this, we find that definite structural
similarities exist in organizations which profess radically different
ends and utilize radically different means to attain these ends. For
example, the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party are examples
of world—wide organizations with different goals, but with similar
organizational structure. The significance of this lies in the fact
that certain kinds of behavior are characteristic of this kind of
social organization. Thus, merely by knowing that an organization is a
bureaucracy, the sociologist can predict certain kinds of reactions
that will occur in it under certain conditions.

The word 'bureaucracy' has come to be a term of dyslogism for many
people, who use it to refer to those undesirable aspects of this form
of administration. Max Weber,5 however, uses it in a fashion that is
quite different. For him it is the most efficient form of social
.*7 E. Haber, Max. Max deter: The Theory of Social and Economic
Organization. Translated by A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. Oxford
University Press, New York, l9h7. pp. 32h - 3hl and Weber, Max. From
Max Weber: m in Sociolorv. Translated by H. H. Gerth and 0. Tight

Kills. Oxford University Press, New York, 19h6. pp.196 - 2h5 are the
sources of the following theoretical background.

 

 

 

 

organization for modern society. It possesses technical Superiority,
precision, and speed which other forms of organization lack. The word
will be used here in a value—free sense, but at the same time Weber's
objective criteria of bureaucracy will be retained.

Weber has constructed bureaucracy as an ideal-type. The ideal—
type describes the criteria for a 'pure' bureaucracy. As the word
'ideal' implies, these conditions rarely exist in actuality. No one-
for—one correspondence between the ideal-type and a particular instance
can be expected. Like the conditions for experiment established by the'
physical scientist, which are only approximated in any actual empirical
situation, these conditions are logical constructs, from which deviation
always occurs.

For weber, bureaucratic organization is a means of legitimizing
authority on the basis of rationality and legality. Technical compe-
tence and knowledge, rather than tradition or charisma, become the
basis for action.

Whether actions are rational or not can only be determined in
reference to some given end. The end itself may be non—rational or it
may 'transcend' rationality. Once the desired end is known, actions
can be evaluated as to their efficiency and probability of attaining
this end, whatever it may be. Bureaucratic organization is intended to
minimize all but the rational and legal bases for action. This emphao
sis upon rational-legal administration is the principle ideological

premise of bureaucracy.

—16-

Bureaucratic administrationeatisfies one of the conditions which
is necessary for the operation of a modern organization, i.e., perma-
nence. The organization must be able to function without regard for
the personality of those who are members of the organization. In a
bureaucracy there are no indispensable men; there are only indiSpens-
able positions. The bureaucracy is a rational attempt to avoid the
difficulties which arise when individuals rather than positions become
vital. If the maintenance of a social organization is dependent upon
the existence of one individual, then with the death or passing of that
individual the organization also dies.

The positions in a bureaucracy are hierarchically arranged. Re-
lations are defined between these positions, each of which has a speci-
fied, delineated, and official area of authority, responsibility, and
competence. In reference to official duties, the situation is (ideally)
completely defined - even to the extent of defining what is to be done
in instances which are not defined, or which are undefinable within the
rules of the organization. Once again, this represents a 'rational'
attempt to organize administration. Rather than reliance upon individu—
al intuition, judgment, or feeling the knowledge of experts and previous
experience is utilized to deal with the great majority of cases which
experience has shown will fall in certain categorizable areas. These
instances are to be reacted to in accordance with the existing rules and

regulations.

-17.

The modern bureaucracy is characterized by the presence of a
profession. These hierarchically arranged, permanent positions are
filled by those people who can satisfy the necessary qualifications.

This means that, usually, they must undergo a specified course of
training. The logical result of this is that a group arises which is
devoted to 'public administration,‘ or to 'professional management.‘

The ideal bureaucracy is characterized then by permanence,
hierarchg,and profession.6 Rationality and legality form its basic
ideology. The establishment of rational rules and regulations which
can be followed successfully in the majority of instances is its gov-
erning principle. Under these three characteristics, we will now ex-
amine in more detail some of the associated attributes of the ideal-
type rational-legal bureaucracy.

A. Hierarchy. Positions in a bureaucracy are arranged according
to a system of super-ordination - sub-ordination. Each position has a
fully defined area of jurisdiction, within which it possesses authority.
The rules, regulations, and laws which govern these positions are written
documents -— 'the files' - and are available for reference. The position
possesses authority only in official duties. These duties and the corres-
ponding rights are defined by the fixed rules of the bureaucracy. Thus,
position is fully defined.

B. Profession. These hierarchically arranged positions demand cer-

 

tain Specified qualifications which entail training. This training is

 

6. Laski, H. Bureaucracy. EncyclOpedia pf the Social Sciences.
Macmillan Company, New York, 1937. pp. 71 - 73.

 

 

~18-

usually a pre-requisite for the holding of an office. 'Office' is de-
fined as, "A standardized group of duties and privileges devolving upon
a person in certain defined situations."7

The fulfillment of the duties attendant upon the holding of this
office demands the full time of the official. This becomes his primary
duty, and the holding of the office becomes a vocation for the official.

C. Permanence. This is, in a sense, a corollary of the above -
for many of these rules and conditions operate so as to permit the organ-
ization to continue to function indefinitely. The presence of rules which
can be learned means that any one of a large number of individuals can
fill most positions. The guarantee of a salary and the added inducement
of pensions and advancement based upon seniority means that the longer
the official remains in the organization, the more he has to lose by
leaving - and this is considering only pecuniary loss.

It.has been pointed out that this construct of an.ideal-type bu-
reaucracy refers to the structure of an organization. Any bureaucracy
is characterized by the presence of rules of procedure. In this study
'we are not only concerned.with the presence of rules, but with the kinds
of rules which define the ends of the organization and which prescribe
or proscribe the means which may be used to attain these ends. The
structural similarity between a political and a religious institution
indicates that they are both bureaucracies, but it does not tell us
what the values (other than those values which are implied by any

attempt at the organization.of activity) of the two institutions are.

 

7. Hughes, E. C. “Institutional Office and the Person. American
Journal 2f Sociology. h3:h0h - h13.

If we are to understand the actions of a bureaucratically organized
structure, we must know what these values are since they influence the
content of rules and regulations which are present.8

It is further assumed that both the kind of social organization
present and the values of the organization influence the recruitment
and selection of the personnel who are to occupy the positions in the
structure.

If the above is correct, then a functional9 relationship exists
between the structure of the organization; the values of the organiza-
tion; and the recruitment and selection of personnel. §gm§_of the char-
acteristics of the members of the organization are at least partially
determined by these factors. For thegnrposes of this study, more atten-
tion will be paid to the structural aspects of the organization than will
be paid to these other factors.

Of these other factors, we will consider the personality character-
istics of the actors only insofar as they are related either to the for-
mal requirements of the structure or to the values of the organization.

A number of writers - Hebert K. Horton, Thorstein Veblen, and John Dewey
among them - have pointed out some of the consequences of a specific
type of social organization such as this upon the personality of those in

the organization. (For example, a pre-occupation with rules and pro-

cedures may result in an over-emphasis upon means,,wherein the intended

n

8. See Blanshard, Paul. Communism, Democragy, and Qgthglig_52!§£,
for a structural analysis which fails to take into account the different
value systems concerned.

 

9. 'Function' is used here analogously to the way in which it is used
in mathematics.

-20—

means actually become ends. Thus the routine procedures which are de-
signed to facilitate prompt and efficient service, become valued for
themselves and not for the service which 'should' be performed.)

It is recognized that any research must necessarily ignore cer—
tain aSpects of the events investigated. For example, there are certain
social, cultural, and technological conditions necessary for the exis-
tence of any institution. A psychological or historical or economic
analysis could also be made of these institutions or events. The con-
centration of attention upon the structural aspects is in no way meant
to imply that this is the most important or most significant aspect.
Certain abstractions must be made, and for our purposes these abstrac—

tions are sociological.

CHAPTER II

FORMAL ORGANIZATION

Introduction

we have, in a sense, begged the question when we assumed that this
particular agency was a bureaucracy. In this chapter, we will attempt
to verify our assumption that the Michigan State Library is - formally
at least -— bureaucratically organized.

Formal organization is important because it delineates the ends
which are to be achieved and the means which are - or are not - to be
used to achieve these ends. The ends and means are independent, ideally,
of the personalities of those who occupy the position in the formal organ-
ization. It is an attempt to substitute "administration by law" for
"administration by men."

Not all groups are formally organized, but from what has already
been said, it is clear that any bureaucratic structure would - by
definition - possess a formal organization; and in fact it is the
nature of this formal organization which in part determines whether or

not the particular organization is a bureaucracy.

i,

Formal organization is treated here as that aspect of social organ-
ization which is officially specified by written rules and regulations,
land which is exemplified in the organizational chart. we will examine
the formal rules and regulations which apply to the Michigan State
ILibrary and attempt to demonstrate that they satisfy weber's criteria

1‘ or bureaucracy. We will consider first the way in which the library is

.22-

organized, that is which positions in the structure are subordinate and
which are super-ordinate, and the relations between these positions.
Next, we will examine the formally stated ends and goals of the organ-
ization, and finally we will consider the rights and duties which in?

here in the positions as they are formally established.

Formal Organization

The Michigan State Library is an agency of the State of Michigan,
and as such is part of the larger institution of State Government. Like
many other State agencies (and like all libraries) it is a service organ-
ization. Specifically, it was organized to serve the pe0ple and the
other libraries of the State of Michigan. Like other State agencies
(and unlike most other libraries) it is governed by the rules and regu-
lations of the Civil Service Commission. This, as well as the fact that
acceptance of Federal funds means that certain minimum experience and
training requirements must be maintained, lends added importance to cer-
tain aspects of this formal organization.

Ihe organizational plan of the Michigan State Library is presented

on the following page.

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In the above chart we have used certain abbreviations to designate
the positions. 'L' is the professional classification for the librarian.
The roman numerals designate the ranking of the classification. For
example, 'L. Ex. 113' is read Extension Librarian, Class two a. The
three departments listed under the Reference Department are placed there
for purposes of administration only. As can be seen from the chart, the
Assistant State Librarian is in charge of personnel relations. The
General Library Division contains departments which are common to most,
if not all, libraries. The other departments perform functions which
are peculiar to a State Library.

The formallybstated Objectives and purposes of the Michigan State
Library will now be presented.10

The objectives and activities of the General Library Division and
the Law Library are:

1. The accumulation and preservation of material needed by
State Officers and employees and the citizens of Michigan.

2. Making the materials available by efficient technical
processes, 1.3,, by convenient arrangement, by cataloging, and by
indexing. This exemplifies the traditional concept of service, "The
library is only a custodian."

3. Making information within the book covers available to
those who come to the library.

h. Making the materials in the library available to organ-

izations, libraries, and schools. Throughout the State, about 70 per

 

10. The following information is taken from the Budget Request £33
313 Michigan State Libra}: £95; 1910 - 1950.

cent of the work of the Reading Room Section and almost all of the
work of the Traveling Library Sections consists of filling requests
by mail from every county in the State. This work is channeled as
follows: (a) Localities having public libraries use the State
Library as an inter-library loan center for all the libraries in the
State, except those in wayne County (which have access to the Detroit
Public Library.) (b) Any school or library in a community of less
than 2500 may borrow traveling libraries. From 25 to one hundred
books are loaned from three to four months. (c) Some 750,000
people in the State who live in rural areas have no local public
library. These peOple may borrow from the State Library on a short-
term loan basis.

5. Introducing important materials to those who can best
use them. This is a newer concept of service in which the library
acts not only as a custodian but as a readers' adviser, adult edup
cation consultant, and research advisor.

The Extension Division's activities are carried on from offices
in Lansing, Cadillac, and Marquette. It is this Division's function
to :

1. Give advice and counsel from the best practices for
establishing, organizing, and administering public and school

libraries to board members, local officials, and interested citizens.

-26—

2. Coordinate the library services of the State.

3. Coordinate libraries with other educational institutions.

h. Collect and preserve statistics of our libraries and to
undertake studies and to disseminate the results.

5. Plan county and multi-county or regional libraries and
to conduct educational programs for larger units. The State Li-
brarian is authorized to develop a plan for the establishment and
location of regional libraries located throughout the state, based
on a detailed survey of the needs of the various localities. In
order to accomplish this, the State Library shall:

a. Establish grants-in—aid to public libraries.

b. Preserve the administrative minimum standards for
library service.

c. Prepare and administer standards for the certifi-
cation of librarians. The State Board for Libraries provides for
vocational workshops which give training annually to some 200
librarians in the smaller libraries.

d. Inspect libraries which may be established or
assisted under any legislative provision for State grants to libraries.

These represent the formal goals of the Michigan State
Library. The Civil Service Code determines the formal structure of

the organization which pursues these goals.

’3
-L

Every member of the staff, including the administrators - the
State Librarian and the Assistant State Librarian —- is appointed and
none are elected. With the exception of the administrators, whose
appointments are for a specified period of time, the rest of the posi-
tions are safeguarded by the provisions of the Civil Service Code of
the State of Michigan. The 'sphere of competence' of each position
is delimited by these same regulations. These egulations recognize
different levels of authority and ability by establishing differen—
tial salaries and duties. The training required for each position
is specified and the significance of this training is emphasized by
these differentials. The members of the staff are all aware of
their ratings, i.e., Civil Service Classifications, as well as the
ratings of their fellow workers. They know the duties and authority
associated with the rating. Here then, is an 'cbjective' means of
determining the position of each member of the organization. One
knows from whom he is to take orders, and to whom he can appeal de-
cisions.

The occupation of librarian is rather well-fitted for a distinct
form of specialization. The cataloger in a State Library has no occasion
to do reference work -— both jobs are specialities and are recognized
as such. The most important factor in determining the official class-
ification of a position is the training which is required for that
position.

Except in the cases of part-time employees, the official posi-

tion does demand the full working capacity of the individual. Office

holding is a vocation for most of the

\P’-,"t"‘. ‘9‘1
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actors -— particularl.y those who

privileges, and anouzit c1 pension are directly Isle ted to tne amount

of service.

Duties are defined, not in reiit on t.o persons, but in relation
to an 'officc.‘ Procedures are standardized in order that any indi~

vidual who meets certain qualifications may perform them. Thus the

1")”

relationship of any actor is not to Mr. X but to, say, noierence Li-

bra rien I -- who has Mt nduties, a delegated amount of authority,
and a responoitillty commons urate with this authori,y
For a nunber of reasons the pecuniary rewards of this occupation

are low. However, in contrast with other governmental bureaucracies

in which compensation for certain pom tions is well below that of
similar non-governmental occupations, the State Librarian's salaries /
are equal to or be ’er than those of the aVerage librarian in the
United States.
Through an examination of the purely formaleepects of this
org' ati ion, it would seem the t it corresponds rather closely to

the ideal rational-leral bure aucrz cy. The inf] dance of the codified
provisions of Civil Service; the membership in a larger governmental
institution; and the attempts of the occupational group itself to

attain a recognized profesSional standing; together with a number of

r,
-(, /-

factors which are beyond the SCOpe of this study, indicate that on
the basis of formal organization, weber's criteria are satisfied.
There are, however, other considerations which influence organ-
ization, and which are not forrally determined. The deviations from
the rules and regulations which the formal structure imposes must be
examined, as well as those relationships which are not directly
affected by the formal organization. This leads us to the eXamina-
tion of what shall be termed 'ihformal organization} of the library

before the fire.

CHAPTER III
INFORMAL ORGANIZATION

Introduction

In this chapter we will be concerned with the analysis of "that
netword of personal and social relations which are not defined or
prescribed by formal organization,"11 which we will term informal
organization.

Such a distinction is necessary if we are to understand more
fully the reactions of this organization to a crisis, since there is
a wide range of possible behavior which is left undefined by the
formal rules of the organization.

Informal organization may be viewed as a necessary condition for
the deveIOpment of any formal organization which is in turn a nece-
ssary condition for the persistence and extension of informal organ-
ization.12 The separation made here is for thepurpose of analysis
only, and is not intended to imply'that any separate and distinct
organizations do exist. The organizational chart —- which is the
graphic representation of the way in which the library is organized -
"prOtrays the norms of 'anatomy.' we must look to the informal organ-
ization to understand the physiology of the organism and the dynamics

of its behavior."13

11 11. Miller, D. C. and Form, W; H. Industrial Sociology, Harper
and Brothers, new York. 1951. p. 27h
12. Bernard, C. I. The Functions of the Executive. Harvard
University Press. Cambridge. 1950. p. II7
13. Mansfield, H. C. and marx, M. F. Elements of Public Adminis-
tration. Edited by Marx, M. F. Prentice-HaII-inc. NEW York. l9h67'p. 51

 

 

 

 

Formally undefined areasnmy vary greatly from one bureaucratic
organization to another. Thus the rules of a military bureaucracy
may govern the whole life of the individual for as long as he remains
a member of the organization. The rules specify with whom he may
associate and to whom.he must pay symbolic deference. On the other
hand, the rules of an academic bureaucracy may apply only to a very
limited part of the individual's life. Our first problem, then, will
be to determine the extent to which the formal rules of the Michigan
State Library influence the staff members' lives.

we will also be interested in the manner and place in which the
library staff Operates. The rules of the formal organization of the
library state the kind of work which is to be done and specify the
place and time at which it is to be performed, but they do not deter-
mine the actual physical conditions which obtain or the particular
people with whom the work is done. we will consider these conditions
as constituting the work situation.

It is necessary to know how the rules of the organization are in—
terpreted by both the administration and the staff, and how this interpre-
tation modifies the Operation of these rules. we will be interested in
the relationship between the formal position of the actor and the way
in which the actor is ranked by his co-workers. The importance to the
members of the staff of the goals of the organization will affect their
attitudes toward their Job and the values they hold. Closely related to
this is the orientation toward authority of both the subordinates and

the super—ordinates. This orientation will partly determine the

way in which the rules are interpreted. The morale of the staff, insofar
as we can determine it, may help us to explain some of the reactions of
the staff.

Finally, we will consider the occupational characteristics which the
librarian in the United States seems to have and the degree to which the
librarians in this study compare to the other members of the occupation.

These are a few of the informal aSpects of organization which we
will examine in this chapter. It is important that we know about these

aspects if we are to understand why the agency reacted as it did.

Work Situation

The place where the work is done, the kind of work which is done,
and the conditions under which it is performed, as well as those with
whom it is done, constitute important segments of the work situation.
Here we will consider the physical aspects of the work situation in the
Michigan State Library prior to the fire.

The State Office Building was a relatively new structure, erected
in 1923. Its seven floors housed most of the State agencies. The
Michigan State Library occupied part of the basement floor, and the
north end of the first and second floors. The large majority of the
staff worked in this building. The Law Library (four members) was
quartered in the State Capitol Building. The remaining members of the
staff were members of the Extension Department and were split between
Cadillac, Marquette, Lansing, and Grand Rapids. Our main concern here x\

will be with those staff members who were quartered in the State Office

Building, since they were the ones who were most directly affected by
the fire. (A floor plan, showing the location of the various depart-
ments of the library in the State Office Building, follows on page
33A.)

The physical facilities of the library before the fire were con—
sidered inadequate by both the administration and the members of the
staff. "In the offices, desks are crowded together at a square foot-
age averaging from L0 to sixty feet, instead of the miniwum 100 feet
per person."1h Stack Space was insufficient and "space for patrons
poorly arranged and over-crowded."ls On the basis of American Library
Association standards, the Michigan State Library was Operating at a
C-+- level of efficiency, i.e., slightly above average. The members of
the staff agreed with this analysis. The single most undesirable as-
pect of the work situation before the fire for ale st all of the staff
was the crowded conditions under which work had to be done.

The location of the State Library in the State Office Building
and within one block of the State Capitol meant that the State employees
utilized the library facilities during their lunch hours. Thus, the
members of the library staff were forced to stagger their own lunch
periods to service this influx of patrons. This location was a desir-
able one from the point of View of maximizing service to the State

agencies and to State employees, since, "Use decreases in proportion

1h. Budget Pequest for the Michigan State Library for 19h9 - 1950

 

 

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-324-

to the physical distance of each department from the South walnut (State
Office Building) location."l6 Unlike most public libraries, the Michi-
gan State Library staff worked the same schedule as the rest of the
State employees -— 8:00 A.M. to 5:00 PM.17 five days per week.

The normal process of growth and eXpansion of any organization,
and particularly of a library in which growth is determined.by the
increase in material which the library is supposed to make available, inp

tensified the over—crowded conditions which prevailed before the fire.

Modification of Formal Rules

In every work organization, certain jobs are considered to be more
desirable than others and are ranked accordingly. Thus, certain Jobs
entail higher salaries, more desirable duties, honorific titles, and so
on. The Civil Service Code institutes a strict formalization of these
differentials - salaries are specified, duties and qualifications de-
fined, and the position receives an official classification based upon
these considerations. In the case of the Michigan State Library, the
institution of the Civil Service Code is of recent origin (l9hl), and
these rules only served to supplement and did not completely replace
the previously established relationships. In other words, traditional

h

ways of behavior served to modify the formallyadefined behavior. ‘5'

16. Ibid., p. 5

17. A skeleton staff remained on duty until 5:30 P.M.

When Civil Service regulations were instituted (on January 1, 19hl)
the administration did not react according to the rational and legal de-
mands of the new rules. According to the new requirements for the posi-
tions which were established by the Civil Service Regulations, some of
the incumbents in the positions were not 'qualified' to hold the posi-
tion. However, instead of proceeding to act 'logically' and dismiss
these persons and replace them with 'qualified' personnel, much of the
personnel were retained. An occurrence of this kind serves to empha—
size the point that there are various kinds of premises upon which
logical action may be based. The selection of particular premises
'will be dependent upon the values which are existent in the organiza-
tion and in the society. An administration cannot, as a rule, pro-
ceed to act solely upon the premise that 'efficient, swift, and pre-
cise' administration is the only criterion to be considered. In short,
tradition cannot be ignored, when it has become established over a
period of 30 years. This occurrence is one example of the limitation
which is imposed upon those who might wish to Operate solely on the
basis of 'efficiency' and to treat other relationships as unimportant
and irrelevant.

The ranking which is ascribed to each position by the rules of this
kind of organization does not correspond to the ranking which the actors
give to those occupying the positions. Position is used here to desig-
nate the official classification of an actor, and includes the rights
and duties which devolve upon him as a consequence of being assigned a

certain classification. 'Status' is used to signify the general ranking

"—" -36..

of an individual in the social system on the basis of his position, and
includes the esteem in which he is held. This definition rec0gnizes
that the way in which an individual performs his duties may be as imp
portant, or more important, than the assignment of these duties.
Status refers to both the official position and to the subjective
evaluation of the way in which he performs in this position - an eval-
nation which is made by his fellow workers. Thus, the position of an
individual does not necessarily correSpond directly to his status in
the informal social system.18
The non-correspondence of position and status is probably charac-
teristic of any system where there are formally defined social relations.
Professional classification —- the basis for determining the position of
all the members of the staff —- is important in the determination of the
actor's status. The staff members realize that the possession of the
necessary training and qualifications is very important if the actor is
to advance within the library.l9The actors know their own Civil Service
‘°§££3Hga and are aware of the ratings of their fellows. But other factors 1
are also important in determining status. Length of service, membership
in one department rather than another, and certain personality character-

istics influence the way in which the actor is ranked.

 

18. This use of status does not refer to socio-economic class
position or to the status in the community or inrnn-occupationally re-
lated areas.

0 19. It should be noted here that professionals stressed the "abilty
to get along with people," while the non—professionals stressed training
as being most important in advancing in the library.

20 concerning status,

In reply to a question on the interview schedule
three peOple were named three times as often as any others. One was an
administrator, the other a long-time member of the staff, and the third
a non-professional with a relatively low position in the formal structure.
All three of these persons had at least ten years service with the
library, and the first two mentioned were both professional librarians.
It will be interesting to compare, in another chapter, this evaluation
with that of those who were considered to be the most 'valuable' during
the fire.

One of the main attractions of library work for these people is the
Opportunity to 'meet the public.‘ The ability to perform this function
well is viewed as being second in importance only to training for pro-
motion. The importance of this aspect of the job is evidenced by the
fact that those who formerly worked in smaller, less—specialized
libraries, and who are now doing work which does not permit this face-
to-face contact, missed this contact the most. In the State Library we
found a direct relationship between the position of the department (as
reflected in the number and percentage of professionals and high-class~
ification Jobs in the department) and the degree of contact which the
department had with the public. The Reference and Extension Departments
have the highest percentage of professional librarians - formally, the
Reference Department is composed solely of professionals, while the
.Extension Department includes stenographic assistants as well as pro—

fessionals. These two departments are named by non—professionals as the

 

20. See Appendix A, question 3h.

-23—

most desirable in which to work, and the Reference Department is named
more often than any other. Although no member of the staff would ex-
plicitly rank these departments, the conclusion that these two depart-
ments possessed highest status would seem justified on the basis of
the above evidence.

Deepite the fact that contacts with the public are considered to be
very important, no formal provisions are made for the official direction
of these relations. In order to fulfill this function, a person was
hired to take charge of these duties - under the somewhat ambiguous
classification of Library Assistant. The individual hired had had ex-
perience in public relations from the standpoint of advertising and
publicity, but had had no experience in library work. What is signi-
ficant about this, is that the position was, in a sense, created for
the Specific purpose of handling public relations, although the need
for this position was not formally recognized.

In another instance an individual was hired as a professional li-
brarian, not on the basis of a professional library degree, but because
he had had extensive training in child psychology, and the position he
was to fill was that which dealt with children's literature.

These examples illustrate the fact that considerable leeway may be
permitted the administration in the interpretation of the rules which

govern the organization.

Values and Goals

Perhaps the most striking aspect of this organization is the extent
to which the goals of the organization (as formally defined) are also the
goals of the actors. There is a very strongly verbalized adherence to

18 goal of "service to the public." For every actor, this is the prin—
ciple and most important purpose of the library. The actors also tend to
identify strongly and positively with the library. Some typical consents
are:

"I couldn't be more interested in tze library."

"The library is my family."
This identification is not confined to the professionals, for it seems
to be related to the length of service the indi'idual has with the organ-
ization. The longer this tenure, the more the identification with the
ends of the organization.

The actors tended to reify the library, and they'spoke of it as an
entity -- separate and apart from the personnel involved. This reifica-
tion seems to be characteristic of all organizations, and it may be neg-
ative as well as positive. This can lead to a distinction between the
actions of the 'Library' and ,hose of the actors who carry out policy.

It seems doubtful if this tendency to reify is peculiar to any particu—
lar type of social organization or to the composition of the organiza-
tion. Here, it is treated as a 'social fact.‘ Accompanying this reifi-
cation was a tendency to personify the library by referring to certain
p€”ple as "being the library," or "he epitomiZes the library." This

personfication was always used in a complimentary sense.

”5.3V.

It is iIt1re:+'rg to ncte ihat these too tendozzcies are, in one
sense, inconsistent and contradictory. If the litrary exists somehow
independently of the pa: wti ilar people who occupy the posi.tior s in the
structure, then the parsonalitv of' these indixidunls should not be
portant. But it should be pointed out that a change in personnel

ffects the inte r—rors onal rel,-ion nips 01' the staff and thus may
readily affect the 'character' of the organisation. Obviously, the
fact that these two tendencies arc logically inconsistent does not mean
that they are not significant or that they cannot be admi ted and dis-

q

cussed meaningfully by the actors.

Morale

The great majority of the staff I'“Uu.td satisfaction with the
jobs they hold. This was particule. ly true of the professionals and
sub~professionals. Although the wtcr s ney'have been reluctant to ex-
press dissatisfaction to an outsider, the impression remains that they
were honest in their exrres Mi no of job satisfaction. Some verifica+ion
of this is provided by the fact that many of the individuals had long
terms of service, a factor which can signify several things: Either
the actor remaired at his job betause he enjoyed the work, or he
claims that he enjoys the work because he has been 'forced' to remain
on the job. None of the professionals mentioned going outside of the
library profession for another job.

a

The administration had described morale as "highw‘:l If morale is

adequately re "lected in job sa.tisfaction, acceptance of the goals of the

organization, and continuing service, our conclusions from the above evi—

dence wool d be that he administrat ion's estin ate we 3 corr>ct

 

219 B;uf._.+- RCQ‘Crt’ 0}}. Cit», p. 2

Orientation Toward Authority

A more difficult aspect of the informal organization to evaluate
is the orientation of the administration.91 The rules may be strictly
enforced -— "by the book" -- or a good deal of latitude may be allowed
in this enforcement. The administration may consume most time and
energy in the management of external rather than internal relations.

The administration of the Michigan State Library seemed to make a
conscious effort to maintain a 'democratic'22 rather than an 'authori—
tarian' policy in regard to internal relations. It maintained an ‘Open—
door' policy, i.e., any member of the staff was to feel free to approach
the administration with any problems or suggestions. To achieve his
end, an effort was made by the administration to have lunch with members
of different departments once a week. In addition, staff 'teas' were
held monthly. The manifest function of the teas was social, but they
also performed a number of other functions, prid"rily in aiding commun-
ication and maintaining informal solidarity. The teas were the only
times when all the menbers of the staff were together.

The nature of the professional librarian's duties makes any attempt
at constant and direct supervision impossible. It is relatively diffi-
cult to perform a time-study on the process of answering a reference

question. This situation combined with the tendency for any bureaucratic

 

21. “Administration" is used here to designate those actors occupy-
ing executive positions and who are formally responsible for the opera-
tion of the library, namely the State Librarian and the Assistant State
Librarian.

22. The words 'democratic' and 'authoritarian' imply nothing about
the relative efficiency or superiority of either process. See, Bendix,
.R. Bureaucracy: The Problem and Its Setting. American Sociolo-ical
Review. 12: 1493 - 507

-L 2..

administration to be concerned with external rather than internal re-
lations, meant that the administration was more concerned with matters
of policy than with the maintenance of any strict discipline. Internal-
ly there was a minimization of those formallybdefined differentials in
salaries and duties. Thus there were no separate rest—rooms for pro-
fessional and non—professional workers. Association on the job seemed
to be on the basis of the departuent in which one worked, rather than
whether or not the individuals were both professionals. This may be
contrasted with the organization of other bureaucracies where one's
associations are determined by his position in the hierarchy. This

is not to say that these differentials were not recognized, but the
staff was relatively small and there was little need for symbolic dif-
ferentiation'between positions. There may not be the need for the in~
formal intensification of what everyone already knows. Some of the
newer members of the staff expressed the Opinion that the staff was
"too loosely organized," an indication that they were not aware of the
informal rankings and precedents which had become solidified over a
long period of time - 30 years for some members of the staff.

There was no doubt in the actors' minds that the administration
'really' made the decisions on matters of policy, but as one actor
jpointed out, "Sometimes there's just no use in making formal decisions,"
implying that informal decisions are made on the basis of tradition and
precedent which are accepted by both subordinate and super-ordinate. For
exampha,any attempt to institute separate facilities for the use of

professional and nonprofessional staff members during their leisure time

would very probably be resented and might possibly be unworkable. There
are some areas wherein formal decisions contrary to certain established
traditions would be ineffectual. When both the goals of the actor and
the organization are similarly defined, this may present no difficulty
whatsoever. It may quite probably facilitate actions, since a large

area of agreement would negate the necessity for many formal decisions.

Communication

Under ordinary conditions the process of communication was a fairly
simple one. The staff was small, and a good share of the staff was lo-
cated in one building. Staff bulletins, bulletin boards, and the monthly
staff teas served to supplement the usual procedure of orders flowing
through channels. As we have mentioned before, the members of the s taff
were well aware of the positions held by their fellows and of the author-
ity that these positions possessed. In the great majority of instances
the normal channels of communication were quite adequate.

The 'open-door' policy of the administration was seldom followed.
The members of the staff almost invariably went 'through channels.‘

The communication process was affected by the physical separation
of some departments from others. For example, when the actors were asked
which department was least affected by the fire they seldom mentioned the
Law Library. This department was actually least affected by the fire since
it was housed in the State Capitol, and would have been the 'logical' reply
to the question. All the members of the staff 'knew' that the Law Library
was part of the State Library, but because of this physical separation and

the fact that it performs very specialized functions and has little direct

Contact with any cf the otM newsxitcht , it was no. closely associated

with the 'Librarr' by the actors.

UVCLFFtJUHdl Che Fact: ristics
Infernal orga. ni'ation is atuuil afFethd by the occrga
"cultures" of those in the organization. T are are 3’1e Titstandin:
lainei eit u? iv the

‘r 7,, A t ‘w; c .L ' (‘ ,. .. 5‘ L I c .L . , 7' C' ...',-.', v.1... ._ .,.a ., t 14 2,..-
C51“ . Ci", VA .1 u U] _. L'.‘ t.‘ L '.. '9 x-'.- 3. #4. .L ' itg‘u 1) ("a . -L"'- ' {I t, I»?
.

. ‘-‘: ‘A. - " \ " x : -H--‘Qf\ ' " 1r’wi-W'HF-J ’. \ .v‘.- '- ‘Nfi f‘
way in WniCh tie structuze is icin.l-y o: a lead cr tie i.;or.al re—

— . - —: . ~ g ' 7:“ A_ ll : v-x.' [I 1-. a." \ -: w v ‘ .v‘ u r\-'» r ' rq'w ‘. I , “

viorsl ps‘wnich chimin. idtbfl C.uistLIlLfle are to authncns cl
f‘r‘A-rl‘ ‘ ch ' ' h r or ; 4 ("1 . wan r' 9 t 14"" ' .--‘v I» w p c \[a -. ~11: ° w } : n+7 -' --' n 4.

J ....b€r-D- 1p l‘L Cl Q:)LC.LJ. .LL L.» k. .11., ,G .LC.1, 1~ ...lbal (Lil " ..... MI “'9‘ .1." ‘4...) \ U154“ 34..

a carts in serial ;rosti*3 and which attracts new Lambers at lei t
a
partly) for these reasons.

There is, for exaxgle, no formal rule which requires that the li-

brarians be fexale. however, all but gwo of the profesSionall ibrariarzs
are felt ale- (one male; roie--ional was a ting in the capacity of edgin—

. "- ‘ - \ " . v'w ' " "‘ t """ f‘ ': ' ""‘ ~-\ ‘V - r. - - ‘ 4 -' 1w
istrafor.) Cf the eight males on .he Uta f, f-Ve eel- nylmzcd in guts

of low position —— shipping or messenger work. This prepsnde an‘r of

" " ‘- n‘r " ~ 1 5-. - u ’7"..— I.‘ 3 a..." ‘..

women has ng3 far—:waching structural :m3lica tions. LAP role oi tau
0 e I I a 1- .

male adminis rater thLé me did Le superior are all his suture nate

defa rtnent hes ds (with the evception cf the head of the dhinping De—

partment, which is traditionally a male occupation) are female wculd

1.}:

be a d ffjcult one. Since it is also tne jab cf tne assistant Litrarian
to handle personnel management, we chl= expect that this position would
be more difficult than if a mere balanced, or wrr? conventi val, sex—

. .

1‘0 '. ‘ ' -.-... a ‘I :r I'_) ‘\ " \ ‘.--n:‘: 1 , "" 1M: 3. r, v- :
ratio exie ted. actually this YL;Q ass 3 Ci- lcal. one, ng {as MS; in

V.-an it “at; 1.1.6:, ‘T‘u v2.32? .Lzll 1«“’.-p‘.. . u; ; «Rules- ("no-1 ultgl‘lo lQ; --- Luz

aspect of the situation'with which we cannot be concerned. What we are
stressing is the fact that this position is potentially stressful for
any male who holds it, because of this occupationally-related character—
istic of the library staff. Also, since in our society women are dis-
criminated against, this means that the male professional is more likely
to be promoted to administrative positions. we found that all the pro-
fessional males were, or aspired to be, upwardly mobile -— one already P”
an administrator and the other two with that position as their goal.

There are historical reasons for this high percentage of women in
the occupation. we cannot here deal with these historical reasons, but
in the following pages we will point out certain aSpects of the occupa-
tion which seem to be a result of the selective and recruitment process
of the occupation. we will present the findings of other studies, much
broader in scape than this one, and then compare the Michigan State
Library with other libraries.

Amy Winslow23 in commenting upon the picture of the average librarian
as presented by recent research, describes the following as the principle
characteristics of the librarian:

Tinety—two per cent of all librarians are female. Salaries are
higher for males than for females. The librarian is 'reasonably
well-adjusted. She has poorer leadership qualities than the average
university student and greater feelings of inferiority. Seventy-
four per cent of all librarians would probably or certainly choose
the same career, but would not recommend the career to others. The
most difficult prOblem for the library administrator is that of
securing qualified personnel.

Miss Alice I. Bryan, who made the research upon which Miss

Winslow comments, saysfil‘

5

‘ '
A

, 23. Asheim, M". A Forum on the Public Libra Inguig. Columbia
Lnianersity Press. New fork, l§§l. pp. 9? -

2h. Personal communication from Miss Bryan dated April 25, 1951

my librarians had strong literaryhaesthetic interests, their
leisure time activities tended to be intellectual and sedentary.
They tended to be below average in social ascendancy and to have
stronger feelings of inferiority than the average college student.
A large majority are happy in their work and they chose librarian-
ship as a career because they like books, library work, and the
library enviornnent. Economic motives play a small part in their
choice of livelihood. They would like sons of the advantages
that unionization would bring, but on the whole are opposed to
library unions. Many fear that working under Civil Service,
while it might bring some benefits, would result in a loss of
identity for their group among the larger groups of municipal
employees. Education for themselves and for others is one of
their chief values. They have high ideals of service and a
strong belief in the efficacy of books and reading to preserve
the values of the civilization.

There are some limitations apparent when we attempt to compare the
staff of the Michigan State Library with this 'mythically typical' li-
brarian.

1. Miss Bryan is a psychologist, and her investigation util-
ized tests and techniques which were not available for our study. Thus
we have no index as to social ascendancy or feelings of inferiority.

2. The Public Library Inqairy was a study of public and state
libraries, and the personnel of the Michigan State Library may be differ--
ent from those in other libraries.

3. The hichigan State Library is under Civil Service Regulations,
a condition which does not obtain for the majority Ol libraries.

we did find, however, that there was a close correSpondence between
the characteristics of all librarians and those of the members of the
Michigan State Library Staff. (This assumes, of course, that the sample
chosen for investigation by Miss Bryan was representative of the occupa-
tion. )

The same preponderance of females found in the Michigan State Library

is characteristic of the occupation in general. Like other librarians,

these were well-satisfied with their jobs and held many of the values
mentioned by Miss Bryan. If social participation (which we attempted
to determine by asking questions nine, ten, and eleven) can.be related
to 'social ascendancy‘ then the same relationship would hold. we found
that the majority of the librarians did not participate in outside activ-
ities to any extent. Many of the professionals belonged to library
associations and societies, but "we're just not joiners," seems to be an
apt description.

We were interested in some things which Miss Bryan does not discuss.
In an attempt to determine the librarian's self-image, we asked question
thirty - "Do you think that most peeple have the correct idea of the
kind of person the librarian is?" - Although the answer to this ques-
tion was almost invariably an immediate, "N01" the reSpondents showed
that they were well aware of the image of themselves which the public
holds.' Some of the members of the staff thought that this stereotype
does have a basis in fact and that it fitted perhaps 25 to 50 per cent
of the staff. The staff members characterized this stereotype in this
way: "The librarian wears black stockings and horned-rimmed glasses. .
she's frowsy and old-maidish. . .I always think of a librarian as a per-
son whose slip is showing. . .the librarian is kind of like a school
teacher." Most of the items mentioned were considered negatively by the
staff members.

In other research25 it was found that college students' impressions

of librarians are about one-half negative ("introverted, queer, eccentric

 

25. Form, W. H. Pepular Images of Librarians. Library Journal
71: 851 -855.

Hark, NOISE}, (."i-l.) 5111: r..~.“..t'-‘ i. Liar/'"ptail .1 Inadfi‘clo 1... Equal c _ I‘m; 1%.,in“

r“ .“- 1 . .‘. - .. I A .‘- -.. p .‘. ,t .41 1. “i '
L; Lid? .I luv}.- E-I uL“-1L (Cd‘- ...u Ix b6 1 3' L til», {.3 2., o 0 or: 5 .~ L‘i' (I A.&-*Lr~ . "
»v-" ‘ ‘ 1- " -l ' 1“ .'-" ' -‘ 1 '~ ‘ z ‘ '.’ 0-7 r“ . ' . - ‘ ~‘ . ; ‘ "" ‘ A

E,L‘.[L'- ’ '..\,i‘-.«'\. .1 LL:(.4 L’4Lile‘ .2 .. in E , .’. ‘ 933'- t“ ‘ . T glult; - ‘. ' :L. t. Slf—pOSbULCcdo

Underneath they are inhibited, slightly neurotic and conservative
in social and political relations. . .Ihey lack positive personal
attributes."26

This image of the librarian that is held by tne public, and of which
the prospective librarian is well aware, is probably one of the factors
which has resulted in a decrease of nine per cent in library school en—
rollment between l9hO-h1 and 19L6-L9.

The occupation itself has a rather ambiguous status. As 3. C.
Hughes points out, "Ihe study (The Public Library Inquiry) iniicates
pre-occupation with professional standing. A new and self—conscious
occupations (is) striving hard to be a professions and (is) dreadfully
afraid that not all librarians will observe company manners and thus may
bust the reputations of others."27 The classification of sub—professional
is unique to the library. It refers to an individual who has had college
training but who does not possess the library degree. In this attempt
to attain recognized professional standing, requirements are raised and
become more important, and this in turn actsto limit further the re-
cruitment of people into the field.

In the case of the Michigan State Library, a further complication
presents itself. If we are correct in identifying this organization as

26. Ibid., p. 85h

I‘l‘ .

27. Asheim, 5. F. op. cit., pp. 107 — 108

44 9-

a bureaucracy, then in many cases the professional will also be a bu»
reaucrat. The enactment of these two roles of professional and bureau.
crat which may be incompatible, would be difficult in some cases. In
addition, the professional requirements may not be strictly functional
in all cases. If we examine a roughly analogous situation, it may hip
us to understand some of the possible difficulties.

The physician or attorney or minister who enters military service
as a professional would be subject to two separate and in some areas,
different sets of rules and ethical codes. He would still be a profes-
sional but he would also be a member of a very highly bureaucratized
organization. The playing of these two roles might prove to be ex-
ceptionally difficult. The actor in this situation may be confronted
with a dilemma, i.e., he must choose to remain a professional or to
become a bureaucrat, and he cannot do both. Generally then, we would
expect that when the actor is playing a role which is governed by rules
and ethical codes which are not wholly compatible, this role becomes a
difficult one to play. The Michigan State Librarian may be in the posi—
tion of being both a professional and a bureaucrat.

In addition to these structural and occupational characteristics,
there exists the fact that the library is performing a service which, in
our society, is not generally viewed as vital to the society. This
affects the amount of money allotted to the library and thus limits the
expansion of service, the salaries which may be paid, and consequently

affects the recruitment of personnel for the occupation or profession.

[Y

/'

[I

l‘

Despite the fact that professional standing is becoming more and more
important, the rewards are not commensurate with the training and the
cost of preparation for the profession.

Let us briefly summarize our findings as to the informal organiza-
tion of the Michigan State Library:

The group with which we are immediately concerned is composed of
51 members, most of whom are women. It is stratified on the basis of
formal position, seniority, age, and personal evaluations. There is
a close correspondence between the members of this group and the 'typi—
cal' librarian. Morale was high and most of the actors considered the
library a good place to work, even though the conditions were not ideal.
Contrary to principles of bureaucratic organization, a democratic orien-
tation toward authority existed. The formal patterns of organization
were modified by the Operation of the informal organization.

There exists an area of potential incompatibility between the formal
requirements of the organization and the traditional patterns of behavior,
e.g., the maintenance of an 'open—docr' policy is contrary to the basic
principle of hierarchical arrangement and process of communication.
Althcugh they were members of a bureaucratic organization, the members
of the staff did not think of themSelves as bureaucrats, but as profes-
sionals. The playing of the role of a professional in a bureaucracy is
a possible source of tension, since the position may involve a number of
incompatibilities. fie found that the male administrator in a female-
dominated organisation is in a potentially difficult position. It is
probable that a decision will have to be made as to which of several

philosophies of library service are to be adopted, i.e., whether to

r’fi
- LL-

emphasize the function of the library as a depository or to attempt to

further extend the services of the library as much as possible.

With tde formal and informal organization reconstructed, we now
shall turn our attention to the flre. Not all aspccis of the crisis will
be considered, rather it will be examined in light of the framework we
have used for the consideration of the library as it existed prior to the

fire.

S
f.
<‘
(I
(T .
+4
3
{T
C

'Crisis' as used here has a Specific meaning. is
it to refer to a buqdan Surlod of unanticipated eVents which rean_ta in
prolonged disruntion of the normal functions of the organization con-
cerned. The anyhnsls Upon dioruption cf function scrst to focus atten-
tion upon the org1nirational aspects. One can detcrane whether or not
the events are anticipatcd by rufurring to tlc r4193 of tka organlraflpn.
An arny, for inatn;0c, proviuua rules fer rctLQQ during retreat c” gl—
iuqt. JLtni: flirly Lrosd liujté, Qiqrpgiiun CI ffiTuliun can Lc Qu+vr~

“ a Q . . a . : - 1 1. ‘ '2 ’ v 1 <“ -‘ .- n11 - ~ ‘- w . , ‘o- .-. v" .' ‘
nlrtu 'obgwuilxbly.' ln tlls r.;nlL4:a- l gnnflkb, t“: Cdbrwb 0i glo—

ruptiun can be deferrincd relatLVch c1oily.

Review of chialbbiual literature on Criojs
There JCCLS to be a csnsjhcrablc airfarence of Opinion in socio-

lugical literature as to the use of 'crisis' as a sociological concept.

’1
Bidney‘e deflnes cris;s as "a stafs of emerguncy LrOuéht about Ly the

28. bidncy, C. W. ELc Curccgt of Cultural Crisis. Amuricun

Antnr(yolrgict. Lfi‘ 53F - 5520

suspension of normal, or previously prevailing technological, social or
ideological concitions." This definition closely pw aml is tne one used
in this study.
However, Mowrer, ‘7 equates crisis with disor axiiatiou, and Lescure 33
uses crisis to mean economic depression. Neither of these two definitions
were suitable for our purpoSes.

v. . 21 1" . . ., 33 . -... . .‘.~ -.;

Mowrer,' Hughes, 5 and hugell all treat crisis JD a broao societol
manner. For Mowrer and Hughes, war and depression are the major cr is; s
and they are an elyzed in respect to thoir affect upon the society,
rather than upon the structure of a specific organization.

A number of studies have been done on the affect of a personal crisis
upon personal organization, 3h but these are prirarily from the ps;'cholog-

ical or psychiatric viewpoint rather than a structural one.

29. Mowrer, E. R. Social Crises and Social Lisoige.‘2at on.
American Sociological Review. 15:60 - 65.

30. Lescure, J. Crisis. o“c§olo1odja of the Social Sciences.
Macmillan. New York, 1937. V. 3 —4h, pp. 535 —

 

 

\

31. Mowrer, E. R. op. cit.

32. hughes, E. C. The Impact of war on.Arerican Institutions.
American Journal of Sociclcgv. h8: 398 - hOB.
33. Angeli, R. C. The Familerncounfers the Dorrossicn. Scribners
.'ew York, 1936.

 

3h. Some examples are: Grinker, R. R. Hon Under Stress. Blaikston
Press, Philadelphia, 19h5. Bet+leheim, B. Individual and M es Behavior
in Extreme Situations. Journal of Abnorval are Social Psvcholcgi. 38: h]-7 -S2.
Bloch, H. A. The Personality of Inmates of Concentiation Camps. American
Journal of Sociolcgv, ,2: 335 - 3L1. Kr ramer, R. The Conceptual Status
of Social uiooxsaiiuation. American Journal of Sociology, hB: h66 - h'.’L.
Malamud, I. T. Psychology Applied to the Studyf of Social Crisis. Amer-
ican Journal 2£_Sociologv, L3: 578, 799. Stom fir, et. al. The American

 

 

 

There is considerable literature in the field of social disorgan-

3h

ization,“ but the use of the concept of disorganization involves a
number of difficulties which we wish to avoid. The statistical indices
used to 'measure' disorganization reflect a normative definition of the
term. One is also confronted with the problem of deciding whether
social disorganization must also involve personal disorganization or
vice versa. The term itself connotes a judgment of value, and we are
not interested in making value judgments here.

More difficult to overcome than these conceptual difficulties is
the lack of any sociological research on a specific crisis situation.
As Guthrie35 points out, "The records of such actions (reactions to crisis)
can.be secured and read by anyone interested, but the effects of the

shock on the peeple affected and on the social institutions and activities

of the community are not so apparent nor is the information so accessible."

 

Soldier. Princeton University Press, l9h9. Vols. I and II. Industrial
Conflict. First Yearbook of the Society for the Psychological—Stduy of
Social Issues. edited by Neucomb, T and Eartmann, H. Ilia Cordon Company,
l939. For additional information concerning the way in which this con-
cept has been used in.the social sciences, see: Gwinn, J. B. Do Disasters
Help? Social Forces, 8: 386r- 389 and Guthrie, E. F. The Crisis Concept
in the Approach to the Problem of Personality. Social Forces, 13: 383-390.

 

 

 

 

 

3h. Some examples are: Blumer, H. Social Organization and Individual
Disorganization. American Sociological_Review. h2: 871 - 877. Elliott,
M. A. and Merrill, E. B. Social Disorganisation. Harper and Brothers,
Chicago, 1939. Faris, E and Dunham, H. W. Mental Disorders in Urban Areas.
University of Chicago Press, 1939. ‘—

 

 

 

 

35. Guthrie, E. F. The Crisis Concept in the Approach to the Prob—
lem of Personality. Social Forces, 13: 383 - 390.

--.-.

I‘

. .n-..

In the past 23 years we could not find in sociological literature
any empirical study of a specific organization in a crisis situation.
Here, as popularly, crisis is used with a literary meaning, rather than
as a 'scientific' concept.

A semi-sociological investigation of the operation of various bu—
reaucracies prior to and during a mine disaster is given by John B.
Martin.36 He points out some of the characteristics of bureaucratic
administration and the consequences of these characteristics when the
four bureaucracies concerned were confronted with a crisis.

The novelist, of course, is primarily interested in crisis and its
affect upon the characters he creates. In EEE.E§§E§.§2§.th9 Dead§7Norman
Mailler attempts to show how membership in an Army platoon under combat
conditions affects the personality of those concerned, and how the opera-
tion of this formal organization is modified by the informal groupings
and associations which take place under these extreme conditions. Irwin

Shaw in.The Young Lion538 deals with.somewhat the same problem. There

 

is in this novel explicit awareness of the similarity of military organ-

izations and their effect on personality, whether these institutions are

 

in Germany or the United States. The Rest They Need38resents a novelist's

interpretation of the inter~personal relations in a large modern office,

36. martin, John B. The Blast in Centralis No. 5. Ha ers, March
19h8. p. 193

37.Rinehart. New York, l9h8.
38. Random House. New York, 19h8.

39. Lyons, Herbert. Dial Press, 1950.

-55..

with particular stress upon the 'Office' not only as a place where work
is done, but as a position of stress and strain. This list could be con-
tinued without any difficulty. The novels and short stories of Farrell,
Faulkner,'Wo1fe, Dos Passes, Steinbeck, Sartre, and many others all deal
with crisis, and many with the crisis that the individual faces in this
society, or in particular segments of this society.

In this investigation of crisis, then, we had to proceed without
the benefit of other empirical studies in the same area. The considera—
tion of the structural aspects of a Specific organization in a crisis
situation seems to be a field in which there are little or no sociolog-
ical data. The following section will attempt to show that the Michigan

State Library did, indeed, face a crisis.

Physical Effects of Crisis

The actions of an arsonist in the State Office Building precipitated
the reactions with.which we are here concerned. Before the fire which he
started was officially declared out - some seven days after the blaze
was discovered - between 35,000,000‘and $7,000,000 damage and destruction
had been done to the State Office Building. The Michigan State Library
suffered damage which, for a library, was "the greatest in the history of
the United States."ho The damage from the fire itself, together with the
effect of the millions of gallons of water that had been poured into the
building in sub-zero temperatures made the facilities of the building
unusuable for an indeterminate period. Consequently, the normal func-

tioning of the library was absolutely impossible.

 

ho. Kramer, Alvin. Lansing State Journal, February 15, 1951. p. l

 

Almost over-night the library staff found itself without a place to
work, minus its facilities, and with an unknown -— but probably large ~—
prOportion of its books destroyed or damaged. No personnel of the staff
were injured in the fire due to the fact that it was started during the
lunch hour, and that it spread slowly.

Thus, these events were sudden, unanticipated, and served to com—
pletely disrupt the functioning of the library and of the library staff.
It is now our problem to describe and attempt to explain the changes in
the pro-fire social structure of the staff which took place during the
period of reaction to the crisis. This process of reaction to the crisis
will be considered in two sections. The first period considered will be
the "first week" - as the personnel came to refer to it. This period
covered the duration of the fire, as well as the first few days of move-
ment to new locations and the initial removal of books to these temporary
quarters. From that time until the coniletion of the study, which was
also the time of another movement, will be treated as a separate but re-
lated period. Ihis division is not entirely arbitrary, since the personnel
concerned referred to the crisis in this way. "The first week" became an
almost idiomatic expression. It must be reiterated that this process of
reaction is still going one. It will probably continue for many years.
Thus, our view will be a very much segmentalized one. The long—run
effects will not be known for a good many years - the decisions which
‘will determine the future of the library have not yet been made. Ihe analy-
sis presented is by no means intended to be a complete analysis. It is
intended to present a picture of the way in which the social organization
of the library was affected by the crisis within the first three months

of the process of reaction.

Emotional Reactions to Crisis

Here we will shift our emphasis from the sociological sopects of the
crisis to consider the attitudes and emotional reactions of the members of
the staff to the crisis -~ essentially a social-psychological problem.
we will deal only with thCSe reactions which can be related to the cate-
gories we have previously utilized for analysis. lhose reactions which
were idiosyncratic cannot concern us here.

It was observed that the 'typical' reactions were similar to those
reactions which have been described as accompanying bereavement.hl Eliot
points out that, in our society, the initial shoes of bereavemznt is ac-
companied by disbelief and despair. This loss affects the whole life
situation of the person concerned. As a result there are many insistent
habits to be reconditioned, broken, or transferred piecemeal, and some
of them may prove persistent beyond control. Recovery may be found through
'work routine or ceremonials. A certain ambivalence is often felt, and
finally a re-organization of life habits is necessary.

we will attempt to show that this is the pattern of the reactions
of many of the members of the library staff. These attitudes and re-
actions were most evident in those individuals who had long tenure and
who were also professionals. They were, however, by no means restricted
to this group. When we recall. the close identification which many of
these individuals felt with the library, we see that for them this may

well have been a personal crisis. This is understandable when we

 

hl. Eliot, Thomas D. Bereavement: Inevitable but not Insurmountable.
in Becker, H. and Hill, R. Fanilg, marriage and Farenthood. D. C. Heath
and Company. Boston, 19h8. pp. 6hl - 669.

 

 

 

 

realize that for the bureaucrat the job becomes a vocation to which he
devotes the major share of his time and energy. Along with this formal-
ly-stated requirement there may also take place an emotional attachment
to the performance of certain duties under certain conditions to which
he has become accustomed. The performance of the job itself may take on
values which are Just as important as the achievement of the ends which
are the goals of the organization. The very rules of the bureaucracy
which were designed to insure long and efficient service with a minimum
of emotional attachment and non—rational influence, thus may create sit—
uations which they were designed to prevent.

The expectations of the informal organization may Operate to instill
this kind of identification. (In many bureaucracies this is calculated
inculcation.) Those occupational characteristics of long—service, fav-
orable attitudes toward the job, values which were closely related to
those of the occupation, all worked to make this crisis important to
the person as well as to the actor who held a certain position in the
structure.

When the fire was first discovered, none of the staff considered it
to be serious, "things like that had happened before." Some of the staff
members had to be ushered from the building by the State Police, because
they refused to believe that the fire would be serious enOUgh to disrupt
this work, "which after all, had to be done." In spite of the fact that
temperatures were belOW'zero, some of the staff left their personal be-

longings in the building. This immediate disruption was viewed lightly,

and many of the actors said that they, "felt like kids who'd received
an unexpected holiday."

However, when the fire continued to spread, this feeling was re-
placed by one of incredulous acceptance. There seemed to be every reason
to believe that this fairly modern, 'fire—proof' buflding could withstand
what was thought to be a minor blaze - but one could stand across the
street and watch the fire gain headway. Some of the members of the staff
came back to watch the fire, and when they saw that the building, and the
library, was being destroyed, "we just stood there and cried." The first
meeting of the department heads was held in the State Capitol Building
from which the blaze could be clearly seen - a setting which held ele—
ments of trauma for many of these staff members.

For the first week of the fire one of the means of recovery - work
routine - was denied these peOple. For the first week of the actual fire,
no one was allowed in the building without special permission, and no work
could be done under these conditions. Therefore, the staff members had
toas'ait a call back to work.

The first two weeks of the actual salvage operations were accompanied
by a kind of mild exhileration at being able to "do something for the
library," in spite of the fact that this 'something' was of a very diffi-
cult nature. This eagerness had, of course, dysfunctional as well as
functional aspects. The personnel involved tended to repeat jobs which
had already been done, and to work at a pace which was over-,iring, rather
than take occasional 'breaks.’ With but few exceptions, this eagerness
and willingness to do these difficult jobs held true for all members of

the staff. (One of the noneprofessional members of the staff worked

full time even though he was only paid for one—half time work - evidence

.. 61..

that this eagerness was not restricted to professionals.) The initial
reaction, in the Opinion of the administration and the rest of the staff
was "excellent."

It was during the prolonged period of disruption that habits and
procedures which had become standardized under 'normal' conditions were
transferred to the new situation. For instance, for a time, fines were
still charged on books which were taken out from the Information Center.
This practice was discontinued when one of the professionals suggested to
the administration that this was not the best way to encourage public
interest in the library's plight.

As the period of disruption dragged on, morale suffered. "As soon
as we could get back to doing the things we were used to doing, tensions
were reduced," was the observation of one of the staff. This seemed to
be a valid generalization. Those departments -- Extension and Traveling
Library -- which were able to re-institute accustomed functions more
rapidly than the other departments- seemed to fare better during this
period. The anxieties created by this long suSpension of service and
the attendant uncertainty of when -- or even if —- service would be re-
stored, was much more difficult to bear than the period of initial re-
action. Individuals began to wonder about the security of their posi-
tions, something no member of the staff had thought about during the
first week.)42 To allay this anxiety, the members of the staff reverted
to the verbalization of the legal requirement that the State Library be
included with the rest of the State Offices in any building used for

these offices. While these comments were made, no one mentioned that they

 

h2. The newly-hired members who reported for work after the crisis
were concerned about whether or not the position for which they were hired
5 till BXiS ted.

were not legally required to do the kind of'work they were doing at that
time - an interesting illustration of the simaltaneous operation of
both legal rational and traditional authorit .

The entire period of the crisis was characterized by a sort of am-
bivalence. Jew jobs were done, new peeple met, and new conditions ex-
perienced. The old routines had been disrupted, but even so there were
some conditions which were not wholly bad. "Some good might come out of
the fire. . .it has given us a chance to discard useless books. . .every
institution gets set in its ways, and maybe it's a good thing to have to
change occasionally. . ." were comments typical of this attitude.

"We shall now turn to a systematic analysis of the impact of the crisis

on the social organization of the Michigan State Library.

CHAPTER V
THE leACT OF “RISIS ON SOCL QR&”“IZATIUN

Introduction

In this chapter we will be concerned with the effect of the crisis
upon the social organization of the Lichigan State Library.

First, we shall describe the necessary physical changes which had
to be made if the library was to be re-esteLlishcd. Ihe impact of the
crisis upon the yhysioal facilities of the lilrsry, and the actions of
the organization which were desi dto rep ace the destroyed facili-
ties will be considered. so are more interested in the way in which the
formal and infornial. organizations operated during this tine than we are
in the spc ccific rec coin; which tool: ple a.ce. This, we srall attempt to
aSCortain the extent to which the forwal organization functioned in

this crisis, as well as the nart which informal organisation played,and

‘

how these organ Mi ations Wore changed and ncW'organizational for ms
emerged.
The reactions of the actors who were members of the staff will be

considered insofar as these reactions are rclated to the social organ-

ha

ization of the litrerye rd toe charge 8 in this social org.janiz ation which
took place during the crisis. We shall be interested in tneir initial
reactions and tile part that these re tions played in the proce sof
reaction.

Finally, we will attemp+.tc evaluate the theoretical Era newcrk a sod

lso aft e".3t to p edict

m

in this study as a predictive technique. we will

-511-

. , . . ‘- -r~- ‘ ,' ‘ ‘,'~1 "I_1:1"I.. :‘ (“a
witI in narrow limits, the igture charges in the cooler cig-1iz-tion .i
the library which Hay take place fol_lo*ir5 t e crisis.
Physical Effects of the Crisis
The dcstrocV on azd d:.n25e w:1ich resulted from the lire itself an1
. o I- 1‘ vyr ' f v ~
from -he attemrts to control the Liane made any 'FuTMdl unctic1i goi

the librarv imncsrible. The liLrary Wu: faced with the destruction or

u '0 r ‘ ,. ,“ ' ‘. 111' _« o. ' '. I! :3
dfi‘lmgiete (,i‘ arZ‘T‘OV_L-'TIQ ‘-d.1: szn rJJr by ‘t' V‘- 3- Ln) CL L C t'lU ‘1 '.J. LV .r\\ , --Q
. :1 1.1 11 1, “1- ‘li*i~-~-. New
well as the rec 1? J ior ennui“; G~0L«9«4VJ be in- eofie *t-t’ ‘ '

, fa Mi iV es had to be found, and the damaged books had to be examined
and either salvaged, discarded, or stored}3
Those departments which were housed in the State Office Building
and which relied upon the facilities which the fire destroyed for their
Operations were hose departments most affected bv tlze fire. The Refer—
ence Defartment, the Catalog Department, and the IrnVeling Library were
hardest hit, both by actual utvwge to th: ir facilities and by the conse-
quent Char5c in c: .er.ticns recessitated by the dUuUFLb of certain ‘s1en-
tial library 'tocls.‘ Other departmc :ts Such as Shipying and the Eusi~
ness Admini st: zati n Division were pe-formin5 different functions, but
functions which were at ll. q1it'; si"iler inrntnre to those which had

Vr- ‘ \v ’1
been uvUC 'no1n1ily.'

The in

(11

diate problem was that of the re-location of the large

majority of the library staff in facilities where the necessary sorting,

 

h3. The extent of this disruption can be judged from the following
igures: At the time of the fire, the iichiga.n State Library had about
5h7,000 books and pamghlcts. of LIose, 16, 000 were stored at binderies,
30,000 were lost as a direct result of the fire; and about 9,000 were
cleaned and salvaged. Thus, almost ten per cent of the total library
dollection was handled during the first feu'weeks of the crisis.

-65-

salvaging, and drying of books could be done. These tasks had to be
done immediately if the collection was to be saved. The Field House

of the Boys' Vocational School was obtained for this purpose. Bleachers
were utilized for the drying and turning of the damaged books. It was
here that the majority of the staff worked for the first two weeks. 0
(The Shipping Department and the Law Library were exceptions.) WCrk
was assigned on a 2h hour basis -— four shifts of six hours each. Dur-
ing this initial period, no formal scheduling of personnel was made.

The offices of the Catalog Department and the Extension Department

were in the Music Room of the School and the Traveling Library and part
of the Circulation Department shared the basement room. This arrange—'
ment became formally recognized when a schedule was drawn up around
March 26, which designated duties and physical locations. Even at this
time, however, various individuals spent part of their time in the State
Capitol Building and part in the Boys' Vocational School. This schedule
was maintained with only minor changes until the movement to new quarters
was made on June a.

The techniques and procedures used in the salvage process were those
recommended by the experts who were contacted when it became apparent that
the crisis would be a serious one. Experts from the Library of Congress,
from.Michigan State College, from various book binderies, from other
libraries with roughly ana10gous experiences, and an industrial engineer
were among those consulted by the administration.

After the initial period - February 8 to March 11 —- the relocation
of the library was completed, that is, the Administration and Business

Administration Division Joined the Law Library at the State Capitol Building;

-66—

part of the Reference Department was located in the State Office Building
together with the Shipping Department; and the majority of the rest of
the staff was at the Boys' Vocational School.

The above in a rather cursory and reportorial fashion describes the
relocation which took place; now let us see what changes in formal organ-

ization occurred.

Formal Organization in Crisis
One of the principal problems faced by the administration was to
make a 'successful' reaction to the crisis on the level of physical re-
location and the re-institution of service, and still to maintain the
social organization of the staff as an effective functioning unit. This
problem was complicated by a number of factors.

First: A crisis of this magnitude was without precedent in the
library field. No other similar incidents had taken.place from which
suggestions could be gained.

Second: The formal rules of the organization were notrapplicable
to this situation. In contrast to those rules which arectsigned "in ex-
pectation of that which cannot be anticipated," these rules made no pro—
visions whatsoever for this kind of a crisis. The services which were to
be provided through the performance of specific duties were no longer
possible, and the rules simply did not cover this situation.

Third: During the first week of the fire, the condition of the
library collection was unknown. This meant that the administration had
to operate on the basis of insufficient information. It is difficult

to plan for a situation when one is not aware of just what the situation

will be e

-67—

Fourth: The administrative orientation was of necessity»external
rather than internal, and we would expect this to affect the process of
internal communication.

In the light of these factors, it is clear that the very basis of
rational-legal organization was no longer present. This situation was
not only formally undefined, but there was no precedent by which it
could be defined.

In the absence of rational-legal authority, how were the actions
taken legitimized?hh

According to the procedures we would expect from a 'pure' bureaucracy,
new positions 'should' (if the procedures were to be legitimized) have been
created to handle the crisis. Personnel fitted by training and experience
for certain functionally specific tasks should have been appointed. This
process would legitimize these actions in accord with the rules of the
organization. This legitimation would.be consistent with the bureaucratic
emphasis upon rational legal procedures instituted to maximize the prob-
ability of control. In this situation, however, this creation of new
positions filled by qualified personnel did not take place. Since there
were no rules and hence no 'legitimate‘ authority for whatever actions
would be taken, it is our problem.to point out the process by which the

actions which were taken were legitimized.

 

hh. Legitimation refers to the belief of those concerned that the
orders which are issued are orders which the administration.has a 'right'
to issue. In addition, the orders had to be legitimized to those who
were super-ordinate to the administration of the library.

In the absence of codified provisions Specifically designed for
rational operation in this crisis, other means of legitimizing author-
ity were used.

1. The presence of insurance funds which would be received
only if the advice of eXperts was followed, furnished one of these means.
The administration could truthfully point out that, "If X is not done,
then I will not be forthcoming." Thus the expert's insistence that all
wet books be removed from the State Office Building at once necessitated
the hiring of casual laborers on a day-to-day basis - a departure from
Civil Service policy. The utilization of a rather elaborate de-humidi—
fying system was also based on this expert advice. This reliance upon
experts committed the library to courses of action which were contrary
to plans which had previously been made, e.g., the insistence that all
wet books be removed meant that the priorities previously agreed upon
for the removal of books could not be followed.

2. The crisis itself was also used as a basis of legitimation.
Means were Justified as being essential for the re-institution of library
service - an end which had been legally recognized.

3. A certain amount of traditional legitimation existed. No
staff member seriously questioned the 'right' of the administration to
do what 'had' to be done. Within fairly broad limits, habitual ways of
behavior were followed. It is doubtful if many of the staff members
realized that these actions of the administration were without formal
'legal' basis, or whether they particularly cared, as long as the patterns

which had become traditional were Observed.

(~

,'

Delegation of supervisory duties was made along the lines of pre-
viously existing positions -- with some exceptions which will be noted
later. Certain of the librarian's skills were essential during the
'first week,‘ e.g., decisions as to what books could not be replaced and
what ones could be safely discarded demanded considerable knowledge of
the field. But this kind of technical competence and skill does not in
itself, fit the actor for supervisory positions which are unrelated to
his speciality. In the consideration of informal organization, some of
the consequences of this delegation of authority will be considered.

It should be clear that although legitimate authority did not -—
technically - exist, both the administration and the staff continued to
act as if it dd. The precedents which had become established during the
ten years of the administration remained a general guide for action.

This serves to emphasize the point that formal organization.oeased to be
effective during this crisis. These rules, designed for 'normal' situa-
tions simply were not pertinent in an 'abnormal' situation. As a result
of this, those informal relationships which obtained became more important
in influencing the reactions which took place.

The Operation of informal organization in the crisis period will now
be discussed. We will examine this organization under the new conditions,
following the analysis of the informal structure which was made in an

earlier chapter.
Informal Organization

Work Situation

 

The physical changes which the fire necessitated changed not only

‘the place in which the work was done, but also the kind of work which had

4m.

to be done, and the people with whom it was done. The conditions which
obtained at the Boys' Vocational School were radically different from
those at the State Office Building. The primary activity in this new
location for the first three weeks or so was the examination and sort—
ing of the damaged books, and the drying and turning of some 6,000 to
8,000 books which were placed on bleachers for drying. Because of the
conditions under which this work had to be done, humidity was high and
the temperatures were in the 90's. With the exception of the sorting

of the damaged volumes, which demanded a good deal of technical compe-
tence, the work of this nature was completely different from that which
had been done before the crisis. Most of the jobs were monotonous, dirty,
and disagreeable, eSpecially since a large proportion of the workers were
'women who were unused to this kind of work. No professional training was
required to climb up and down bleachers and turn books.LtE This was not
the kind of work for which these people had been hired. The provisions
of the Civil Service Code made no reference to these duties as being re-
quired of the librarian.

Those parts of the staff assigned to the Boys' Vocational School
probably had the poorest location of the three possible locations. It
‘was not centrally located as were both the State Office Building and the
Capitol Building; facilities were cramped —— two 60 feet by hO feet rooms
which were drafty in the winter and very warm toward the end of the stay.
.Although facilities at the State Capitol building were crowded, conditions

were not as difficult nor was the nature of the work as different as at

 

us. A standard joke in this situation was, "Did.they teach you how
to do this in Library School?"

the Field House. Those departments in the State Office Building were
working under difficult conditions but the staff agreed that they were
much superior to those at the Boys' Vocational School.

One of the major consequences of this physical re-location was the
breaking-up of work units and work patterns which had become well—estab-
lished prior to the fire. The shift in time schedules and the necessary
rearrangement of work groups disrupted all of the departnents. New work
groups were formed during the first week, and units which had not previous-
ly had much contact worked in close physical proximity. One of the re-

‘ sults of this was one of the few favorable consequences of the crisis.

"I worked with people I hadn't even known before the fire. . .You got to
know more of the staff much better," were some typical comments. Indi-
viduals in Circulation and Reference Departments, who although they had
worked in the same office had had little direct contact, were in this
situation doing the same kind of work side by side. Professionals and
non—professionals were doing the same kinds of jobs - unrelated to their

position.

Modification of Formal Rules

 

 

we have previously mentioned that those positions which were highest
in the formal structure were the positions which were assigned new duties
which carried similar degrees of responsibility. Those three people who
were regarded as 'most looked-up to' were also named as those who were
most valuable to the library during the crisis.

By far the most often named and the most highly praised was the non-

professional in a low position. It became his duty to supervise all the

work at the State Office Building during the initial period of the crisis.
The result of this was that he had charge of those peeple who ordinarily
did not work under him, and who perhaps held higher positions in the
formal structure than did he. The fact that he was not a professional
meant that his performance of these duties was not viewed as a threat by
those who were professionals. Thus, there was no fear of loss of posi-
tion due to his very successful performance.

Some of the other actors who were named as being important and valu-
able to the library during the crisis were judged on the basis - not of
their actual effectiveness - but of the effort with which they worked and
the extent of their emotional involvment. The evaluation of personnel
was not on grounds of efficiency. The way peOple were told to do things
as well as what they were told to do was deemed important. Although the
most difficult tasks were the removal of the water—soaked books from a
partially destroyed library, only one staff member even mentioned the
casual laborers who did this work as hing valuable to the library.

Some actors lost status during the crisis for a number of reasons.
"He had the authority but not the right to do that," was a comment illus-
trative of one of these reasons. Although there was considerable reluc-
tance to name anyone who had "done less than his share," those who were
named were named by everyone who replied. Again.the basis for this seemed
to be the degree of emotional attachment that the individual showed to the
library, combined with visible evidence of a desire to "help the library.“

It is naive to expect an 'objective' or disinterested ranking of
individuals when they are engaged in duties which possess considerable

emotional significance for the person who is making the evaluation. The

fact that no great shift in status occurred -— in the sense of a com-
plete reversal of Judgment - indicates that people were ranked on a
number of different bases, many of them of a personal and subjective

nature.

Values and Goals

 

The identification with the library which most of the actors felt
and the strength of the service orientation were important factors in
their willingness to do the difficult kinds of jobs which they were called
upon to do. "Somebody had to do this. . .these books have to be saved."
"The sooner we get this done, the sooner we will get back to offering
service." These actions were not solely altruistic of course - the
members of the staff had the usual interest in maintaining their Jobs
during a period of time when these occupations were actually nonpexistent.

Although the stated goals of the organization did not change, the
immediate end became - not service - but re-establishment of facilities
with which to furnish service. The highest valued activities, meeting the
public and service, were completely eliminated during the first week of
the crisis, and only occasionally performed during the 'prolonged' period.
The means to attain these ends had, of course, been changed, and tasks
had to be done which were not in themselves valued.

As one of the staff members remarked, "There's no substitute for ser-
vice, without service the library has no reason for existence." This was
perhaps the staff's greatest fear - that the loss of patrons during the

crisis would not be compensated for when service was finally restored.

The arduous and monotonous work done under difficult conditions
and in a depressing environment was the most difficult part of the initial
phase of the crisis for the staff personnel. The sight of thousands of
books, which wenaextensively damaged, lying about on the bleachers and
floor of the Field House, was extremely disheartening to peeple whose
principle occupation had been dealing with these same books. This
initial period was 'considerably confused." No advance scheduling was
made during the first week, and the shift in working hours affected the
off-the-Jdb activities of the staff. work was done at a different time
and this interferred with any previously arranged social activities. This
inconvenience was in addition to the physical and emotional strain which ‘
most of the actors were undergoing. "What we needed most during the
fire was a hquand -— we probably need them all the time, but most of all
then," seemed to symbolize the tension under which many of the staff memp
bers worked.

These women - many of them elderly —- were physically and emotionally
unequipped to do this kind of work. "When I was finished at night I went
home and cried," was not an unusual comment. Many of the actors did not
consider this as suitable work for women, "This is man's work," was the
way they put it.

It is in a situation such as this that we would eXpect the intensifi-
cation of any personal antagonisms or conflicts to take place. Although
these personal conflicts are not of concern to us here, it might be well

to mention that they did arise. The technical competence which was required

for the performance of professional duties was not necessarily the
competence required of an individual who was directing manual labor.
The administration however, was forced to Operate within the limits which
had become traditionally established, and the formal position of the
actor was used as the basis for making assignments in the new situation.
Some of this tension was evident during the second staff meeting
which was held in order to furnish the staff an Opportunity to air com-
plaints and to make suggestions. It was obvious, even to an outsider,
that there was a good deal of stress connected with the performance of
the new duties. .However, the way in which this tension was expressed was
quite different from.the way in which other groups would react. The main
concern of the actors was the re-institution of service as soon as possible,
upon that they were agreed. But there were numerous complaints as to the
‘way in which this was being done. The meeting seemed to furnish the staff

members an opportunity to release some personal aggression.

Orientation toward Authority

 

This topic has been dealt with previously when it was pointed out that
rational legal authority had established procedures which had become tradi-
tionalized.

In general, staff members were willing to follow the orders which
they received whether they were actually 'legitimate' or not. The ex-
pectations of the staff were based on the previous policy of the adminis-
tration, and even though the limits of this 'traditional' authority were
largely undefined, limits did exist. As an example of the operation of

these limits, consider the following situation:

During the early period of the crisis, an information center

was established in the lobby of the State Office Building. This infor-
mation center was manned at first by a professional who had joined the
staff during the crisis. Since this position enjoyed the privilege of
‘meeting the public' and since it was filled by a new member of the staff
while the other older members were doing more disagreeable jobs, this
became a point of tension. As a result, the new staff member was resented.
There was no suggestion that he wasn't competent to do this work, but the
objection.was based on the grounds that, "this is not what should have
been done." Both the new staff member and the rest of the staff were
conscious of this antagonism, and when the administration became aware of
it, the duty was rotated among other members of the staff.

In this instance the disregard of social eXpectations - inadvertent
though it may have been - of the way in which the administration 'should'

behave, created tension.

Communication

 

The necessary concern of the administration with external rather than
internal relations, together with the disruption of customary channels of
communication through re-location and reassignment, meant that the process
of internal communication suffered. The administration was aware of this
and attempted to maintain communication through staff meetings and staff
bulletins. This breakdown of communication was most evident during the
initial phase of the crisis. Part of this was due to the fact that no
clear definition of the situation was available either to the staff or
to the administration. The staff was not aware of the day-by-day develop-

ments which took place. The administration was faced with the problem

of making swift decisions and by-passing the normal bureaucratic
processes.

Conversly, the administration was handicapped by the failure of
this process. In an attempt to remedy this situation, a plan was initi-
ated - by one of the professionals with long tenure - to elect a rep—
resentative from.each department to meet with the administration once a
week and to act as a representative from the department to the adminis-
tration, and as a reporter from the administration to the department.
This is an indication both of the breakdown in the normal process of
communication, and a hint as to the attitude of the staff toward the ad-
ministration. This plan was not characteristic of a bureaucratic struc-
ture, since it circumvented the '1egitimate' channels of communication.

Since the staff was not fully aware of administrative activities, it
was poorly informed about some of the functions of the executives. Actors
were judged by their participation in the actual physical labor involved
in the processes of reaction -- and obviously the administrators could not
do this kind of work and still function as they were supposed to function.
The results of administrative activity were therefore less evident to the
staff than the results of other members of the staff. Most of the staff
were aware of the fact that executive functions were performed on differ-
ent levels. The closer the actor was to the administration, the higher
his regard for their actions.

In spite of this lack of communication, most of the members of the

staff thought that the administration was trying to do the best it could.

External communication - publicity - became important to the staff.
They were very much concerned with their inability to perform service to
the public and they feared the loss of patrons. Thus any evidence that
the publiC'was being kept informed of their efforts to restore this ser-
vice were viewed with approval. It was here that the sub-rose activities
of informal organization brought results. A two-page Spread in a nation-
al magazine was securedh6 through the efforts of the 'library assistant'
who had been hired partly to perform public relations functions, and who
now devoted most of his time to this end.

Occasional newspaper articles on the library were welcomed, and the
staff members were gratified to receive offers of assistance from "libraries
all over the country."

The above relates primarily to the structural aSpects of the initial
phase of the crisis. The more prolonged period was perhaps more diffi-
cult than was the "first week." The uncertainty in regard to the future
of the library was the most disagreeable feature of the longer period.
Reports that the library would be relegated to a warehouse or ignored by
the legislature served to intensify this anxiety. This uncertainty was
not a result of any failure of the internal communication process, but
‘was a function of the necessary dependence upon another bureaucracy - the
State Government -- for enabling legislation.

I During the prolonged period of the crisis, the staff was mis—employed

and under-employed in the sense that they were unable to perform tasks

k

us. When information was received that LIFE photographers were com-
ing, most of the women working at the Field House made special attempts
to "look their best." They were greatly disappointed when he failed to
arrive, but were somewhat repaid when he later showed up with both cameras
and compliments.

-79-

for which they had been trained and for which they were qualified. They
could not escape the conviction -- which would seem to be justified -

that, "We are just marking time here."

Some Possible Consequences of the Crisis

The effects of the fire which we have examined in a limited manner
as regards both time and sc0pe, may furnish some basis for a kind of
speculative prediction about the future of the library.

The members of the staff are quite sure that the effects of this
fire will be felt for a number of years. The seriousness of these conp
sequences for the library is dependent upon a number of factors which,
at the present time, are unknown. But it seems fairly certain that the
fire will mark a period in the history of the library from which future
events will be dated. Members of the staff already refer to events as
having occurred "before the fire."

Whether or not this crisis marks the beginning of a future expan-
sion of library service depends on a number of considerations, ranging
from the effect of a 'garrison state' on the values of the society to
which of several possible philosophies of library service are adopted.

On the basis of what we know about the occupation and about the
nature of bureaucratic administration, we would predict that if the
library receives adequate quarters which will permit eXpansion of facili-
ties and service, then bureaucratic tendencies will prove stronger than
any'professional tendencies which may be in opposition. For instance,
if this occurs it will be impossible to maintain an 'in—group' relation-
ship among the members of the staff as a unit. Increase in size and

complexity and the consequent specialization are conditions which permit

-80—

the maximization of bureaucratic administration. This does not, of course,
mean that professional recognition will not be forthcoming, but it does
indicate that this professionalism will have to recognize the limits im-
posed by certain administrative requirements.

This problem of the professional in a bureaucracy is typical of the
kinds of problems with which the American Library Association is concerned
at the present time, and which the Public Library Inquiry was designed to
investigate. The Michigan State Library is part of a particular society
which itself may be in a 'crisis situation.‘ How this one segment of the
society will be affected by the crisis we have described, is largely de—

pendent upon what takes place outside the library.

Summary gf the Chapter

Briefly, let us summarize what heppened to the social organization
of the Michigan State Library during this period of crisis:

1. Formal organization, assnch, ceased to be an effective means
of organizing activity.

2. The rational-legal basis of authority was superseded by a
traditional basis. In a sense, this may be viewed as the habituation of
the 'prOper' way of doing things.

3. In Spite of this fact, there were no structural changes in
the formal organization. This presented the administration with the prob-
lem of attempting to reward in some way those who had done outstanding jobs
during the crisis —- when there was no way in which these rewards could
'be officially made. No salary increases or promotions could be given

on this basis .

-81..

h. Informal organization served to maintain the functions which
had previously been.performed underibrmal rules and regulations.

‘5. This informal organization was such as to permit the neces-
sary reactions. The crisis, and the way in which the personnel reacted
to the crisis, became important in influencing the status of the members
of the organization. New duties were assumed by individuals who had,
before the fire, been in relatively lOW'pOSitionS. This necessarily
meant that the responsibility which goes with authority was maintained,
but that different actors were exercising authority without strict re-
sponsibility.

6. The most serious handicap to the efficient performance of
the new duties was the lack of information available to the members of the
staff, and the failure of the process of communicating this information.
(This failure was readily admitted by both the administration and the other
members of the staff. It was most frequently cited as one of the things
that should have been done and which wasn't done.)

7. Certain problems arose with the shift in the basis of author-
ity. That is, although those individuals who were in formal positions of
authority were ones who should have been obeyed and followed, other factors
which were important in determining status still Operated. For example,
formal authority without seniority tended to place the actor in a stressful
gmm=ition. 'Rationally,‘ this should not have happened, since in a pure
bureaucracy the relationship of the actor is to a position and not to a
person. But, obviously, in any social situation, the relationship is to
the position and to the actor as an invididual with certain specific char-

aeteristics.

8. A certain trained incapacity existed as a corollary to the
division of labor and Specialization of the occupation. "we thought
only librarians could handle books," was the way one actor put it. This
trained incapacity meant that a good deal of needless labor was done by
personnel not fitted to do it. The tasks which had become functionally
specific no longer had to be done, but the diverse jobs were assigned on

this baSiS o

CHAPTER VI
BURMARY AHD CONCLUSIONS

The problem which we set out to solve was that of describing and
emplaining -- to some extent —— the changes that take place when a certain
form of social organization is faced with a series of disruptive events.
The organization selected for study was the Hichig'n State Library, which
we attempted to show was bureaucratically organized.

We attempted to reconstruct the formal and informal aspects of the
organization as they existed prior to the fire and to compare them with
the organizations as they emerged during the crisis. This was done
throngh the use of a number of personal interviews and an examination of
the formal rules and regulations under which the library operated. The
changes which were observed were assumed to be related to the crisis
'which necessitated extensive physical changes.

It was discovefid that in this situation, the human aspects of social
organization became much more important than the formal aspects. During
the crisis, the formal rules and regulations almost totally ceased to be
Operative, and reactions were influenced by the particular characteristics
of the organization and of the people in the organization.

it is evident that both methodologically and theoretically this study
rnay'be improved. Since we have already pointed out some of the methodo—

lxbgical limitations above, let us turn now to an examination of the ade—

cpiacy'of the theoretical framework.

The concept of rational—legal bureaucracy is a sociological analytical
model. It is applicable to this society at this time, and serves as a
classificatory device. The characteristics of a bureaucracy are of the
most general type. They are found in a large number of organizations.
This very generality lends a good deal of value to the concept as an
analytical model - but it limits severely the examination of a Specific
case in any other than a 'normal' situation. As a predictive technique
for utilization during a crisis, we found that it was of little value,
precisely because the existence of a crisis is not included as a condi-
tion for bureaucratic administration. In a 'typical' or 'normal' situ—
ation, actions can be predicted in the light of the general tendencies
of a bureaucracy to expand and proliferate, and for certain characteris-
tic kinds of behavior to take place. However, when we are confronted
with an atypical or abnormal situation in which the rational-legal means
no longer obtain, these general tendencies are variously affected.

This is not a criticism of the concept as a generalized model. It
is rather intended to underscore the social scientist's lack of knowledge
concerning the reactions of various forms of social organizations in
Specific types of situations. Certain 10gical deductions can be made
from the premises of bureaucracy, but the premises assume static condi-
tions - the "all other things being equal" qualification.

When we find that this concept is not completely satisfactory, we
must look to other factors characteristic of social organization for clues.

.Here we are faced with the lack of an adequate typology of informal

orgex ization. Atteipts are being made in this area, ‘ut they are yrin~
s1 in nitsre. Sociometsic techniques are prUAisini,
tut in a situation c‘ the kind with vnich we hsi to deal, they Were un-
usable. we do assume that certain characteristics are sigt ificant and

“r P 1 1.. v- w in .H, ‘ "v“ 3-» n ,4— . .m— 4 a 1 'fi' 1".' -':-. *- ' l' :-
thet in any ousfszabl~ Situatlun t e nVestigstox would “eve to obtain

'_~ '1'. ‘ ‘ ‘ ~ - .‘ '\3. ‘V~r" “.’ ' "V. ‘n . ‘ I:- fi‘ n .1 t' '- -r“fi -s .r - I.‘,.J1~
by far one ZilCIbt 9x11 lULu: I..rUl(.14.Cc1p lb tn“: lub‘: \ f T913121b‘ know] vugd

concerning the resctioz1s of social ng atious to or ris sis. It is quite

probable that eve n if we con] d generi' 1129 on the basis of this one in—

(n

tim -- Which is of course imncssible -— that these gamers; liza—

&

tig

{1.7

vs
tions would not bu v3 lid for a: :y othe o wgsuizstions. Thus the descrip—
tion of the changes which took flace fails to furni:h a general explana-
tion of why these changes occur, 81d wn.ich can be utfl med in other
situations.

lhe writer feels fairly certainfihat an"one else in his position
wculd arrive at substantially the! same conclusions -- if similar tech-
niques were used. But the techniques are crude, the theory inzsequate
the situa ti-sn uncontrollrzd, and many of the -on1usions depend "pen the
01server's 'insight' or nis 'feoling' about the group. It will
interesting to examine an 9131* ioral stidy of trxis same situation which
‘Was made by another studen-, ani to ccmgir the results i

If it had been possible, the study should have been sirolo entod by

role analy313. That is, we snould se aware not only c1 the role "5 the

librarian in this particular segment of our society, but also of the
expectations of the occupation.

This study should at least indicate some of the areas which must
be explored if significant analyses can be made of situations such as
this crisis. .We need more information as to the modifications of author-
ity by seniority and by the division of labor along the lines of age and
sex. Is bureaucratic organization incompatible with professionalism, or
does the functional specificity characteristic of bureaucracies facili-
tate and encourage professionalism? What is the influence of the pub-
lic image of an occupational group on the members of the group, and how
does this image affect recruitment for the occupation? Do members of
the occupation tend to fit this stereotyped image if they remain in the
occupation for a certain length of time? Does this selective process
make librarians (or any other occupation) significantly different from
other occupations - different enough to make their reactions to a sit~
uation unique? What are the limits imposed by other bureaucratic struc-
tures on the reactions of one structure, and what are the factors which
determine the limits? Does bureaucratic administration always tend to
shift toward a traditional or charismatic basis of authority during
times of crisis?

Any one of the above problems would seem to present a valid socio-
logical question, questions which must be answered if the sociologist is
to deal successfully with crisis situations.

The problem of organizations in crisis seems to be a particularly

pendfinent one at the present time, when whole societies are in crisis

situations. The successful reaction to these situations are imperative
if these societies are to survive. 'Normal' situations rarely, if ever,
exist. It would be more accurate to say that crisis is a norm. Thus,
any concept of society or social organization.which ignores the fact
that flux and change accompany the routine and stability of social

existence will be inadequate.

APPENDIX A

I.

II.

Interview Schedule

'Work Situation Before the Fire

1.

2.
30
h.

5.
6.
,7.
8.
9.

10.

ll.

12.

Can you tell me something about your job as it was set-up before
the fire?

What were your duties?
Where did you.work and.what equipment did you use?

Did you remain at your desk for most of the day, or did you move
around?

Did you consider your work facilities adequate? Yes No

 

Was this job similar to other jobs that you've had? Yes No
With whom did you have most contact with while on the job?

Did you ride to work with anyone on the staff? Yes No

 

Vith'whom on the staff did you eat lunch regularly?
In your social life, did you used to meet with peOple on the staff?
Yes Who were they?

No

 

Do you belong to any social organizations, church groups, or
professional associations?

Yes 'What are they?

No

 

How do you spend most of your leisure time?

Reactions to Crisis

13.
1h.
15.

When did you first hear about the fire?
What were your first reactions to the news?

When did you first go back to work?

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.
22.
23.
2h.

29.

30.
31.

32.

-8 9..

What did you do at first?

a. Who was in charge?

b. For how long did you do this?
What did you do next?

was this type of work more difficult than that you had been used
to doing?

How did you feel about doing this kind of work?
Did you have any ideas as to how this work might be better organized?
Yes____ Did you tell anyone about them? No____
Yes_ Who did you tell?
No_____ Why not?
Do you think that anyone did more (or less) than his share?
'Where was the rest of your department‘atthis time?
When did you see them?

What was the biggest obstacle in attempting to reorganize your de-
partment?

Looking back now, what do you think should have been done that wasn't
done?

was any of your equipment destroyed by the fire?

What peOple that you worked with before the fire are you not working
with now?

Are there any aSpects of your job that seem more important now than
they seemed before the fire?

(For workers at the Boys' Vocational School) How does this location
compare with that in the State Office Building?

Do you think that any good results will come out of the fire?
What were the worst res* ts of“the fire?

What are the worst aspects of the present situation?

-90-

III. Evaluation of the Reactions and Value Orientation

33. What peOple do you think did the most for the library during the
fire?

3h. What people do you think are most looked-up to by members of the
Staff.

35. Has this been changed since the fire?
36. What do you think are the most important purposes of the library?

37. How accurate do you think the impression is that most people have
of the librarian?

38. Can you think of any other job —- in or out of the library -- that
you would rather have than the one you have now?

39. What is the aspect of your job that you like best?

b0. Have I missed anything that you think would help me to understand
what happened to the library?

bl. Have any of these questions been too personal?

h2. How do you feel about being interviewed?

Name :

 

Place:

 

Date :

 

APPENDIX B

-91..

_____- _._ is _-

 

 

Reading Roan, State Office Building, Friday, Febru-

ary 11, 3:00 P.M. The caption to this picture, written
by a staff member, reads: '

"Sign on stack to the left reads, "The mutilaa
tion of magazines and books is a misdeamnor and pun-
ishable by fine or imprisoment.‘ "

§\'-Vi‘

1.- 4‘51‘. 0-12 v

"'2

 

 

 

 

,——_—-

-_-.-___._._——~— - ‘_

, w

Traveling Library, State Office Building,
Sunday, February 13, 2:30 Pal. The caption to
this picture, written by a staff member, reads:

"These books were literally forced off
their shelves and into two feet of water. As
these books became saturated with water, they
swelled and the shelves were no longer able to
contain them. Note water level on right book
stack."

.7 d _-_...-

-93-

 

 

 

 

 

‘ 1

Field Hons, Boys Vocational School, Monday, February
21, 10:30 A.M.

This shows one section of the bleachers which were
used for the drying of books.

r.~ v.-
a

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IIIIII m up" 1‘ a. ”II

 

111:.

 
  
 

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[II “mm

  
   

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N

 

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Field House, qus' Vocational School, Monday, Febru-

ary 21, 10:30 A.M.

A close-up of the two sets of bleachers in the west
end of the Field House. The workers are examining the

books for mold and dampness.

l- u-‘* '- .._-_.:.‘___;-., - - --

Asheim, L. E.

Bernard, C. I.

Hartmann, G. W.
Newccmb, T. R.

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ludustrial Conflict:

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Far ster: TWsCVV of Social and Eccrc":ic Orran‘""+io'.
‘son, A. M. ard Parsons, T. C: is

 

TYflkldwiltY.£
Press, 19h7. LQJ pp
Articles

bureaucracy:
SQCiOIOEical Raylgw.

 

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Social Crganization
American Journal of

 

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Prentice—fiallélnc

narper and Brothers, New York,

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Behavior in Extra. me 8
3‘1 Social ESVChol ogV.
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Form, W. H.

Guthrie, E. F.

(mum,J.B.

 

Kramer, R.

Laski, H.

Lasswell, H. D.

Lescure, J.

Yowrer, E. F.

Celznick, P.

 

Papal-r Imagcs of Librarians. Lit1*ar X Journal
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flIe Crisis Cm Mpt nfhe Arproach to the Problem
fFersonality. Social Porc9s. 13: 383 - 90.

 

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An Approach to a Theory of E'urrC11cr1CI. Aficrican

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1'5—

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRA

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