- -5‘ a {4‘3_: _ ~l?g_§_ ‘ ‘54 AL: h; . \ - ‘ __ -rAL‘i';3-’ " Affi’Z“ 5-: L 4K K. i . N1 1 ofl ( .w- . - .' I .. II' 'I. ' Y1. ' . ‘ I". "f ‘ k . l v. .. .. fl ‘ ' ‘ ,' 2 2-_-.1(I ‘; . 1 o ‘ -.‘ .J . -_.u 5 ~ ' . g‘. ~.‘- . ‘ l . J\ , n ‘ Q N .1. ’ I , . l" . q '. ' I, . . . n "' “’1‘?va '6 . .U‘ ' yang-qr» v .=,.-...a.¢r~ .. ...-w‘+.m ' ,sio . v" m cannon or THE ROLE or ELIZABETH IN WEIL ANDERSON'S ELIZABETH THE QUEEN AND AN ANALYSIS or THE ACTING PROBLEMS INVOLVED By .Harian Agnea Alexanian A THESIS Buhlitted to the School of Graduate Studio: of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirement: rer the degree or MASTER OF ARTS Department of Speech, Dramatice, and Eadie Education July 1950 c: $HFS' 1.! l4 34.5.13 [hi .— VII \. ‘Aeknowledgement is hereby made to Mr. D.O. Buell. Mr. 8.C. Chenoveth, and.Hiss Lucia Morgan for their assistance and supervision in the completion of this thesis; to Mr. 3.1. Andreasen, Mr. R.W. Duckwall, Jr., Er. 0.3. Nickle, Mr. H.F. Niven, Jr., and Miss Bodil Gonkel for their technical supervision of Elizabeth 1;; Queen; and to all those persons, both faculty and students, who so kindly gave their time and effort to the production of the play. 2,3737/ To my paronto--vhoso undorstanding help and constant oneouragonont have made the undertaking and the completion of this proJect possible. I heroby lovingly dedicate this thesis to my Father “d “CthOro TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. AN HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PERIOD OF ELIZABETH TUDOR'S LIFE . . . . . . . . . . o 1 II. A CHARACTER ANALYSIS OF ELIZABETH TUDOR . . . o 35 III. THE ROLE OF ELIZABETH AS CREATED BY MAXWELL ANDERSON AND THE ACTING SCRIPT OF THE MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE PRODUCTION OF ELIZABETH THE QUEEN . . . o o . . . . . . . . . 64 IV. THE ACTING PROBLEMS INVOLVED IN CREATING THE ROLE OF ELIZABETH . . . e o . . . . . . . . 216 BIBLIOGRAPHYCooocooooeooooeeoeoo230 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE PAGE 1. Act I, scene 1. 'He is going to the Queen, remember. And we have an appointment. . . . . . 98 2. .Aot I, scene 2. IYou believe you'd rule England better because you're a man.” . . . . . 115 3. Act I, scene 2. 'Now what can come between us, out of heaven or hell, or Spain or England'.oeooeoooeoooooeeoooollg 4. IAct I, scene 3. 'I speak for the good of th. .tat.. I O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 126 5. Act II, scene 1. 'If my Lord Essex is as I have believed him, he will not hurt as.“ . . . . 142 6. Act II, scene a. “You come with a file of soldiers at your back, my Lord of Essex.” . . . 180 7. Act III. I'I tell thee what, Ha1-if I tell thee a lie, spit in my face.I . . . . . . . . . 204 If -., .., ., .141 . Lnngs l - r ' , . 4 u ‘. D " ' ' ‘ .‘ -o q' ”i— . l- 'f _. .4 ' . ~ ' O n. " f -. I o \ -\ . x .. <‘ . l 1’ ‘ O 0 O O O O ' O 0 O I I 1 -‘ D. ' ' c I C C O O I O O C O O . s 1 ‘ . r .’ C v . A . . " x v . o I x o -\ I ‘ - I \ . .I CHAPTER I AN HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PERIOD OF ELIZABETH TUDOR'S LIFE In order to analyze the character of England's Queen Elizabeth as it is reflected in history, a study of the historical background of the period during which she lived is necessary. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to gain a better understanding of the maJor political and religious problems of England and the Continent during the sixteenth century. The history of Europe during the sixteenth century was closely allied with the period of the Reformation. EIlgland, Spain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands figure prominently in all of the political and religious Palicies of the period. No country or personality can ‘30 adequately studied except in relationship to the other. Politics and religion became entangled and neither could be conducted without the other. Thus two parties cloveloped-mthe Catholics and the Protestants. Nearly ‘11 of Northern Europe revolted against Papal authority md Denmark, Norway, and Sweden followed soon after. Germany, Switzerland, France, Scotland, and the Nether- lands were divided, but Protestantism was fostered eagerly and quickly in all of these countries. Only in France did Catholicism remain the dominant religion. With these religious changes, came advancement in nearly every other field. Economic conditions were improved; the intellectual renaissance encouraged an interest in education and literature; scientific inves— tigations flourished; exploration increased the number ef trading companies; settlements were founded in the new world; and politics was finally divorced from religion. The struggle between Catholicism and Protestantism eventually settled around Spain and England, the two dominant power'e. Charles V of Spain staunchly stood by 1iome and Papal authority. England, however, took steps 1'5Otvarcl. the Protestant Reformation. Henry VIII of England had. his marriage to Catherine of Aragon dissolved through divorce. This action placed Henry as the supreme head 01‘ the English church, affecting the beginning of England's break with Rome. Catherine was Spanish and represented catholiciem. Neither the Pope or Charles V of Spain Wanted to lose this tie between England and Papal authority, and so they threatened Henry with excommunica— tion from the Church of Home. Henry VIII was determined to divorce Catherine even if it meant breaking away from the Catholic faith. Therefore, Catherine's marriage Vac dissolved on the grounds that she had been the wife 91‘ Henry's brother and, although she had borne Henry a daughter, she had since been unable to produce a male heir for the throne of England. The people of England quietly accepted Henry's direct break with Home on the pretense that a male heir could be produced from a new union. Henry then married Anne Boleyn.1 On September 7, 1533, a daughter was born to Anne Boleyn and King Henry VIII. The birth of Elizabeth Tudor was a hindrance rather than a help. Both parents had anxiously antici- pated the birth of a son. England wanted a Prince to lucceed Henry, but Anne only bore the child Elizabeth and two stillborn sons. Catherine of Aragon died on January 9, 1536. Within four months after Catherine's death, Anne Boleyn Van found guilty of adultery and incest and was executed at the Tower on May 19, 1536. Her marriage to Henry was declared invalid from the beginning and Elizabeth, who V‘s two years and eight months old, was pronounced illegitimate by Act of Parliament.2 Elizabeth now °°oupied the same position as Catherine's daughter Mary. \ l Randell Creighton Queen Elizabeth (London: Long-ans, Green and Company, 19 o), p. l. 2 John Ernest Neale, Qggen Eligabeth (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1934), pp. 7-9. Henry, therefore, had three illegitimate children-«Mary, Elizabeth, and the Duke of Richmond who died soon after. The day after Anne's execution Henry married Jane Seymour. In October 1537 she bore Henry a son, Prince Edward, and within a few weeks she died. Henry, in turn, married Anne of Cloves, Katharine Howard, and Catherine Parr. Henry VIII died on January 28, 1547 and his young son, Edward VI, succeeded him to the throne from 1547 to 1553. Edward and Thomas Seymour, brothers of Jane Seymour, were favored uncles of the new King. Edward Seymour, Lord Somerset, was awarded the office of Lord Protector to Edward VI, and Thomas Seymour was created Lord Admiral. Shortly after Henry's death Thomas Seymour, ~.having been refused the hand of the Princess Elizabeth, married Henry's sixth wife, Catherine Parr, with whom Elizabeth was living. Catherine, in 1548, sent Elizabeth Quay from the Seymour household because of the suspected romantic relationship between Elizabeth and '1'homao.‘5 The following August Catherine Parr died in child- boo. Thomas Seymour 1an an plans to marry the Princess EElisabeth, annex her lands to his, and marry the young K111g Edward to Lady Jane Grey. On January 17, 1549, \ 3 Edward Spencer Beesly, Queen W (New York: l‘Ioiclnlillan and Company, 1892), p. 2. Thomas Seymour was arrested and sent to the Tower. Elizabeth was confined to her house, but she was finally absolved of any connection with Seymour. Practically there is no doubt of his treason, and had he then been fairly brought to trial, Somerset would have been free from reproach. But the question was debated in parliament whether the Admiral should be so tried, or attainted, and attainder was decided on after he had refused to answer to the Council; as he was entitled to do. He was allowed to plead before a committee of both Houses in his own defence, but did not take advan- tage of the permission: virtually he was denied the right of an cpen trial, and was condemned without such defence as he had to make being heard. Cranmer signed the death-sentence: Latimer defend- ed it. The fact is significant of the chaos into which English ideas of Justice and fairplay had fallen. The Protzctor's brother was executed at the end of Harch. Six months later the Council turned against Somerset too. In September 1549 he was sent to the Tower. He spent three months there while the Council deposed him from the Protectorate. Somerset was then released and his political activities came to an end. Ell‘he Duke of lorthumberland rose to power in Somerset's IDJLace and three years later he rid himself of the former Lord Protector. Then, in January 1352, Somerset was executed at the Tower. Horthumberland planned to change the course of Succession to the English throne by marrying one of his \ 4 Arthur D Innes England Und m ngggg (new York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1931 , p. 198. :55}. sons, Guildford Dudley, to Lady Jane Grey. The dying Edward VI agreed with Northumberland's plans and a will was drawn up declaring that Lady Jane Grey and Dudley should succeed Edward. Thus Mary and Elizabeth were put out of the succession. The Council strongly objected to the policy though they finally signed the Letters on June 21, 1555.5 Edward died on July 6th. Both Elizabeth and her older half-sister, Mary, were victims of North- umberland‘s attempt to place the young couple on the throne. On July 10th Lady Jane Grey was proclaimed QUeen in London, but the rest of the plans completely miscarried. England defended Mary's cause instead and stopped Northumberland's rebellion. Elizabeth rode to Jain Mary and they entered London on August 3, 1553. England was faced with the situation from which Henry VIII strove to save her--a woman ruler. Hary's coronation took place on October 1, 1553. Of all the traitors .in the Northumberland plot, only Northumberland and two of his companions were executed. Lady Jane Grey and her husband were merely detained in ward and many Others were allowed to go free. Shortly after llary was crowned Parliament repealed all the laws of Edward's reign concerning religion and ‘ 5 George Hacaulay Trevelyan, Hiltory of M (low York: Longmans, Green and Company, 19257, p. 317. returned to the fold of the Catholic church. To further the Catholic cause in England, and because of her Spanish blood, Hary arranged a marriage for herself with Philip of Spain. The Protestants lost no time in acting. Early in 1554 rebellions against Mary broke out in various parts of England. The most notable was Sir Thomas Wyatt's in January 1554. His plan was to have Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon, marry Princess Elizabeth and then to place the couple on the throne. How much Elizabeth knew about the plot or to what extent she participated in it is uncertain.6 When news or the rebellion reached Mary, she immediately ordered Elizabeth to come from Hatfield to London. Elizabeth I'ijllcd that she was too 111 to move. In the meantime, ”watt advanced towards London. When he reached the C’apital, however, his forces had dwindled and he was easily captured. Wyatt was beheaded and many of his «followers were hanged. Lady Jane Grey, her father, and Guildford Dudley, her husband, were executed so that they could not be the center of any future plots, and EElizabeth and Courtenay were placed in the Tower.7 ‘ 6 MC: PO 3190 7 Heals, m. 91.1., p. 37. 8 Ne proof could be manufactured to condemn Elizabeth. It was finally recognized that she could not be put to death. After Wo months in the Tower, she was taken by barge to Richmond and then to Woodstock with Sir Henry Bedingfield, a member of the Privy Council, as custodian. In July 1554, Mary Tudor married Philip of Spain. At the end of the year England's reconciliation with Home was complete. All the anti-Roman legislation since 1529 was repealed, and the former authority of the bishops and of the canon law was restored. Philip, meanwhile, bore the title of King of England, but Parliament would not allow his Coronation. After the collapse of Wyatt's rebellion Mary Jl'emorted to heresy trials and to the burning of heretics, the most notable being Archbishop Cranmer who had played ‘ prominent part in Anne Boleyn's marriage and execution. Iear by year people not death at the stake. These perse- cutions only turned England more strongly than ever aSonnet Hary, Philip, and the church of Rome. Philip left England in August 1555 and returned to Spain. He then became King of Spain after the deication of Charles V the following January. Before the year was finished Spain and France were at war, and 1n 1557 Philip brought England into it. On January 6, 1558 England lost Calais, the last bit of her territory in France. All of Mary's policies seemed doomed to failure. The return to Catholicism had bred unrest among the Protestants. The persecutions and the heresy trials had encouraged hatred toward Mary and her Spanish husband. The less of Calais had been a bitter blow to England. The strict taxation measures were hard on the people. In addition, the harvests had been extremely poor and bad epidemics were running throughout the entire country. These were the results of Mary's five year reign. Eleven days before her death, due to the urgings of Philip and her Council, Mary was forced to recognize Elizabeth as her successor.8 Mary died on November 1'7, 1556. Elizabeth's Coronation took place on January 15, 1559. Five days later Sir William Cecil, later known as Lord Burghley, was appointed as her Principal Secretary. Besides Cecil, Elizabeth appointed to her Council Sir Nicholas Bacon, uncle of the great philosopher Sir Francis 3noon, and Bir Francis Walsingham, who was mainly respon- fiible for England's first secret service. Elizabeth's Council immediately faced serious (vacations in regard to policy and foremost was the problem 01 religion. Philip of Spain's prime objective was to k S Ihid” p. 51. lO keep England in the power of the church of Rome. But ‘ Elizabeth preferred a Protestant policy for England. The chief members of her Council were all Protestants, the Catholic members being displaced from the Council. Elizabeth herself never made any formal religious state- ment of her own throughout her reign, but the Protestant influences that surrounded her were too powerful to overlook. Consequently, an anti—Roman policy was adopted. Sir Nicholas Bacon was Elizabeth's spokesman at her first Parliament in 1559 when the religious policy of the new reign was established. The results were seen in the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity. The Act of lupremaey severed English allegiance to the Papacy, recognized Elizabeth as the Supreme Governor of the church of England, and required all church and government officials to take an oath of allegiance to the new church head. The Act of Uniformity decreed that all church services should be held according to the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI.9 l(tony Protestants replaced the bishops of Mary's reign, most notable being Matthew Parker, who became the Arch- bishop of Canterbury. The Pope in Rome denounced the \ . 9 H B. Wernham and J.C. Walker, En 1 d Under E1i be (New York: Longmans, Green and ompany, 1932), pp. 164. 67. ‘7' 11 new Prayer Book and forbade Catholics to attend the English services. All of the religious legislation during Mary's reign was wiped out by the middle of 1559. The financial condition of England was an equally important problem to be faced. A rehabilitation of finances and of England's credit was necessary. The presence of a new tone in the Government was immediately felt in mercantile circles, and the negotiation of necessary loans became a reasonable business transaction instead of an affair of usurious bargaining, both in England and on the Continent. Finally, before Elizabeth had been two years on the throne, measures were promulgated for calling in the whole of the debased coinage which had been issued during the last fifteen years, and putting in cir- culation a new and honest currency. It seems to have been owing to a miscalculation, not a sharp practice, that the Government did in fact make a small profit out of this transaction. England was also vitally concerned about the marriage 01' their monarch. Henry VIII married six times and pro- dneed but one male heir. Edward VI died before he could Incurry. Hary wed a Spanish Prince and died childless. The English people wanted to secure the succession to the throne with an heir, but they also set strict limitations ‘3 to its father. Elizabeth was by far the best marriage to be had in Europe and every eligible bachelor and Widower knew it. The first suitor was the English Earl of Al-‘undel. Philip II of Spain was interested and Secretary \ lO Innes, pp. 311., pp. 245-246. 12 Cecil wanted her to marry the Scotch Earl of Arran or Prince Eric of Sweden, both Protestants. The Archdukes Ferdinand and Charles of Austria were added to the list when Philip II was married and Elizabeth herself seemed interested in Lerd Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. Leicester was the son of Northumberland who had tried te place Law Jane Grey on the throne and was subsequently executed during Mary's reign. If it had not been for the scandal and suspicion connected with the death of Leicester's wife and his unpopularity with certain factions, it is highly probable that Elizabeth would have married him.“ Seven years after her acessien she was still undecided as to the marriage question. Meanwhile her councillers pressed the matter of succession, the most lorious being the pretentions of Mary Queen of Scotland. liary Stuart, the great-granddaughter of Henry VII, had IIiarried Francis II of France on April 24, 1558. One year later Henry II ef France died and Francis and Mary became King and Queen of France. As Queen of France and Scotland, lWary incorporated the Arms of England with the French arms. Elizabeth was quick te pretest and, under the influence 9f the French Guise's, Mary and Francis refused to k / ll J.B. Black, 3;; £11.85 91 Elizabeth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), p. 43. 13 remove them. 12 Francis II died in December 1560 and on August 19, 1561 llary Stuart returned to Scotland, the country she had left thirteen years before. The situation in Scotland had been a signally unstable one for many years. The French Catholics obJected to the Reformation there. The reformers were under the direction of two of the ablest Scottish statesmen-«the Earl of Moray. Hary's half-brother, and laitland, Earl of Lethington. Moray and Lethington, along with the churchmen John Knox, worked unceasingly to secure a Protestant Government in Scotland. For three years Rory left the ruling of her country to lloray and Haitland. Negotiations perpetually came to a deadlock between Elizabeth and Mary. llary refused to Sign the Treaty of Edinburgh recognizing Elisabeth's ‘ Position until Elisabeth accorded the succession of the throne of England to nary." Religion cut athwart politics “d lary Stuart became the focus of Catholic hepes to depose Elizabeth and seek a Catholic Prince for the throne 31’ England. In 1662 Elizabeth was stricken with small pox and the possibility of her death forced the problem of succes- tion to the fore. Diary Stuart had a claim to the English ""' "111:“? z 1 , s e on we 3 mmgwgggzgh! 141.1! (low York: The Viking Press, 1935 , pp. 14 throne by inheritance as did Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, whose mother was the daughter of Margaret Tudor. Elizabeth recovered but Mary's position became increasingly salient. Moray and Maitland threatened Elizabeth with the possibil- ity of a union between Mary and Philip of Spain. Elizabeth counteracted with the Earl of Leicester as a candidate for a husband to Mary. This was the situation for nearly four years until the English Earl of Lennox and his son, Lord Darnley, went to Scotland in February 1565. Contrary to the wishes of all, Mary wed Darnley.13 In opposition the Protestant Lords in Scotland forced an open rebellion. Moray and Maitland violently disagreed and on October 6, 1565 Moray was forced to flee to England. Mary, however, was being strongly influenced by her Italian secretary, David Rizzio. Jealous of the influence Rizzio had over Mary, the Scottish Lords and Darnley finally acted in March 1566. They broke into llary's room. at Holyrood and murdered Rizzio in her presence. 1'h.ree months later, on June 19th, Mary gave birth to a ton, James. Mary, under the influence of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, reconciled herself with Moray, Maitland, ms Darnloy. the following months were filled with 15 Mendell Creighton Th 91 W (New York: II-ongmans, Green and Company: 1966*). 70. 15 intrigues and plots and the climax came on February 9, 156? when Darnley's house was blown up and his strangled body was found in the garden. Mary and her Scottish lover Bothwell were implicat- ed and, although her part in the plot was never proved, it is generally conceeded that she played a prominent part in the murder.“ Moray completely abandoned Mary and Bothwoll fled to Morway where he was eventually executed. Mary was held prisoner in Lochleven Castle. She was forced to abdicato in favor of her infant son and Moray was made She succeeded in escaping from Lochleven on Regent. Mary fled to England and was put in the Kay 16, 1568. custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury away from her Catholic friends in the north. The year 1568 was also an uneasy one on the Contin- I‘ho French were attempting to put an end to the out, Trouble in the I‘Oligious wars that they were undergoing. mOtherlands was Just beginning and the situation betwun 8Pain and England was troublesome. The strong possibility ‘1‘ Philip championing Mary Stuart's cause was always Present. This was the situation in 1569 which led to the uprising of the English Northern Earls, Horthumberland \_ 14 2'018, 21o Moo PP. 190-191. I" ”I \“ Ha! I 9‘! th' VI. ‘\‘ \ 16 snd‘lostmoreland. They received encouragement from France, Spain, and the Pope to depose Elizabeth and put Mary on the throne. However, the cause was hopeless from the beginning and England had little difficulty in stopping the one serious revolt of Elizabeth's reign. The year 1570 opened with the murder in Scotland of the Regent Moray. Rome took the opportunity to issue the long delayed excommunication, depriving Elizabeth of her pretended title to the Kingdom of England, releasing her subjects from their allegiance to her, and interdict- ing obedience to her laws. The actual outcome was far different from anything Rome had anticipated. The lEnglish stood by Elizabeth more strongly than ever before. Englishmen of the Roman Communion have a right to be proud that so many in those years of storm and stress neither relinquished their faith nor forget their patriotism; yet when their fellowbsubjects had been thus absolved of their allegiance, the Protes- tants can hardly be blamed for being over-ready to assume that they were in league with the Queen's enemies. The Pope could have done nothing calculated more thoroughly to translate the ordinary sentiment of loyalty into a passion of resentment against its opposite. 5 England had to contend also with Ireland, France, Gund Spain. Ireland, like Scotland, could be used as a base of operations against England. Ireland was a country Of continuous revolts and dangers of revolts and was \ 15 Innes, pp, g;§., p. 283. m.” 04 end I |IV q IF. 'U 'l n 11.1 l7 staunchly Catholic. While France was always striving to rebuild the old Franco-Scottish alliance, she was not beneath receiving aid from Elizabeth in her religious difficulties. Elizabeth still dangled the marriage proposition in front of them and in the end they were to become allies. Spain, by this time, had gained the America's, the route to the east, and trade with India and Japan. Spain was, without a doubt, the strongest power at this period. She controlled the seas and laid the foundation for expansion. 'But Philip's position was vulnerable. Financially Spain was in a serious condition. Their empire had been too scattered to defend properly. They.had to protect themselves on the Western Mediterr- smean against the Turks. .dnd the Netherlands were a constant source of trouble. In 1575 England's position in Europe, though far from secure, was relatively safe. The foreign debt, which had hung like a millstone round her neck since the commencement of the reign, was practically exp tinguished. Trade was beginning to bloom, and for the next eleven years wealth poured into the country. The queen's credit stood high in Europe--much higher than King Philip's, who could not borrow money at .1oss than from 12 to 18 per cent., while Elizabeth ‘could have it at 8 or 9 per cent. The renewal of 'the treaty of Bleis with Henry III removed any immediate danger from France: the crisis with Spain had been disposed of by the treaty of Bristol and time reopening of traffic between England and.Antwerp; and Scotland was quiescent under the anglophil govern- ment of Morton, the king being a minor of nine years. Apart from the unalterable enmity of Rome and of the 0.2.11” who flitted about the Continent like uneasy 18 ghosts, living meagrely on Spanish pensions and hoping for the 'enterprise' that would restore them in triumph to their native land, there was little to trouble the Sgeen except the continued turmoil in the Netherlands. Elizabeth kept the revolt in the Netherlands going for two reasons. In the first place, if Philip was the victor there was always the chance he would turn his arms against Elizabeth in favor of the Catholics, striking at her from the Netherlands. Secondly, France might heed the call of the rebels with the obj ect of annexing the Low Countries. Elizabeth found it beneficial to employ these tactics until Philip either tired of war or submitted. Nhile Elizabeth was occupied with the Netherlands, Mary Stuart initiated a plot against her with a Floren- tine banker by the name of Ridclfi. By the end of the year Nalsingham and his agents had discovered the plot. Ridolfi escaped to Spain; Norfolk, who was to have married Mary in the event the plot was successful, was executed; and Mary herself remained a prisoner." Henry III, Duke of LnJou, succeeded to the throne Of France in the spring of 1574. is Anjou had once been encouraged as a suitor to Elizabeth, now his younger brother, the Duke of Alenccn, was encouraged. Elizabeth ¥ 16 Black, 2n. ELLE-a pp. 287-288. 17 James Richard Joy, g Ou lin Histgzy _o_§ Englgng (New York: Chautauqua Press, 1890 , p. 195. 19 seemed determined to marry him, against the advice of Cecil and the Council. This struggle between Elizabeth and her Councillors went on until 1586 when Elizabeth finally closed the matter and ended the question of her marriage. In the meantime, the marriage proposal proved an excellent political weapon. During these years, 1574-1583, Sir Francis Drake made his successful passage through the Straits of Magel- lan. Sir Walter Raleigh sent expeditions to the New World that settled in Virginia. The first Jesuit missioners landed in England to win back the people to the old faith. Elizabeth continued to frighten Philip with the prospect of an Anglo-French alliance. French.policy took a more active turn against Spain. Events in Scotland took a more favourable turn and the situation in Ireland was comparatively peaceful. Early in 1583 Mary Stuart began another plot, this time with.Francis Throgmorton. The plan was for a French invasion of England under the protection of Spain.18 It was stopped in good time, however, and Mary's second serious threat to Elizabeth's throne collapsed. Of equal importance was the assassination in 1584 of William of Orange, the leader in the Netherlands' fight ‘ 18 Ibid., p. 199. 20 for freedom. With his death the possibility of Philip's success there became imminent. But the Hollanders held out against Philip, and England was saved temporarily from sending aid. Leicester was sent to the Netherlands in 1586 with.partial help. He accomplished nothing, -however, and by the end of the year he was back in London. .At the same time in England Nalsingham was preparing the final trap for Mary Stuart's death. Anthony Babington and a Jesuit named Ballard were plotting to assassinate Elizabeth. Nalsingham and the Queen were informed of each new development of the plot. When every member connected with it had completely committed themselves, 'Malsingham stepped in and had the conspirators arrested. For eighteen years Mary had been a prisoner in England. The situation was finally brought before Parliament and the House of Commons where Mary was accused of being a murderess, an adultercss, and a common disturber of Elizabeth's realm. On February 8, 1587 she met her death on the block.19 The obvious heir to the throne of England was now the Protestant James of Scotland. There was a split in the Catholic ranks and any reasonable hope of a Catholic rebellion in England vanished. The Protestant Reformation was well underway in England. .As religion ¥ 19 Creighton, gagen Elizabgth, pp. 227-230. 21 and politics were finally disentangled, the beneficial idea of toleration was born. The results of Mary Stuart's execution were far- reaching. England stood alone. Spain, France, and Scotland obJeotod to the execution. Ireland was in revolt and trouble was still brewing in the Netherlands. .At last, however, the endless evasion had ceased to be possible. Leicester's campaign in the Nether- lands, feeble ae it was, and Drake's expedition to Cartagena, put an end to the theory that Spain and England were at peace. It was known that in the ports of Spain and Portugal Philip was making his slow preparations for a naval attack; his ablest admiral, Santa Cruz, had formulated a vast scheme- vaster indeed than Philip was ever prepared to adopt. The Guises were prepared to go any lengths to prevent the legitimate Protestant succession in France; and the French King had publicly thrown in his lot with the Guisee. Now also Mary Stewart was not only cut of the way herself, but before her death had declared against the succession of her own claims of her son, and had acknowledged Philip, a legitimate descendant of John of Gaunt, as her heir. At last in Philip's mind the suppression of Elizabeth acquéaed precedence over the suppression of the Province . Sir Francis Drake sailed from Plymouth on April 2, 1587 with nine fighting ships and transports for Cadiz and Lisbon. Against the advice of the Vice Admiral Burrough and his Council of War, Drake entered Cadiz, wrought terrific destruction, and confiscated all the stores he could. He then captured the Sargres forts at Capt St. Vin- cent. Philip's transport arrangements were located there ‘ 2O Innes, pp. 311., p. 556. 22 and Drake's destruction crippled the Armada for many .months. Drake then sailed home, having made it impossible for the Armada to sail during 1587. When Drake returned to Plymouth, he brought enough booty to more than pay for the cost of the expedition. Nhile England and Spain were at last preparing for open war, France was caught up in the war of the three Henries-Henry II, Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise.21 Spain could not expect any substantial aid from France, and England anticipated no difficulties of danger from Scotland and Ireland. The Armada put to sea with about 130 ships. Of those, 62 were of over 500 tons burden. The whole English fleet is given as 197 ships including the 34 of the Royal Navy. or these, only 49 exceeded 200 tons. The average tonnage of the 62 was quite double that of the 49; and the aggregate of the 130 was approximately double that of the 197. The re- corded lists and estimates also give the Spaniards double the number of men and guns. Many of the great Spaniards were little more than transports; on the other hand, half the English ships were too small for effective fighting. But there is little doubt that the English fighting ships were much better armed relatively to their size; that the guns were better, and infinitely better handled. The ships were in fact far superior as fighting machines, because the two fleets were built, armed, and manned, on two diametrically opposed theories of naval tactics: which may be summed up by saying that the Spaniards relied upon mass, and hand to hand fighting, the English on mobility and artillery; applying uncon- sciously by sea the principles by which the great land-tacticians of the past, Edward III. and Henry V., 21 Creighton, Thg Age 2; Elizabeth. pp. 172.174. 23 had shattered greatly superior hosts at Crecy and Agincourt. The finer comprehension of naval strategy on the part of the English admirals had been made of no account by the ignorance of the supreme authority, which detained the fleet on the coast: but their tactical developments were unhampered. For the first time on a large Egale the accustomed rules were about to be discarded. Leicester was in command of the Land Forces. The Lord Admiral Howard of Effingham was in command of the English fleet. Drake went as Vice-Admiral and John Hawkins as Rear-Admiral. The Duke of Medina Sidonia was in charge of the Spanish Armada when it sailed from Lisbon on May 20, 1588. It was not until July 20th that they came in view of Plymouth where the major part of the English fleet was lying. After three encounters the English scored their first victory and the Armada was unable to secure a station in the channel. The Armada went to Calais and the English fleet sent eight fireships on them. Panic resulted and the fleet became scattered during the night. The next morning the entire English force lay to the windward within striking distance. The struggle that followed was a desperate one and did not let up until both fleets began to run low on amunition. The English withdrew from the engagement when a storm blew up. When it cleared the Spanish were in full flight.25 22 1111188, 22. we, Pp. 360-361. 23 Norah“ and Walker, no Elie. PP. 76-79e 24 The English lost about a hundred men and one ship. Not more than half of the Armada returned to Spain. Nine- teen are recorded as wrecked on the coasts of Scotland and Ireland; five were lost in France and Holland; two were sunk in the battle; two were abandoned to the English; and the fate is unknown of thirty-five of the ships.24 The issues that had finally sent the Armada to England were many. The religious problem, England's help in the Netherlands, the English raids on Spanish coasts, ' Mary Stuart's execution, and the political and economic situation were all involved. The defeat of the Armada secured England's position as the dominant power on the seas and in the world and greatly weakened Spain's. The reign of Elizabeth and of the statesmen who were her councillors was at its peak. England had proved herself the mightiest power in Europe. She now controlled the seas and had defeated every attempt to bring England back to Catholicism. England had a more religiously tolerant state than existed any where in Europe. Elizabeth had kept England at peace and created the greatest of national spirits. Nicholas Bacon died in 1579, Leicester in 1588. Of more political importance was the death of 24 Black, 29,. _c_i_t,., p. 352. 25 the French Duke of Guise on December 23, 1588.25 Nine months later Henry III was assassinated and Henry of Navarre claimed the crown of France. Drake and Norreys, accompanied by the young Earl of Essex, led a counter-Armada against Spain in the spring of 1589. Nothing was accomplished other than proving that England.was still stronger than Spain. Drake had failed, but Sir Walter Raleigh and the Earl of Essex- Walsingham'e son-in-law and Leicester's step-son-became the leading exponents of Drake's policy of war and action. Elizabeth and Burghley were of the school of peace at any cost, and Burghley's son, Robert Cecil, became the agent of his father's policy. In 1590 Walsingham died. Of the trusty servants with whom Elizabeth began her reign, Burghley alone remained. The leading men of the new generation were Robert Cecil, the Treasurer's second son, trained to business under his father's eye, and of qualities similar, though inferior; Nottingham (formerly Howard of Eff- ingham), a straight-forward man of no great ability, but acceptable to the Queen for his father's services and his own (and not the less for his fine presence); the accomplished Buckhurst; the brilliant Raleigh; and, younger than the rest, Essex. 25 Creighton, .920 9.150: PPo 1307131o 26 Beesly,.gp..2;§., pp. 211-212. 26 During the years, 1592-1594, operations against Spain consisted mainly of raids by privateering ships. The injury to Spanish trade and to Philip's finances was considerable. Those tactics did not stop Philip from trying to reorganize his navy. Frobisher stopped these plans with a successful attack against Spain on the coast of Brittany. Frobisher died during the en- counter, but the move, one that Raleigh strongly advised, proved thoroughly effective. Ireland, however, presented a much more serious problem. Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, had determined to renew the old contest between Ireland and England. Tyrone was corresponding with Philip in 1594 and a plan was underway, with Ireland as a base of operations, for another Spanish war with Elizabeth. Therefore, late in 1595, Elizabeth sent Drake and Hawkins on their last attack on Philip. Hawkins died shortly after they sailed from England and on January 28, 1596 Drake himself died.27 They had been unable to raid any of the strongly fortified Spanish coastal cities, they missed the Spanish fleet, and they were unable to return with booty of any kind. The expedition returned to England without accomplishing anything. E7 Edward P. Cheyney, g Higtgrz 2; En 1 d, Vol. I (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1926), pp. 545-549. 27 .Restless at his failure so far, Philip's deter- mination to subdue England grew more acute. Orders and counter-orders were issued from the English royal throne. There were frantic appeals on the part of the French for alliances against King Philip. On April 14, 1596 the Spaniards took Calais. In June an English force was organized to attack Cadiz. Howard of Effingham command- ed as Admiral, the Earl of Essex as General in Chief, and Sir Francis Vere commanded the well-trained troops. Cadiz was taken on June 20, 1596.28 The expedition was a brilliant success and made the twenty-nine year old Essex a national hero. The following summer Essex, Howard, and Raleigh commanded another expedition against Spain. Corunna and Ferrel, which they planned on attacking, were forewarned; the winds were unfavourable; the Spanish treasure fleet escaped them; and Raleigh and Essex quarreled violently. They returned home with little accomplished. Spain could still not muster enough to force open action, however, so Tyrone came to temporary peace terms with the English government concerning the Irish rebellions.29 28 Creighton,.gp..2;§., pp. 220-221. 29 Mandell Creighton, Th9 Tudorguagg th. Rggormgtion (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1924), p. 82. 28 Burghley died, on August 4, 1598, at the age of seventy-eight. Six weeks later, in his seventy- first year, Philip of Spain followed him to the grave. Elizabeth, at sixty-five, was the last of that genera- tion still alive. The prominent figures now were Henry IV of France, Philip III of Spain, Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, and who Earl of Essex-all of a younger generation. A disasterous defeat for the English in Ireland occurred in 1598. Essex went to Ireland in April 1599 with the title of Lord Lieutenant and Governor-General. With a warrant to return in a year's time, he headed the largest army ever sent to Ireland-21,000 men. Essex had been commanded to push straight into Ulster, as he had himself advised, and finish the war. Instead he proceeded to Leinster, Munster, and Dublin. He wrote furious letters of complaint that the Council, Raleigh, and Cecil were deliberately trying to destroy him for their own ends. Elizabeth immediately sent him orders to march against Tyrone and on no account to leave Ire- land. Essex did so in August 1599. But, before any action could be effected, Tyrone invited Essex to a parley. The result was a pseudo-peace treaty. Both armies withdrew and Essex fled from Ireland. 0n Septemp ber 28, 1599, back in London, he was put under arrest. 29 He remained in custody from October 1599 to August 1600.30 Lord Mountjoy was sent in the place of Essex to Ireland and he met with tremendous success in subduing Tyrone. Cecil's party was now in complete control, but, after his release, Essex was still the center of intrigues against the crown. He tried to persuade James of Scotland to join his cause and enforce his right to the English crown. He urged.Mountjoy to take his army and join James. A large number of men of the sword, who were supporters of his cause, gathered at Essex's house. As a popular here, Essex assured himself of the backing of the English people. In February 1601 plane for the "coup d'etat' were concocted at Drury House, the residence of his prin- cipal supporter, the Earl of Southampton. It was believed that he could calculate on a following of 120, composed of two earls, Southampton and.Rutland, several barons, and a large number of gentlemen. By this time, however, the court had learnt of the strange goings-on at Drury House, and on 7 February the earl was summoned to appear before the council. It had probably come to Elizabeth's ears that the play of Richggd.;I had been staged, with the sanction of his supporters3 at the Globe theatre--an ominous event in 1t.elre Essex did not obey the summons to attend the Council. On February 8, 1601 he led a group of three hundred men into London to overthrow the Government. London did not respond to his appeal, however, and that 30 Boesly,,gp..g;5., pp. 217-218. 31 Black, 22. 215.. PP. 371—372. 30 night Essex was a prisoner in the Tower. The trial proceeded without delay, Elizabeth signed the death warrant, and on February 25, 1601, in his thirty-fourth year, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was beheaded. Of his accomplices, five were executed, Southampton was pardoned, and the others were either fined or imprisoned. At the time of Essex's death there were rumors again of another Spanish invasion by way of Ireland. Mountjey displayed his military ability at its best and succeeded in destroying the last effort of Philip III. The Irish rebellion was finally broken and Tyrone came to terms with England. The English government succeeded again in remaining supreme. In Scotland James became more involved in the question of succession to the English throne. Both Cecil and Raleigh were corresponding secretly with James for favour in the advent that he became King. By the end of 1602 Elizabeth showed signs of being in ill-health. She outlived by five years her greatest adversary, Philip. He died, having failed in Holland, France, and England. Elizabeth would die having accomplished much for England. The manifold dangers of foreign attack had been successfully faced; the might of Spain was broken; the sea became England's and the highroad to an empire was opened wide; the nation was brought back from the brink of 31 anarchy; the popular confidence in the monarchy was restored; and a national feeling was developed of a depth and strength never before experienced. The intellectual renaissance that developed during this period aroused an interest in education which pro— ducod an abundance of grammar and elementary schools. Education became the privilege of classes to whom it had been unattainable before. A knowledge of English was demanded and histories of England's past were sold in large quantities. Translations of the classics issued from the press frequently and phamphleteers began to mold public opinion. The Elizabethan age in literature is one of the -greatest in history. It was an expression of the English people's consciousness of their own power and of their national greatness. John Lyly, with his Rgmgncg,2; E h , founded a new style of speaking and writing. It was an affected style, but a style readily adapted by the Court and Elizabeth.82 Sir Philip Sidney, a nephew of Leicester, employed a more sober and straightforward style of writing with his Thg Queen 2; the May,‘gggggig, and.21;gggg.gg,ngsig.33 The philosopher, Sir Francis 32 Eeorge Freedley and John A. Reeves, A.H;§§ory g; thg.2hg5§;g (New York: Crown Publishers, 19417. P. 103. 33 Charles W. Eliot, editor, Thg ngvgrd Classigg, Vol. XXVII (New York: P.F. Collier and Son Company, 1910), Ppo 5'6o I'I 32 Bacon, exemplifies the Elizabethan prose writers at their best. His Essays are excellent examples of the new English literature.34 The dramatists and poets, however, bring this period its greatest glory. Sir Philip Sidney's sonnets show the beginnings of these love poets. Edmund Spenser's Fggrig,gpggg is perhaps most representative of the new culture. It is the great epic of Elizabethan England. At the time of the defeat of the Armada the excitement of the English people reached its peak and drama began to flourish more fervently than ever. Of the dramatists, Marlowe, Greene, Peels, Nash, and Shakespeare are the most notable. Christopher Marlowe only lived to the age of twenty-eight, but in that short time he wrote Tgmbur- leinammsi.lheiaazkaln. sadism. Itm in Shakespeare that Elizabethan drama reached its height. His comedies, tragedies, and histories have established his reputation as a poetic genius. Thus the poetry, prose, and drama represented England and her people at their greatest.35 The standard of living conditions was immeasurably increased with the development of industry and commerce. 3: Ibid.. pp. 60-61. 35 Marchette Chute, Shgkgspggrg'gg London (New York: E.P. Button and Company Incorporated, 1949), 397 pp. 33 In 1560 the coinage was stabilized by recalling the old debased coins and replacing these with new standard ones. The Poor Law of 1601, requiring all able-bodied men to work, increased the number of farm laborers. In commerce the government formed numerous trading companies--the Muecovy Company, the Levant Company, the Turkey Company, the Eastland Company, and the East India Company. With the increase in trade England developed a large merchant marine and both exports and imports increased in volume. In the central government the Queen controlled Parliament and, while it was an almost absolute rule, she ruled under the constitutional forms. In local government the old nobility had lost its former power. The administration of justice was greatly improved under Elizabeth over that of the other Tudor rulers. The religious situation resulted in the establishing of Anglicanism, although the Catholics and Non-Conformists still had a small foothold. The Protestant reformation, under the leadership of John Knox in Scotland, was well underway after the execution of Mary Stuart. Scotland and England were completely at peace. Ireland was com- paratively quiet after Mountjoy's successes and Spain's ambitions were completely frustrated. This was the position of England at the beginning of 1603. By March Elizabeth was desperately ill. The 34 last act of her reign was the naming of James of Scotland as her successor. Then, on March 24, 1603, at the age of seventy, Elizabeth Tudor died. CHAPTER II A CHARACTER ANALYSIS OF ELIZABETH TUDOR An historical background of the period of Elizabeth's life presents an understanding of the major political and religious events that were taking place. When studying the character of Queen Elizabeth as a woman in history, it is necessary to take into consideration the psychological, sociological, and physiological factors that contribute to the making of this enigmatic and contradictory monarch. The major psychological factors that will be evaluated are Elizabeth's abilities and qualities, her temperament, the chief disappointments and frustrations in her life, her personal ambitions and attitude toward life, her moral standards, complexes, and intelligence quotient. Eliza- beth's class, occupation, education, religion, home life, race and nationality, political affiliations, and amuse- ments are the sociological factors that will be analyzed. The physiological factors of Elizabeth's life that will be considered are her age, sex, appearance, height, posture, color of hair, eyes, and skin, and other hereditary influences that directly affected her. In policy Elizabeth used dissimulation, pliability, indecision, procrastination, parsimony, cunning, and pre- varication. In this manner she dealt with France and 36 and Spain, and Rome and Calvin. She was Protestant because of her birth and became the leader of both the Reformation and the Renaissance. Elizabeth kept England at peace for thirty years. Her subtle intellect, whether being exercised at Court Festivities or in the Council, combined itself easily with her temperament. That too--in its mixture of the masculine and the feminine, of vigour and sinuosity, or pertinacity and vacillation-—was precisely what her case required. A deep instinct made it almost impossible for her to come to a fixed determination upon any subject what- ever. Or, if she did, she immediately proceeded to contradict her resolution with the utmost violence, and, after that, to contradict her contradiction more violently still....Her femininity save her....Yet if is true that a woman's evasiveness was not enough; male courage, male energy were needed, if she were to escape the pressure that came upon her from every side. Those qualities she also possessed.1 She was infinitely subtle and humane. Her temper was violent and instantaneous. She was vigorous, swore vividly, spat like a man, and struck with her extraordin- arily long hands. Her laughter was immediate and stimu- lating. Elizabeth loved hunting and out-of-doors activities one moment, but the next moment would find her with her secretaries coldly discussing state business. Although she dressed with elaborate femininity, Elizabeth talked and acted like a man. She was in every respect a representative of the Renaissance. She knew six languages, l Lytton Strachey, Eliz b th and Egsex (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1928), pp. 11-13. 37 was a student of Greek, an excellent musician, and had a rich background in painting and poetry. Her dancing, after the Florentine style, was magnificent. Elizabeth's conversation was brilliant, humorous, and intelligent. Her command over words and her perception of personalities made her one of the greatest diplomats of her age.2 As a young girl, Elizabeth studied under Richard Cox, whom she afterwards made Bishop of Ely, Sir John Choke, the great Cambridge scholar, and later, Roger Ascham. It was with these men that Elizabeth's intelli- gence was nurtured and bred. The brilliant mind, for which she was to be greatly admired in later years, was carefully trained. “It is difficult to say,“ Ascham told his friend Sturm, the celebrated Strassburg scholar and Protes- tant, ”whether the gifts of nature or of fortune are most to be admired in my distinguished mistress. The praise which Aristotle gives, wholly centres in her; beauty, stature, prudence, and industry. She has just passed her sixteenth birthday and shows such dignity and gentleness as are wonderful at her age and in her rank. Her study of true religion and learning is most eager. Her mind has no womanly weakness, her perserverance is equal to that of a man, and her memory long keeps what it quickly picks up. She talks French and Italian as well as she does English, and has often talked to me readily and well in Latin, moderately in Greek. When she writes Greek and Latin, nothing is more beautiful than her handwriting. She delights as much in music as she 2 Ihida' pp. 11-18. 58 is skillful in it. In adornment she is elegant rather than showY....I am invgnting nothing, my dear Sturm; there is no need. Roger Ascham's observation of this young girl show the beginnings of that side of her nature for which all men were to praise her-her intelligence, determination, and versatility. Each of these characteristics Elizabeth found valuable in all of her dealings. What is more important, she knew how to use them to her best advan- tage. Nor was it only in her mind that these complicated contrasts were apparent; they dominated her physical being too. The tall and bony frame was subject to strange weaknesses. Rheumatisms racked her; intoler- able headaches laid her prone in agony; a hideous ulcer poisoned her existence for years....In spite of her prolonged and varied sufferings, Elizabeth was fundamentally strong. She lived to be seventy- a great age in those daYs--discharging to the end the laborious duties of government; throughout her life she was capable of unusual bodily exertion;... Probably the solution of the riddle--suggested at the time by various onlookers, and accepted by learned authorities since-was that most of her ailments were of an hysterical origin. That iron structure was a prey to nerves. The hazards and anxieties in which she passed her life would have been enough in thong selves to shake the health of the most vigorous; but it so happened that, in Elizabeth's case, there was a special cause for a neurotic condition: her sexual organisation was seriously warped.... From its very beginning her emotional life had been subjected to extraordinary strains. The intensely impressionable years of her early childhood had been for her a period of excitement, terror, and tragedy. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O C 3 John Ernest Neale, Queen Elizabeth (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1934), pp. 16-17. 39 Who can wonder that her maturity should have been marked by signs of nervous infirmity?...Marriage was distasteful to her, and marry she would not. For more than twenty years, until age freed her from the controversy, she resisted, through an incredible series of delays, ambiguities, perfidies, and tergiv- creations, the incessant pressure of her ministers, her parliaments, and her peOple. Everything points to the conclusion that such- the result of the profound psychological disturbances of her childhood-was the state of Elizabeth.4 In spite of all the power she possessed, Elizabeth was also an extremely insecure woman. The basis of this insecurity started when she was born to Anne Boleyn and Henry VIII, an unwanted daughter. When Elizabeth was two and a half years old she was the legitimate heir to the English throne. Her older half-sister Mary had been de- clared illegitimate when Henry VIII had divorced Catherine of Aragon in order to marry Anne Boleyn. After Anne was executed, Elizabeth was banished from her father's sight. She was sent to Hunsdon House, in Hartfordshire, where she was put under the care of Lady Margaret Bryan, Katharine Ashley, and Blanche Parry. Elizabeth had been uprooted from all that stood for security to her. For the next eleven years her affections had never been able to make claims anywhere. At the age of fourteen she suddenly found herself settled in the 4 Strachey, pp. cit., pp. 19-24. 40 atmosphere of home life. After Henry's death in 1547 she was placed under the care of the Queen-Dowager, Catherine Parr. Thomas Seymour, after proposing and being refused by Elizabeth, married Catherine and it was with this couple that Elizabeth found herself. For once she felt security in her life and attached all of her emotions to this feeling of stability that had been denied her for fourteen years. She continued her education here with Roger Ascham and laid the firm foundation for all of the intellectual dealings as a future Queen. As she grew to enjoy Seymour's company more and more, she soon began to think of other things. The Lord Admiral was a man in his late thirties. He had had short-lived love affairs, brief political dreams, and great ambitions. What started as a flirtation between Elizabeth and Seymour soon bloomed into a love affair between a young girl, experiencing her first feelings of security, companionship, and love, and a man old enough to be her father. History records the early days of their romance as being the happiest and most carefree in Elizabeth's life. Catherine Parr seemed ignorant of the extent to which it had gone. In 1548, however, Catherine became pregnant. As sometimes happens on such occasions, the husband looked around for comfort and found it, in this case, quite close at hand. His attentions to Elizabeth be- came more eager and his opportunities for being alone 41 with her increased. The Queen, in her sixth month of her pregnancy, came one day unexpectedly upon them-n Elizabeth and Lord Seymour-“he having her in his arms.‘I He must have had her in his arms before this and often, and so it must have been the secrecy which offended his lawful wife. We gather that she was offended and that the Princess was frighteneg. Per- haps the Admiral was at last frightened too. That spring Elizabeth was sent away from the Seymour household and the following August, Catherine died in child- bed. The double shock of being banished from another home and the death of Catherine was a tremendous one for Eliza- beth. Once again she stood alone and Seymour's actions after the death of his wife did not improve matters any.6 His ambitions carried him farther away from what he wanted and the early part of 1549 found him a prisoner in the Tower. Along with Seymour went Catherine Ashley, Elizabeth's governess, and Thomas Parry, her steward. Elizabeth was confined at Hatfield. Her position became extremely perilous as the Lord Protector Somerset and the Council tried to draw her into the affair. It was rumored that she was with child by Seymour and that they were plotting to take the throne.7 For the first time Elizabeth had 5 Katharine Anthony, ngen Elizabgth (Garden City, New York: Garden City Publishing ompany, 1929), p. 41. 6 Edward Spencer Beesly, Queeg Elizabeth (New York: Macmillan Company, 1892), pp. 2-3. 7 Anthony,,gp. cit., p. 51. 42 real fear for her life, but she also was provided with her first opportunity to prove herself as a woman of extreme skillfulness. She stood by her innocence steadfastly, cautiously and prudently working around the Council until they finally absolved her of any connection with Seymour. Elizabeth's ability as a stateswoman showed itself for the first time in all the power that she was to employ in her future role. Her brief experience with security and its abrupt conclu- sion taught her how to deal with people. Never committing herself or involving herself unwittingly, she succeeded in completely baffling her accusors. Her fundamental feeling of unstability forced that side of her character that was contradictory and puzzling, that side that forbade Eliza- beth from ever showing her real emotions or thoughts. Nothing could prevent the death of Thomas Seymour and, on March 20, 1549, he met his death on the scaffold. This was a crushing experience for a girl of sixteen. It was undoubtedly the great crisis of Elizabeth's life, and did more than anything else to form her character. She learned, and she never forgot the lesson, that it was dangerous to follow her inclinations and indulge her affections. She dearly loved Seymour, with the ardour of a.passion- ate girl. She was on the brink of a secret marriage with him, though she knew his coarse character and had been witness of the unhappiness of his former wife. She had a strong feeling of attachment for Catherine Ashley, and had trusted to her discretion. 43 She learned the limitations of human trustworthiness, the inevitableness of personal responsibility. All this was an unwelcome revelation of life and its issues to herself. She must trust in herself and in herself only. Rigorous self-repression and self- restraint could alone enable her to stand securely. 8 Love, trust, confidence were all beset with dangers. Years later Elizabeth became entangled in another love affair, this time with Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester. He was consumed with ambition as Seymour had been and its focal point was always Elizabeth. Elizabeth, in turn, first encouraged then discouraged him. As usual, she refused to come to any decision concerning the marriage problem. Here is another facet of this many-sided charac- ter. Elizabeth seemed unable to come to a decision, or if one was made, to stick by it. Always procrastinating, evading, changing her mind, no one was capable of knowing what she really thought. The Leicester affair is an ex- cellent example. She refused to marry him because he was a subject, and yet she refused to marry a foreigner because he was not English. Elizabeth did not give up Leicester either. The scandal and gossip connected with their names grow to large proportions and, with the sudden death of Dudley's wife, Amy Robsart, it reached its climax. 8 Mandell Creighton, Queen Elizabeth (London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1920), pp. 15-16. 44 Elizabeth, as she looked back upon the past, must have seen that she was repeating a former experience. She had endangered herself before by a coarse flirta- tion with Seymour: now there was no one to call her to account, but she was endangering her position by an unseemly flirtation with Dudley. Doubtless she saw her folly and regretted it; but she was too proud to avow her regret, or to reverse her conduct suddenly. Still her eyes were open to the fact that she was de- rided abroad and had sown discontent at home. In the beginning of October she told Cecil I‘that she had made up her mind and did not intend to marry Lord Hobart"; Yet she did not break off her intimacy with.him. Once again Elizabeth had given herself in love and had allowed the woman to rule the queen. Nothing stOpped her until the general unrest of her people made itself known. Her loyalty to England is the one consistent factor in Elizabeth's character. Her deep feeling of love and responsibility for her people would never allow her to make a step that would endanger their loyalty to her. Elizabeth seemed to give herself completely to her country as she was never able to do with any one person. Although her name was linked with Dudley's for the next thirty years, she never allowed herself to let her emotions rule her head again. The lesson she learned from Seymour's death, and later from Dudley's love, was undoubtedly great. After the death of Thomas Seymour and during the remainder of Edward's reign she spent her time at Hatfield or Ashridge. Ascham continued as her tutor and Elizabeth 9 Ibid., p. 68. 45 throw herself headlong into her studies. Her reputation had been damaged materially and she was determined to rebuild it. She lived quietly, behaved modestly, and acted in as pious a manner as possible.10 It was only natural that Elizabeth should have looked to Mary for an example of exalter demeanour. Mary was the only woman in her environment who rep- resented royalty. She was the offspring of the world's highest culture, for Spain was then the Beau Brummel among nations, the home of fine manners and silk stockings, where people were inclined to look down from great heights on the crude English. The child of Anne Boleyn must have early realized her inferior ancestry and tried unconsciously to imitate her Spanish-English sister. It would be interesting to know where the two girls got the deep contralto voices, sometimes referred to as harsh, which characterized them both in womanhood. As they shared the red hair of the Tudors, they also had this common trait, however it originated.... Both of the Tudor Princesses had a strong motive for adopting the unfeminine trait. Circumstances compelled them from their earliest infancy to play the part of men in life, whether they liked the role or not. A harsh commanding voice may have been a help to them in this.11 The necessity of Elizabeth's impressing her older half-sister with her good reputation cannot be undervalued. Edward VI was ill and Mary would ascend the throne. Mary's distrust of her had shown itself from the moment of Elizabeth's birth. If Mary became Queen of England it was necessary for Elizabeth to be in her good graces. Too lo Ipidg' pp. 15-16. 11 Anthony, pp. cit., pp. 24-25. 46 many Tudors had gone to the Tower for Elizabeth not to realize that this fate was just as possible for her. Elizabeth had successfully escaped peril with Thomas Seymour, yet she still faced dangers in the event Mary became queen. Elizabeth's keen and adroit judgement of her future forced in her character a subtle and cunning manner which she used to great advantage for the next fifty years. This clear-sighted looking ahead that was so characteristic of Elizabeth's later policies showed itself for the first time. By the middle of May 1553, Edward was dead and the Northumberland fiasco had miscarried. Elizabeth rode to London where she met Mary and, on August 3, 1553, they entered the city. The two half-sisters were a striking contrast. Mary was in her thirty-eighth year; short, very thin, with a round face, reddish hair, large light eyes, and broad, rather low nose. She had once been attractive, but worry had marred her looks and made her prematurely grave; ill-health, too, the result perhaps of her sufferings had helped to steal her youth away. Elizabeth was just twenty, in the full bloom of life. Some thought her very handsome, others rather comely than handsome. She was moder- ately tall, with a fine figure to which her dignified carriage lent impressive majesty. Her hair was golden, but more red than yellow; her skin was fine, though of an olive complexion. She had striking eyes, and above all, beautiful hands which she knew how to display. The old world and the ng; such were these two daughters of Henry VIII. 12 Neale, 22. £11., p. 28. 47 Elizabeth faced a grave problem. Nothing had been done about her illegitimate status and Mary had no inton- tions of correcting the situation. So deepened the intrigue between these two sisters, one a staunch Catholic and the other a Protestant, who strove to please her sister by attending Mass. True to the follies of the age, plots developed and maintained as their center, Elizabeth. Ever increasing were the plots to make Elizabeth Queen and rid the country of Mary. Once again Elizabeth had good reason to fear for her life and, hardened as she had become, she learned what was to be the basis of her later policies-- rule by your head and think only of England. The insecurity of her position paralleled itself with the Seymour affair. Elizabeth was wiser now. Her diplomacy in handling Mary saved her. The cold, objective intelligence of this young Princess enabled her to see what the future might have in store for her. Elizabeth would not allow anything to destroy her opportunity of one day being Queen of England. Mary, in the meantime, was corresponding with her cousin, the Emperor Charles V of Spain, for a marriage between herself and his son, Philip. No caution could overcome the repugnance of the English people to this invitation of a foreigner to mix in English affairs. It was in vain to represent 48 to Mary the dangers which she ran. 'Rather death,“ she said, 'ghan marriage with any one save the Prince of Spain."1 This was the situation in 1554 when Sir Thomas Wyatt rebelled. The plot was frustrated, but provided Mary with an excellent reason for placing Elizabeth in the Tower. It was discovered that Wyatt had twice written to her and received answers, but they were verbal and amounted to nothing. They may not even have been here, for some of her servants had been in- volved in the conspiracy, and there is no saying what use they had made of her name. Anyhow, verbal answers could always be repudiated. Elizabeth did not stop at this: 'As for the traitor Wyatt,” she said, 'he might preadventure write me a letter, but on my faith I never received any from him." Whether she was speaking the truth, or whether, as is poss- ible, it was a clever half-truth, there is no means of saying. It is difficult to believe that she was ignorant of the conspiracy. She may not have approv- ed of it, for it was not in her nature to rejoice at the prospect of receiving a crown at the hands of rebels and at the expense of her sister's life. But supposing--as hints in later life suggest--that she both knew and disapproved, she could neither resist nor betray men who were devoted to her cause. Her only possible line of conduct was to keep clear of anything that might fatally compromise her. It called for skill, but skill of a kind that was supremely here. The Government could say no more, nor can posterity say more, than the words which she was said to have scratched on a window pane: Much suspected by me, Nothing proved can be.14 13 Creighton, pp. ci§., pp. 25-26. 14 N081., 22o _°__1_t_op pe 37o 49 After two months in the Tower, Elizabeth was finally released. Mary was not blind, however, to the developments and worked harder than ever at a plan to strike Elizabeth out of the succession. If it had not been for Mary's marriage with Philip of Spain perhaps she would have succeeded. As it turned out Mary became a lovesick.woman and would do anything to please the husband who grew to hate the country and his wife. Philip saw in Elizabeth the possibility of a good marriage with some Prince of the Roman faith. The ad— vantages for tying England more firmly to Catholicism could not be overlooked. Philip wanted Elizabeth's freedom and Mary obeyed him. Philip left England and only once returned, and then to engage England in a war with France. While in England as a bridegroom, Elizabeth had been able to befriend Philip. Partly through his efforts she retrieved hor liberty. Throughout the rest of Mary's reign, Elizabeth managed to say out of trouble and to quell the attempts of her loyal friends to put her on the throne in Mary's place. On November 17, 1559, Mary died, closing an unhappy chapter and not promising a pleasing beginning for Elizabeth. England had grown skeptical of women rulers and was doubtful of the qualities of this young girl. Elizabeth ascended the throne when she was twenty-five; Many when she was thirty-eight. 50 Few rulers ever ascended a throne better prepared for her task than did Elizabeth. The facts of her personal experience had corresponded with the exper- ience of the nation. Her own life had been interwoven with the national life. She had been in imminent dan- ger, both under Edward and under Mary. She had suffer- ed; she had learned as the nation learned and suffered. She had lived amongst perils, and had been taught the need of prudence. Self-mastery, and self-restraint had been forced upon her. Bitter experience had taught her how little she could satisfy her own desires, how little she could confide in the wisdom or discretion of others. She had spent long hours in enforced solitude and reflection as the drama of events passed before her. She had seen the failures of others lives, their dis- appointments, and their tragic end. And, in all this, she had been no idle spectator, but one whose own fortunes were deeply involved; and at each new turn of events men's minds had been more closely directed to her, so that her personal importance had been emphasised. She seemed to form part of all that the nation had passed through. Now she was called upon to amend the melancholy results of the ill-directed zeal of others, to bring back England to peace and security. . . . Her training had been severe; but to that severity was due the character and the qualities which enabled her to face the work which lay before her. She would not have ha it otherwise, for it made her one with the DOOPICe 5 Elizabeth was now confronted with an entirely new and different situation. She was in absolute control and was granted all of the security of position that had been denied her during the first twenty-five Years of her life. That she could never trust even the security of kingship is shown in_the way she Jealously guarded her new position; in the way she suspiciously handled all who came in contact with her; and in the way shd’clung to all the adverse 15 Creighton, pp. cit., pp. 41-42. 51 qualities she had been forced to knit into her personality as a young girl. As a queen she was royally imperious and personally charming like her father Henry VIII; cautious, prudent, thrifty, and stingy like her grandfather Henry VII. Eliza— beth was as gracious as her mother, but not as affectionate. She never eXperienced the full meaning of love--not with a Seymour, a Leicester, or an Essex. She was proud, vain, unscrupulous, and cold like both her parents.16 She could be sincere and natural at times, and dissemble with great ability at other times. Yet, although she was inconstant and uncertain, she deeply felt the responsibility of her position and in this Elizabeth fully represented England. She created a feeling of personal loyalty in her subjects by avoiding unhealthy undertakings and keeping down ex- penses. In the light of facts it would appear that she acted with the results in mind, not caring what the means might be. Elizabeth never acted until she was assured of the popular backing and yet she never took either her people or her Council into her full confidence. The first important act of Elizabeth's reign was her appointment of Sir William Cecil, later known as Lord Burghley, as her Principal Secretary. A man of thirty- 16 Ibide, DD. 5-60 M‘s: I“ ‘1‘. HE :0 129 I16 W 'ale ‘s.. I. ‘E 52 eight, of middle class stock, he had been Personal Secre- tary to the Lord Protector Somerset and had managed to survive his fall, Northumberland's rise and fall, and Lady Jane Grey's. By choice he was a Protestant but, during Mary's reign, he conformed to Catholicism. He was to be the dominant voice in Elizabeth's policy for the next forty years. He was a person in whom intellect and not emotion ruled; and he sought intelligence even in marriage. His first wife was Cheke's sister, his second one of the brilliant daughters of Sir Anthony Cooke, whom Ascham named with Lady Jane Grey as the most learned women in England. His capacity for work, his care for detail, his grasp of difficulties, amounted to genius; and if ever there was a perfect minister, it was he. No step was more propitious at the opening of Elizabeth's geign than his appointment as Princi- pal Secretary.1 Elizabeth and Burghley were as one with all of the policies of the reign. When Elizabeth was impulsive, contradictory, er demanding, Burghley was cautious, deliberate, and prudent. Besides Burghley, Elizabeth appointed Sir Francis Walsingham to her Council. For over forty years Elizabeth trusted these two men more than any of her Council. She found them loyal, able, and resourceful, and in return they received her loyalty. 17 Neale, 32, §i3., p. 53. 55 Walsingham won his position by sheer force of ability and character; qualities in him which were probably discovered by the penetration of William Cecil, with whom he was always on the most cordial terms, although himself the advocate of a much bolder policy than was favoured by the cautious Lord Treasur- er. None could say of Walsingham, as his enemies have said of Cecil, that he was in any degree a time server; he was not only as incorruptible, but it could never be hinted that in affairs of State his line of action was deflected by a hair's breadth by any considerations of personal advantage or advancement. He indulged in none of those arts of courtiership which not only a Leicester, a Hatton, or an Essex, but even a Raleigh, took no shame in employing to extravagance. Not Knollys nor Hunsdon, her own outspoken kinsmen, could be more blunt and outspoken to their royal mistress than he. It would be difficult to find in the long roll of English statesmen one more resolutely disinterested, or one whose services, Being admittedly so great, were re- warded so meagrely.1 Although Elizabeth's loyalty did not often manifest itself in generosity, she relied heavily on these two men. Never having received generosity as a child, Elizabeth never found it within her power to be overtly generous with others. She repaid them by giving them her confidence and by following most of their advice. Elizabeth, who was passionately against war-like measures, found them a stabil- izing influence for the hotheads at court who favored war. While Burghley figures in her religious and political policies, Nalsingham appears mainly in the light of a secret service agent. Elizabeth could not have done without either of these brilliant men. 18 Arthur D. Innes Ten Tudo; State men (Londonl Grayson and Grayson, 1934 , pp. 24l-24§. 54 The complete antithesis to Elizabeth was Mary Stuart, the romantic Queen of Scotland and the Isles. Mary Stuart had few of Elizabeth's qualities. She was a romantic and acted as one in every sense of the word. The struggle between these two women went on for twenty- nine years and ended with Mary's death on the block. They were both at different ends of the pole as women and as gas 811‘ e Mary Stuart was the champion of the old Catholic faith; Elizabeth Tudor constituted herself the defender of the Reformation. The two queens symbolized two an- tagonistic eras, two antagonistic outlooks upon the universe; Mary incorporating that which was dying out, the Middle Ages, the days of Chivalry; Elizabeth being the embodiment of the new, the coming time. Thus the birth-pangs of a fresh turn in history came to be suffered an the struggle that ensued between these cousins.1 Elizabeth's indecision concerning Mary's death is the greatest example of her inability to make up her mind. The insistence of the councillors that she sign the death— warrant made it easier for Elizabeth, for she was anxious to shift the blame from herself to the members of her Council. This way Elizabeth's clemency would be praised, and the Continent could not blame her for Mary's death. Still Elizabeth would not come to a definite decision. Her uncertainty led to outbursts of temper and overwrought 19 Stefan Zweig, Magy Queen g; Scotl d and the Isles (New York: The Viking Press, 1935 , p. 80. 55 nerves. After putting it off for nearly a half a year, Elizabeth signed the death-warrant and Mary was executed. Even with this positive act, Elizabeth took a reverse stand and declared she never intended that the death- warrant be carried out. One of the greatest dangers to her political se- curity was removed when Mary Stuart was executed. Her next victory came with the defeat of the Spanish Armada. The defensive period was over and England began to lay the foundations of a worldwide empire. It is at this point that Elizabeth reached the highest peak of personal victory for herself and England. She had ruled England for thirty years. Her private life had become one with the stats. She had never married, although her councill- ore and her subjects had desperately wanted it. She had successfully warded it off, year after year, until now marriage was too late. She had involved England in a war With Spain only when it had become unavoidable to do anything else. The country was now prosperous and unified and the people humbly thanked their queen for it. Elizabeth herself was older now. She could sit back and relax, discard the mask she had worn for so long, but she chose to keep it on. The characteristic qualities that had been implanted in her as a young girl had become too much an integral part of her. Whether she 56 wanted to or not, Elizabeth could never show her real self. Elizabeth was still distrustful of people and situations, and could not even now trust in the security with which she found herself surrounded. She was still unable to completely give her love, trust, or confidence and, as a result, she drew more than ever within herself and lived the rest of her years as much an enigma as ever. When she was at this peak of personal victory, her favourite, Leicester, died. For thirty years Elizabeth had continued in her relationship with him and, although her love was first for England, she had attached herself to him as a symbol of past love and youth. The ties of the past were beginning to leave her. The last person who was left for her to love was Leicester's step-son Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. There was a fatal attraction between Queen Elizabeth and the Earl of Essex; a woman of fifty-five who was trying to recapture youth, and an ambitious man of twenty-one. Essex, like his predecessors Seymour and Leicester, was a dashing, young court favourite. full of the adventure of the age. The ambiguous years passed, and the time came at length when there could be no longer a purpose in marriage. But the Queen's curious temperament re- mained. With the approach of old age, her emotional excitements did not diminish. Perhaps, indeed, they actually increased; though here too there was a mystification. Elizabeth had been attractive as a girl; she remained for many years a handsome woman; 57 but at last the traces of beauty were replaced by hard lines, borrowed colours, and a certain grotesque in- tensity. Yet, as her charms grew lose, her insistence on their presence grew greater. She had been content with the devoted homage of her contemporaries; but from the young men who surrounded her in her old age she required--and received--the expressions of romantic passion. The affairs of State went on in a fandango of sighs, ecstasies, and procrastinations. Her pres- tige, which success had made enormous, was still further magnified by this transcendental atmosphere of personal worship. . . . Her clearsightedness, so tremendous in her dealings with outward circumstances, stopped short when she turned her eyes within. There her vision grew artificial and confused. It seemed as if, in obedience to a subtle instinct, she had succeed- ed in becoming one of the greatest of worldly realists by dint of concentrating the whole romance of her nature upon herself. The result was unusual. The wisest of rulers, obsessed by a preposterous vanity, existed in a universe that was composed entirely either of absurd, rose—tinted fantasies or the coldest and hardest of facts. There were no transitions--only opposites, Juxtaposed. The extraordinary spirit was all steel one moment and all flutters the next. Once more her beauty had conquered, once more her fascina- tions had evoked the inevitable response. She eagerly absorbed the elaborate adoration of her lovers, and, in the same instant, by a final stroke of luck and cunning, converted them-~like everything elge she had anything to do with-~into a paying concern. 0 Elizabeth had had little difficulty with troublesome subjects. They had a deeprooted faith in their queen and were not tempted to arouse her anger. Essex probably caused Elizabeth her most anxiety. At first their rela- tionship was romantic and easy going, but these two distinct personalities were not without their quarrels. In 20 Strachey, £0 Me, PP. 25'27e 58 the end it proved to be Essex's undoing. They were for- ever quarreling, separating, reconciling, and quarreling again. This relationship was to be repeated many times before they finally parted. Early in 1593 Essex was sworn into the Privy Council. Elizabeth was sixty; Essex, twenty-five. As time crept upon her, she seemed to shrink and retreat into the serried gorgeousness of her apparel. Farthingale and ruff became wider and wider. sleeves swelled beyond the circumference of the normal human body, her Majesty was lost within them, and it was impossible to calculate her form. Only the women who dressed her knew that she was a skeleton, still cover- ed with skin but almost devoid of flesh. Between the flaming impossibility of the wig and the width of the cartwheel ruff, the world could only see a carefully painted skull, domineered over by that high, arrogant, hawk-like nose; but from their deeply sunken sockets, the dark, glowing eyes were disquietingly alive. One thing alone time had scarcely touched, her long, beautiful hands. Their skin was drier and the blgi paths of their veins more distinct, that was all. Essex, throughout his brief career, was the most generous patron of Anthony and Francis Bacon. In every attempt for his friends he failed, however, and in his own fatal hour neither came to his aid. Francis eventually turned to the side of Burghley's hunch-back son, Robert Cecil, and Sir Walter Raleigh. Robert Cecil had virtu- ally taken over the position of Principal Secretary when 21 J. Delves-Broughton, giggg Imperial (London: Faber and Faber, LTD, 1949), pp. 432-433. 59 Sir Francis Walsingham died in 1590. He had been care- fully educated and possessed much of the great ability that his father had. Raleigh was representative of the rising generation, the men of action. He taught England the might of her fleet and he opened up for her the idea of an Empire beyond the seas. Raleigh's policies agreed in the main with those of the Cecile. The Cecile had no liking for Essex, and Essex, in his turn, was violently Jealous of Raleigh's favour with Elizabeth. Essex, who could never conceal his feelings concerning anything, made his enmity known and Elizabeth used this also to her own advantage. One day, during a discussion about the appointment of a Lord Deputy for Ireland, Essex was irritated that Elizabeth did not follow his advice. He turned his back upon her with a gesture of contempt. Elizabeth's wrath flamed out in a moment. She gave Essex a box on the ear, and told him to 'go and be hanged". Essex, in a fury, clutched his sword, and Nottingham had to come between them and drag away Essex, who swore that he would not have brooked such an affront from Henry VIII himself. It was some time before Essex could be induced to agglogise, but Elizabeth never entirely forgave him. He left the court and went to Wanstead. At the same time the court was shocked by the death of Burghley. Net ten days after his death, the situation in Ireland became more serious. Essex reconciled with Elizabeth. 22 Creighton, 22. cit., pp. 279-280. It was not the same as before and perhaps each had a certain premonition of what the future held. The appoint- ment of a Lord Deputy in Ireland was imperative, but Essex disputed every choice. In desperation he suggested himself and Elizabeth accepted. He bungled his Job in Ireland with slowness and indecision. After a pseudo—treaty in Ireland, he returned to London, a disgrace in the eyes of the court, a hero in the eyes of the public. Essex was put under arrest and was not released until eleven months later. He soon fell to plots and intrigues against the Government and when the Council demanded his attendance he refused to go to Court. Instead his adherents had the players at Southwark act Richgrd.tgg Sgcgnd, including in it the scene of the deposition of King Richard which had been censored by the Government. The next day, with a band of some hundred men, Essex walked through the streets of London to the Strand, but without the popular backing he had expected. The Queen's troops appeared and Essex surrendered. He went to the Tower on February 8, 1601. Even before his trial, there was no doubt as to the outcome. For once Elizabeth never hesitated in making a decision. For once Elizabeth stuck by her original decision. The trial took place on February 19th and Elizabeth signed the death-warrant with- out delay when it was brought to her. On February 25, 1601, 61 the Earl of Essex was beheaded. Elizabeth, in her sixty- eeventh year, outlived another lover. Afterwards a romantic story was told, which made the final catastrophe the consequence of a dramatic mishap. The tale is well known: how, in happier days, the Queen gave the Earl a ring, with the promise that, whenever he sent it back to her, it would always bring forgiveness; how Essex, leaning from a window of the Tower, entrusted the ring to a boy, bidding him take it to Lady Scrope, and beg her to present it to her Majesty; how the boy, in mistake, gave the ring to Lady Scrope's sister, Lady Nottingham, the wife of the Earl's enemy; how Lady Nottingham kept it, and said nothing, until, on her deathbed two years later, she confessed all to the Queen, who, with the exclamation 'God may forgive you, Madam, but I never can!“ brought down the curtain on the tragedy. . . . but it does not belong to history. The improbability of its de— tails is too glaring, and the testimony against it is overpowering. . . . Essex made no appeal. or what use would be a cry for mercy? Elizabeth would listen to nothing, if she was deaf to her own heart.2 Elizabeth only lived two more years. She never sur- vived this last shock. She suffered much during the last days of her life and her Coronation Ring which she had never taken off had grown into the flesh. It was filed off and it was as though her last tie with life was gone. On March 24, 1603 she died. Elizabeth's character still remains a perplexing mystery. Her life was a constant struggle from beginning to end. A realist, she possessed abilities of statesman- ship that amounted almost to genius. She knew the virtue 23 Strachey, pp..§li.. pp. 264-265. 62 of moderation and precaution. Although she always postponed decisions, yet with tough determination she pinched and scraped when State expenses were concerned. Elizabeth lived only for England, but behind her appar- ently cold and hard tactics was a warmth that manifested itself in her relationships with Seymour, Leicester, and Essex. Her temper was violent and sudden, changing as quickly from outbursts of anger to displays of kindness. Any spilling of blood, whether on the block or in war, was foreign to her personality. Elizabeth always looked ahead and surrounded herself wisely with an organization of clear-thinking statesmen. She was vain in her desire to be considered the greatest of rulers. She was a supreme egoist, passionately desiring power, and bent on seeing England great. Elizabeth was dissentient, puzzling, distrust- ful, crafty, skillful, able, circumspective, diplomatic, and far-sighted in her political life. At the same time she was loving, humane, clement, insecure, and completely frustrated in her personal life. The two lives cannot be separated. Elizabeth was fully repre- sentative of her period and cannot be judged as queen and woman. The two were interwoven too tightly to see one without the other. The queen influenced the woman, 63 and the woman influenced the queen. "The country mourned her like an orphan when she died. Her reign was a mar- riage, and the nation was her child.'24 24 Anthony, .22e flies pe 258a CHAPTER III THE ROLE OF ELIZABETH AS CREATED BY MAXWELL ANDERSON AND THE ACTING SCRIPT OF THE MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE PRODUCTION OF ELIZABETH grip gm A study of the psychological, sociological, and physiolegical factors that contributed to the character of Queen Elizabeth was necessary in order to more fully understand her as she is seen in history. With this background ef Elizabeth as an historical character, it is necessary to analyze Maxwell Anderson's conception of her in.§11§apg§h‘thg.guggn. Before considering what facets of her character Mr. Anderson has employed in the process of creating an acting role, a discussion of the adaptation of historical facts is required. Eliggbgth‘ghg.ggggg concerns the love affair of Queen Elizabeth and the Earl of Essex, his generalship in Ireland, and his execution. Mr. Anderson has included in his play Lord Burghley, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir Francis Bacon. However, he has deleted and trans- posed some factual material. Certain major liberties have been taken in the writing of the play for dramatic purposes, in order to present a more compact picture of the events that took.place. The play begins just before Essex goes to Ireland, 65 which was in April 1599, and concludes with his execution on February 25, 1601. Historically, Lord Burghley died on August 4, 1598 before Essex's venture to Ireland. However, because Burghley represented so much of Elizabeth's reign, he was retained as were the other historical charac- ters. History and drama run parallel through Essex's return and imprisonment on September 28, 1599. Here Mr. Anderson departs from history and the play concludes with Essex's execution. Actually, he was released in August 1600. The following February he revolted against the Government and was again arrested and sent to the Tower. This time Elizabeth ordered his death and on February 25th, nearly two years after his return from Ireland, he was beheaded. In order to understand how Maxwell Anderson has developed his creation of Elizabeth in the play, an analysis of the script itself is necessary. The main temper of the play is unquestionably one of consistent, bitter disillusionment and cynicism. The other characters, the statesmen who surround the Queen-Cecil, Raleigh, Bacon-are one and all schemers and intriguers, their actions governed only by lust for power. To hold power is inevitably to traffic in it and be corrupted by it, Anderson would seem to say; the councilors of Elizabeth's court are kin to the Continental Congressmen of Valley Fgrgg and the corrupt legislators of Both Your Housgs. 1 Eleanor Flexner, America; Playggight : 1918-1938 (New York: Simon and Shuster, Incorporated, 19385, p. 91. 66 Act I opens in an entrance hall before the palace at Whitehall. Sir Walter Raleigh and Elizabeth's Lady- in-Waiting, Penelope Gray, present the exposition of the play. The Earl of Essex and Queen Elizabeth have quarrel- ed, but Essex is expected back at court that very day. Sir Walter Raleigh makes mention of his new silver suiting. This was an actual event that Mr. Anderson has incorporated into the play. After Essex's successful venture to Cadiz in 1597 there was a temporary truce between Essex and Raleigh. Raleigh celebrated the occasion by having made for him a suit of silver armour; and so once more, superb and glittering, the dangeroug man stood in the royal antechamber at Whitehall. Sir Robert Cecil arrives and the discussion that ensues between Cecil and Raleigh presents a double picture-- one of Raleigh's intense dislike of Essex, and one of Elizabeth's and Essex's relationship. Raleigh asks Cecil: Which does she love more, Her Earl or her kingdom?... She loves her kingdom 3 More than all men, and always will. 2 Lytton Strachey, Mam gn_d Eggs: (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1928 . p. 136. 3 Maxwell Anderson, Eli b h the ngen (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1930 , p. 13. 67 r',“ All her long life Elizabeth exemplified this-her struggle to become Queen of England, her refusals to marry, and her jealous love of power. She placed the love of her f kingdom first. She had never shared her power with her I love, and it was unlikely that she would start to now. The decision lay with Elizabeth, but indecisive and con- tradictory as she was, Essex's enemies had reason to fear. Cecil's statement, 'This Elizabeth of ours can be difficult en her good days--and there have been no good ones lately“,4 further illustrates the fear they had of her undisciplined and violent temper. To rid themselves of Essex, Raleigh and Cecil plot to send him to Ireland.5 Mr. Anderson has used this historical basis to build up even more strongly the resent- ment that existed at court between Robert Cecil and Walter Raleigh toward Essex. Essex then enters with silver armor fer all of the Queen's Guard. This incident has no foundation in history, but dramatically is useful in pointing up the forward and youthful attitude of the Queen's young lover. The scene that follows, between Essex and Sir Francis Bacon, is based partially on letters that Bacon ‘ Ihédo, p.120 5 Arthur D. Innes, Ten Tudor Statesman (London: Grayson and Grayson, 1934), p. 281. 68 wrete Essex, and partially on Elizabeth's personal attitude about war.6 She is a woman and fights a womanish war.... You are loved better than The Queen. That is your danger. She will not suffer A subject to eclipse her; she cannot suffer it. Make no mistake. She will not.... 7 Count not too much on the loves of queens. Elizabeth's dislike of warlike measures, her ever-present fear that her security might be snatched from her, her vanity as queen, and her warmness as a lover--all of these traits which she displayed all of her life, are pointed out to Essex by Bacon. But Essex exemplifies the Thomas Seymour of Elizabeth's youth-~the dashing court favourite whe was too ambitious and too greedy for power and who died for it. Mr. Anderson has echoed here those few times in Elizabeth's long life when she allowed her heart to rule her head. He underlines this feeling with the cen- stant reminder that, in the long run, England would always come first and the cold objectivity that Elizabeth exercis- ed for so long would not fail her now. The first scene of the play points out Elizabeth's age and her desire to recapture youth with a youthful lover, her enigmatic character, and the control she still 6 Strachey,.gp. git...PP. 119-122; 190-195. 7 Anderson, pp. git., pp. 19-22. .0. 69 had over her subjects and the world. Although Elizabeth herself is not in the scene, Mr. Anderson has succeeded in painting a composite picture of the Queen as she was seen by historians in her long reign--a picture of the woman and the queen, the lover and the diplomat. He has clearly outlined the problems of court intrigue that were ever-present during Elizabeth's reign. He has drawn an historically accurate blueprint of the personages involv- ed in the intricacies of court life. Scene 2 of Act I takes place in the Queen's study. A short interview ensues between Essex and Penelope Gray in which Essex declares his love of Elizabeth. Penelope is not an historical character, but is representative of the young Ladies-in-Waiting with whom Elizabeth surround- ed herself. With Penelope's departure Elizabeth enters. After a reconciliation between the two, Elizabeth shows her violent temper and then, as suddenly, her love for Essex. The incident is typical of their entire relation- ship with their constant quarrels, departings, and reconciliations. Elizabeth's lines illustrate this when she says to Essex: You are young and strangely winning and strangely My hezzgegoes out to you wherever you are. And something in me has drawn you. But this same thing That draws us together hurts and blinds us until 70 We strike at one another.... I think if we are to ove we must love and be silent-- For when we speak---— The lines show what Elizabeth has seen in this handsome youth and also the impossibility of their situation. Both people, as history repeats time and again, were drawn to each other. The differences and the similarities of their personalities and positions made it impossible for them to .meet on common ground. Elizabeth's and Essex's discussion of war and his success in Cadiz further illustrates the basic difference between them. Elizabeth never sent her people to war until it was absolutely necessary. The only great war of her reign was the Armada in 1588 in which England won world supremacy. Mr. Anderson's lines sum up the philosophy by which she lived and ruled: A campaign into Spain's pure madness, and to strike at Flanders At the same moment-~think of the drain in men And the drain on the treasury, and the risks we'd run or being unable to follow success or failure For lack of troops and money---£... Never yet has a warlike expedition Brought me back what it costi... I have kept the peace And kept my people happy and prosperous.... It requires more courage not to fight than to fight When one is surrounded by hasty hot-heads, urging 8 Ibid., pp. 27—29. 71 Campaigns in all directions.... It's because I believe in peace and have no faith In wars or what wars win. It has been pointed out previously that this was the policy that Elizabeth followed without fail. Mr. Anderson has accurately dramatized this fundamental trait of Elizabeth's. In this scene Essex calls Elizabeth a penny- pincher, a coward, and a weasel queen. While standing for the hot-blooded younger generation, Essex is contrasted with Elizabeth to show more of her characteristic qualities. Each accusation is true of Elizabeth's past dtalings as queen, and each is employed by Mr. Anderson to further round out the personality he is creating. When their quarrel reaches its peak Essex tells Elizabeth that she is a touchy queen. Elizabeth's sudden reversal of temperament brings out her life as a child as the daughter of Henry VIII. I had bad bringing up. §.2%°42§'°§n§“§2 ZES.§’.‘§°§2§$J“EOS°1“E ‘° b' . . The scene then swiftly concludes with a reconciliation between the lovers and a warning from Elizabeth of Cecil's plans to bait Essex into going to Ireland. 9 Ibid., pp. 29-51. 10 Ibid., p. 32. 72 Mr. Anderson builds the entire association between Elizabeth and Essex as a passionate love affair. In this scene he has deve10ped the theme of great love. He has continued to build up the perplexity of Elizabeth's char- acter by showing in turn her jealousy, her humor, and her love; her love of swearing and the sudden outbursts of temper that so characterize her; her ability as a states- woman and her policy of peace in regard to war; and her great wisdom and foresight. Act I, scene 3, takes place in the Council Chamber. The Queen, her fool, Essex, Burghley, Raleigh, Cecil, and numerous Councillors are present. Reference is made to the Spanish hostages. The actual event took place in 1596 when Essex returned from Cadiz in triumph and glory. The Queen insisted that the ransoms from the wealthy hostages belonged to the crown instead of to Essex. Mr. Anderson has transposed historical facts and included them, at a later date, in his play. However, the situation remained the same. Elizabeth demanded the ransoms and then unex- pectedly reversed and allowed Essex and his men to keep them. The Irish problem was the next pressing issue that came before the Council. Tyrone's rebellion in Ulster re- quired immediate attention and an appointment was urgent. Essex, following Bacon's advice, suggested several of 73 Cecil's friends for the Generalship. When he found these rejected, in anger, he offered his own services. Opposition always tended to make Essex lose his head. He grew angry; the Mountjoy proposal seriously vexed him, and the renewal of Knollys' name was the last straw. He fulminated against such notions, and, as he did so, slipped--after what he had himself said, it was an easy, an almost inevitable transition--into an assertion of his own claims. Some councillors supported him, declaring that all would be well if the Earl went; the Queen was impressed; Essex had embarked on a heated struggle--he had pitted himself against Knollys and Mountjoy, and he would win. Francis Bacon had prophesied all too truly--the reckless man had indeed "passed from dissimulation to verity.‘I Win he did. The Queen, bringing the discussion to a close, announced her decision: since Essex was convinced that he could pacify Ireland, and since he was so anxious for the office, he should have it; she would make him her Lord Deputy. With long elated strides and flashing glances he left the room in triumph; and so--with shuffling gait and looks of mild urbanity--did.Robert Cecil. Mr. Anderson has only changed Elizabeth's own personal reactions to this appointment. Historically this scene is accurate in fact. The playwright has afford- ed himself of the opportunity to show the Queen's willing-» ness in shifting decisions from herself to others. He has shown Elizabeth's sly insight into political and diplomatic problems, her control in the Council, and, once again, her violent temper, climaxing the sequence with: “Yes. Go to Ireland. Go to He11.'12 ll Strachey,‘gp. cit., pp. 192-193. 12 Anderson, 2p. citl, p. 46. 74 The remainder of the scene is pure fiction. Although there is a romantic legend about Elizabeth giving Essex a ring, it is quite unfounded in the annal's of history. However, it affords Mr. Anderson with the oppertunity to portray Elizabeth's love for Essex and her fear of him, her foresight of what is to come, her hesitation, caution, and her forgiving nature. Actually it was some months before Essex departed for Ireland. During this interim Essex gravely repented his decision, and Elizabeth wavered between sending him and keeping him in London. Finally she signed his appointment as Lord Deputy and he left amid the cheers of the London citizens. Francis Bacon later wrote: I did as plainly see...his overthrow chained, as it were, by destiny to that journey as it is possible for a Ten to ground a judgment upon future contin- gents. Act II opens with a scene that takes place in Essex's tent in Ireland. The playwright depicts the deplorable situation of Essex and his army in Ireland—- the illnesses, the losses of men, the lack of supplies and money, and the general unrest among the troops. The scene is heightened dramatically with the entrance of a Courier who brings a letter from Elizabeth demanding l3 Strachey, 2p. p13,, p. 198. 75 that Essex return to London to give himself up. Essex rebels at this humiliation and determines to enter London and take over the Government. Certain liberties have been taken at this point with the course of history. The Queen wrote repeatedly demanding Essex to stay in Ireland and finish the war. However, Essex was faced with failure with each move he made. His sudden decision to return fellowod a pseudo-peace treaty he effected with the Irish rebel Tyrone. The many letters that passed between Eliza- beth and Essex are still preserved and never once did she order his return to London. The second scene of this act is based primarily on the assumption that Elizabeth's and Essex's letters to each other had been intercepted. Although historically inaccurate, it still provides the forewarning that Cecil and.Raleigh have the upper hand at Court and are even capable of turning Sir Francis Bacon against Essex, his Patron and friend. The remainder of the scene between Elizabeth and Bacon is based partially on an actual inter- View between the two. When Elizabeth questioned Bacon about Essex's situation in Ireland he replied: “Madam,” he said, 'if you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand, as my Lord of Leicester had, and continued him still about you for seciety to yourself, and for an honour and ornament to your attendance and Court in the eyes of your people, and in the eyes of foreign ambassadors, then were he in 76 his right element. For to discontent him as you do, and yet to put arms and power into his hands, may be a kind of temptation to make him prove cumbersome and unruly. And therefore if you would send for him, and satisfy him with honour here near you, if your affairs --which I am not vauainted with—~will permit it, I think were the best way.'14 Other than this historical incident the scene is primarily plotted to indicate the emotional strain Elizabeth was under. Mr. Anderson has used it to show her shrewd, subtle, and cunning intellect working at odds with her strong desire for love and tenderness. He has built in one speech all of these characteristics and indicates the rationalization process that she went through in forcing her mind to rule over her heart. I'm gone mad Pacing my room, pacing the room of my mind. They say a woman s mind is an airless room, bunless and airless, where she must walk alone, Saying he loves me, loves me, loves me not, And has never loved me. The world goes by all shadows, And there are voices, all echoes till he speaks-- And there's no light till his presence makes a light There in that room. But I am a Queen. Where I walk Is a hall of torture, where the curious gods bring all Their racks and gyves, and stretch me Till I cry out. They watch me with eyes of iron. Waiting to hear what I cry} I am crying nowh- Listen, you gods of iron: He never loved me-- He wanted my kingdom only-- Loose me and let me go! I am still Queen-- l4 Ipid., p. 210. 77 That I have! That he will not take from me. I shall be Queen, and walk his room no more. He thought to break me down by not answering-- Break me until I'd say, I'm yours, I'm all yours-- what I am And have, all yours! That I will never, never, Never say. I'm not broken yet.15 The entire scene was used in order to more fully round out the character of the Queen as she existed in history and as the playwright has created her for drama. He succeeds in remaining true to both history and drama and presents a believable human being undergoing normal human emotions. Scene 3 of Act II takes place in the Council Chamber. It opens with Burghley and Cecil discussing the possibility of a reconciliation between Elizabeth and Essex. News is received that Essex's house in the Strand is full of rebels. The events of Essex's return and his preparation for attack on London are factual, but have been transposed from a later date. These events actually took place in 1601 just preceding his second arrest. Besides these treasoneus actions, Sir Gilly Merrick, one of Essex's adherents, went to the players at Southwark. He was determined, he said, that the people should see that a Sovereign of England could be deposed, and he asked the players to act that afternoon the play of Righggd the Second. The players demurred: the play 15 Anderson, 22, ci§., pp. 67-68. 78 was an old one, and they would lose money by its performance. But Sir Gilly insisted; he offered them forty shillings if they would do as he wished; and on these terms the play was acted. Surely a strange circumstance: Sir Gilly must have been more conversant with history than literature; for how otherwise could he have imagined that the spec- tacle of the pathetic ruin of Shakespeare's minor poet of a hero could have nerved any man on earth to lift a hand, in actual fact, against so oddly different a ruler?16 This has been changed in order to show Elizabeth's immediate reactions. In the play the two Shakespearean actors, Burbage and Hemmings, are introduced and Elizabeth questions them concerning their performance of the play. Mr. Anderson deftly portrays Elizabeth's wisdom and knowledge of her subjects, her humanenese, and her un- canny farsightedness. Is my kingdom so shaky that we dare not listen to a true history? Are my people so easily led that the sight of a king deposed in play will send them running hither to pull the Queen out of her chair? Have we not passion plays in every little town showing the murder of our Lord?...Are we too stupid to see that to prohibit a rebellious play is to proclaim our fear of rebellion’...Let them mutter, if they will. Let them cry out. Let them run the streets, these children. And when they have worn themselves weary running and crying “Up with Essexi Down with Elizabeth!" and got themselves drunk on mutual pledges, thpy will go to bed, sleep soundly and wake up wiser. To contrast the more quiet and subtle emotions of this scene, the playwright has followed it with a scene 16 Strachey, pp. cit., pp. 241-242. 17 Anderson, pp. 915., pp. 76-77. 79 of vivid emotional outbursts. Elizabeth's temper bursts violently over a trivial matter concerning the Court fool and Penelope Gray. It illustrates her sudden reversals of temper and her ability to bring it under control just as quickly. Take this fool, Captain, and put him in the dark for three days with but little bread and water. I have a distaste for this fooling....This Mistress Gray, take her too! Let her have bread and water! ...I am weary to death of you! I am weary of all men and women, but more of you than any! You have written. You have had letters! I say, take her out of my sight! Whip them first, whip them both! Nay, leave them here, leave them, knaves--leave them! Damn you, do you hear me! You are too quick to obey orders! You beef-witted bastards! And now let us have entertainment, gentle lords! Let us bf merry! The players are here! Let us have a play! 8 Following the interview with the players, Essex and his men burst into the conference. The actual event took place in the Queen's bedroom. Following his return, Elizabeth gave Essex a day of liberty at the Court while she found out exactly what circumstances surrounded his sudden return. That evening she sent Essex word that he was to be confined at York House. He was a virtual prisoner there and at Essex House for eleven months. His liberty then proved even more dangerous and six months later he prepared to march with his men against the city 18 Ibid., p. 79. 80 of London. Essex's plans failed and Elizabeth lost no time in ordering his arrest. This situation, in the main, has been completely transposed and boiled down into the one day on which Essex returns from Ireland and bursts into the Council Room. The dialogue that follows between Elizabeth and Essex represents much of what these two distinct per- sonalities must have experienced emotionally during the year and a half that elapsed between Essex's return from Ireland and his execution. Elizabeth cross-examines Essex carefully, showing much of the crafty and cautious statesmanship that she exercised in political matters. She becomes angered with his openly superior attitude and his candid answers. And then she becomes soft and loving when she realizes their letters have been intercepted. After a reconcil- iation between the two lovers, Essex sums up his actions. I am troubled to be dishonest. I have brought my army here to the palace And though it's all true what we have said-- No letters--utter agony over long months-- It is something in myself that has made me do this. Not Cecil-~not--No one but myself. The rest is all excuse.... If you had but shown anger I could have spoken Easily. It's not easy now. But speak I must. on, I've thought much of this, Thinking of you and me. And I say this now In all friendliness and love-- The throne is yours by right of descent and by Possession-~but if this were a freer time, 81 If there were elections, I should carry the country before me. And this being true, And we being equal in love, should we not be equal In power as well?... As water finds its level, so power goes To him who can use it and soon or late the name Of King follows where power is.19 Elizabeth's reaction to Essex is both an intell- ectual and an emotional one. She at last objectively looks at this dashing young courtier and recognizes the greed of power that has completely engulfed him. She finally realizes the real threat that he has become to her position. As a woman Elizabeth is hurt and dis- appointed. The psychological shock produces all of the cold, steel-like facets of her personality to react and she scoffs at his protested love for her and derides his actions. Elizabeth gives Essex her promise that he will share the realm with her, adding, 'As I am Queen, I promise it."20 Essex's belief in Elizabeth at this point becomes self-evident. All through Elizabeth's long reign her word as Queen had been contradicted and reversed many times. Essex's complete confidence in her is evidenced by his immediate dismissal of his men. To prove they have departed, Elizabeth calls her own guard. 19 20 Ibid., P. 92. Ibid., pp. 88-90. 82 The scene then takes an abrupt shift as Elizabeth orders the arrest of Essex and his imprisonment in the Tower. Elizabeth's entire life is summed up in the lines she speaks when she sends Essex to the Tower. I have ruled England a long time, my Essex, And I have found that he who would rule must be Quite friendless, without mercy----without love. Arrest Lord Essex. Arrest Lord Essex! Take him to the Tower-- And keep him safe.... I never Jest when I play for kingdoms, my Lord of Essex.... I trusted you. And learned from you ghat no one can be trusted. I will remember that. 1 The situation in which Elizabeth finds herself duplicates itself with many others throughout her long life. She realizes she must stand alone if she is to succeed and learns once again that she can trust only in herself. She places England above everything else. It was one of the few times in Elizabeth's life that she made a decision and did not attempt to alter it in any way. Once Elizabeth determined that Essex should be put on trial and be executed, she never wavered. Although it was fifty-two years later, Elizabeth must have seen the cycle her life had made from the Thomas Seymour episode when she was a young Princess to the Essex affair when she was an aging Queen. 21 Ibid., pe 94s 83 Although Elizabeth never saw Essex after his initial return from Ireland, Mr. Anderson has added a highly imaginative climax to their relationship. The third act takes place in the Queen's apartments in the Tower on the morning that Essex is to die. The first part of the Anderson play was not much more than an ably presented preparation for a splendid and glowing last act, which borders on high tragedy. With Essex in the dungeon and Elizabeth in her room just over it an hour before the doomed man is to lose his head, we are suddenly confronted with the meaning of the whole thing, precisely as we realize in life that the haphazard episodes which went before some tense climax are part of a larger scheme of things that we are pleased to call fate or destiny. And here destiny, in the form of political intrigue, has forced the ambitious young Duke into a position of ascendancy over Elizabeth from which he sees with perfect clarity that there is no possible escape....Essex becomes here not a pitiable fool but a truly tragic figure, and Elizabeth not a heartless tyrant but a sort of Cleo- patra endowed with superior brains. Had Essex been less clearminded and ambitious, had Elizabeth been less independent or less concerned over her importance as a ruler, a conventional happy ending would have been imperative, and we should have lost a tragic parable. But Essex being the sort of man Mr. Anderson conceives him to have been, and Elizabeth being what she is here made out to be, the answer is tragedy. Through a number of short sequences the playwright has been able to complete his characterization of the Queen and to philosophize on Elizabeth's life and reign. “Her last years were a notable comment on the emptiness of pomp 22 Barrett H. Clark, M 1 And rs n the Man gag Hig Play; (New York: Samuel rench, 1933!, pp. 22-23. 84 and power.'23 Elizabeth's lines in this scene indicate this emptiness and loneliness that she has finally come to recognize. And The gods of men are sillier than their kings and queens-«and emptier and more powerless. There is no god but death....This is the end of me. It comes late. I've been a long time learning. But I've learned it ngz. Life is bitter. Nobody dies happy, queen or no. later, to Cecil, the Queen says: It's your day, Cecil. I daresay you know that. The snake-in-the—grass Endures, and those who are noble, free of soul, Valiant and admirable--they go down in the prime, Always they go down.... Aye-uthe snake mind is best- One by one you outlast them. To the end 25 or time it will be so-the rats inherit the earth. Her words, although not historically accurate, are indicative of all that historians relate concerning Elizabeth's reign and the people that surrounded her. During those adventurous and troublesome days it was the Elizabeths and the Cecile who were victorious, while the Lady Jane Grey's and the Mary Stuart's were beaten down. In Eligabeth‘ghg ngen the gallant Essex is des- treyed by the small-minded conniving men who run Elizabeth's government;...A tragedy of two conflict- ing lovers the Earl of Essex and Queen Elizabeth, L.P. 23 John S. Jenkins, Heroin gngistory (Chicago: Miller and Company, 18885, p. 322. 24 Anderson, pp. 913., pp. 99-100. 25 Ibid.. PP. 105-106. 85 this play is essentially a tragedy of character. But their love relationship and its tragic climax when Essex loses his handsome head on the block are embedded in the treaggerous quicksands of politics and human evil. The final scene in the play takes place between Elizabeth and Essex. It is a picture of an aging Queen desperately fighting to keep the last memory of youth and love that she possesses. And when Essex warns her of what would happen if he were given his freedom, Elizabeth once more becomes the imperious Queen. Essex then turns to go to his death and Elizabeth echoes the full realization of what their relationship has meant to here Then I'm old, I'm old! I could be young with you, but now I'm old. I know now how it will be without you. The sun Will be empty and circle round an empty earth-- And I will be queen of emptiness and death-- Why could you not have loved me enoggh to give me Your love and let me keep as I was? Making no reply, Essex turns and departs. Eliza- beth's final line is a vocalized desire of what she truly wanted in life but found herself incapable of sharing or 81V1n8 up. 'Lord Essex! Take my kingdom. It is yours."28 . 26 John Gassner, M sters 2; the Drgmg (New York: Dover Publications, 1945), p. 681. 27 Anderson, pp. cit., p. 113. 28 lbs. AL- 86 Elizabeth's last two speeches in the play bear out the last two years of her life. They were the two most uneventful years in her long reign and the and approached very steadily. She had sacrificed her private happiness when she had not married Robert Dudley; she had sacrificed her peace of mind when she had consented to the death of the Queen of Scots.29 And now she sacrificed her life by sending Essex to his death. She remained, as always, loyal to her subjects and, while she had not broken her promise to them, life had broken her. Mr. Anderson, as a playwright, has brought all of Elizabeth's long career into action during one of the briefest moments of her life. He has portrayed her back, ground as the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn and has drawn her relationship with Burghley, Cecil, Raleigh, Bacon, and Essex. Each picture has been historically correct and, only in minor instances, has he transposed historical facts or changed them. The only entire scene that has no basis is in the last act. But the lines in the scene represent Elizabeth's reaction to the situation and foresee her last years as history proved them to have been. 29 J. Delves-Broughton, Crown Imperial (London: Faber and Faber, LTD, 1949), p. 541. 87 Mr. Anderson has deftly shown Elizabeth as the crafty and cautious diplomat and the intelligent yet indecisive stateswoman. He has indicated the constant contradictions of her nature, coupled with her violent temper. Elizabeth's love for power and her loyalty to her country are depicted in her policies and in her relationship with people. Her inability to completely trust or confide in those who are close to her is epposed, by her love, her humanenese, and her humor. Finally, he/W has shown her vanity, bitterness, jealousy, and selfiih- ‘ ness. Mrs. Maxwell Anderson, in a personal letter to the author, said of her husbands play: 'A playwright, reconstructing the past, makes the character alive for himself, and hopes to make her alive for his audienco.'3° Mr..Anderson certainly accomplished this, drawing frem historical sources, and producing an Elizabeth that is imaginatively alive and yet true to histery. Certain liberties were necessary, as was pointed out earlier, but the characterization of Elizabeth is one that can be easily accepted and believed. (A 30 A.persena1 letter to Miss Mariam.A1exanian from ,Mrs. Maxwell Anderson (New City, New‘York, May 26, 1950). vr‘ M .w.‘ r. r‘ rv ELIZABETH THE QUEEN ACT ONE SCENE ONE Scene - An entrance hall before the palace at Whitehall. The en- trance to the Council Room is closed and four GUARDS with hal- breds stand at either side. All the GUARDS but one stand immobile. This latter is pacing up and down the corridor. There is an eff— stage call of “Change the Guard!' At this, the GUARD who is pacing comes to attention. A FIFTH GUARD enters from corridor. They salute and change places. RALEIGH enters from down.R. RALEIGH: Has the Queen come forth yet? FIRST GUARD: No, Sir Walter. RALEIGH: Th. Earl of Essex--is he here? FIRST GUARD: He is--expected on the moment, my lord. RALEIGH: When he comes, send me word. I shall be in the Outer Corridor. FIRST GUARD: Good, my lord. (EXitB Re) (PENELOPE GRAY comes in down L.) RALEIGH: Greetings, lady, from my heart. PENELOPE‘(With a courtesy): Good- morrow, Lord, from my soul. 89 RALEIGH: I take my oath in your face that you are rushing to the window to witness the arrival of my Lord of Essex. PENELOPE: And in your teeth I swear I am on no such errand--but only to see the sun rise. RALEIGH: The sun has been up this hour, my dear. PENELOPE: The more reason to hurry, gracious knight. (Starts to cross in front of him. He stops her. RALEIGH (His arm around her): Do you think to pull the bag over my head so easily, Penelope? On a day when the Earl returns every petticoat in the palace is hung with an eye to pleasing him. Yours not the least. PENELOPE: I deny him thrice. RALEIGH (Pushing her away. She takes a step back): I relinquish you, lady. ,Run, run to the win- dow! He will be here and you will miss him! PENELOPE: Is there a lady would run from Sir Walter in his new silver suiting? You dazzle the eye, my lord, with your flashing panoper. It is more brilliant than the sunrise I have missed! RALEIGH (Looking himself over): Twit me about my armor if you will, my wench-—there is no other like it in the kingdom-~and not like to be. PENELOPE: Heaven knows I have seen none like it, and none so be- coming. 90 RALEIGH: Is there no limit to a woman's deception? Would you go so far as to ap ear pleased if 1- (He kisses her. PENELOPE: And no deception. I call the gods to witness---did I not blush prettily? RALEIGH: And meant it not at all. Tell me, did the Queen send you to look out the casement for news of her Essex, or did you- , .. l-J...‘ DEC 1 ’55 "'7‘"? unmet: J} 1‘4 lLi\' Lil. AL“ .1. I ”3 HR 7 55 pit ‘3 “3'35 W .. M. r (whhww‘vknn, ‘l .L' I." . . , t ‘1 - - Arum .JMWHH». 475.." A: . ,. O flu T‘Jf. Jr gnaw“ -1 . lu‘l‘ I" ' “J v 12 l I ll l l I I I'll l l l 3