A STUDY OF POVERTY FROM TWO PERSPECTIVES: ' STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM AND EXISTENTIAL, SOC!OLOGY ' Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY DETRN JOHN GEARD 1974. "'11- -. State University ' MW ‘{ A STUDY OF POVERTY FROM TWO PERSPECTIVES: STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM AND EXISTENTIAL SOCIOLOGY A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Michigan State University In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Deirn John Geard January 1974 . i .’e _ 'o“ . d I] 531» ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ‘6: (37 This thesis is based on research supported by a grant from the Presbytery of Detroit, United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. I am most grateful for this support. I am indebted to the Departments of Sociology and Psychiatry, Michigan State University, in granting me permission to undertake my somewhat unusual graduate program. Without attaching liability for the content of this thesis, I extend my gratitude to Professor Peter K. Manning for his willingness to act as supervisor, his academic integrity, the expansion of my sociological horizons, and most of all for that rare educational experience, self-discovery. My thinking on questions of human perception and experience, as on all matters medical, owes much to my friend and teacher, Professor Ronald Simons. I am indebted to Professor Barrie Thorne for her careful criticism of the final draft and her helpful suggestions. I wish to thank Mrs. Royleen McKelvey for the patience and care with which she assembled and recorded the research data, and Mrs. Colleen Thompson for her effort in decoding many corrections and changes, and typing this thesis. ii iii ABSTRACT An outline of the problem of poverty as it occurs within the United States, and the basis on which it has generally been defined and studied, is provided. An analysis of some of the key criticisms of the conventional or functionalist perspective are noted, and "avoided issues", constraints, and limitations suggest new research directions. An overview of the development of existential sociology and a proposal for its employment as an additional perspective for the study of poverty is attempted. Field research conducted along conventional lines is undertaken in order to indicate the shortcomings of conventional sociology; especially its inability to handle significant subjective — type data. It is concluded that although the functionalist approach to poverty makes an important contribution it may also have certain disutilities in the analysis of the problem; especially from the viewpoint of those living in a state of poverty. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACImoWLEmEMENTSOOOOOO.0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ABSTRACTOOOOOOOOOOO00.000000...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... TABLE OF CONTENTS.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO LIST OFTABLESOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO LIST OFMAPSOOOOOOOOO0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... Chapter 1. 2. Outline................................. The Problem and Its Characteristics..... Demography and Poverty.................. Some Prevailing Perceptions of the Poor. THE NEED FOR AN ADDITIONAL PERSPECTIVE.... Existential Sociology: The Additional PerspeCtiveOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. The FrameworkOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. A Perspective........................... The Everyday Life of Human Existence.... THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY IN THE UNITED STATES. Some Elements of the Problem of Existence. ' The Philosophical Seedbed of Functionalism and Existential Sociology................. Existential Philosophy.................... PhenomenOlogYOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO EXiStential SOCiOlogy...0.00.00.00.00...O. iv Page ii iii iv viii ix 17 20 21+ 25 25 26 28 30 32 35 36 Chapter 3. LT. TIE RESEARCHOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO History of the Study............ The Southwest Detroit Community. Demography.................... HOUSingOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO EconomiCSOOOOOOOOOOOOO. Health and Health Care. The Survey........... The Survey Site..... The Research Sample. The Interviewers.. THE SURVEY DATA..... Housing........... Economic.......... HealthOOCOOOOOOOOO Social Relationships. DISCUSSIONOOOOOOOOOOOO... StreSSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Anxiety: Response to the Threat of the Loss of Personal Freedom................ Page 43 A6 46 47 52 5A 5A 59 59 6O 62 66 66 69 71 76 78 814 87 vi Chapter Page APPENDICES Appendix A: MAPSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.... 92 Appendix B: QUESTIONNAIRE ADMINISTERED To ELDERLYoooooooooooooooooooo 101 DATA PROFILE OF ELDERLY INTERVIEWED................... 104 A PROFILE OF THE SOUTHWEST DETROIT COMMUNITY............. 108 BIBLIOGRAPHY.oo0000000ooooooooooooooooooooo00000000000 110 10. 11. 12. 13. 1h. 15. 16. 17. 18. LIST OF TABLES Demographic Perspective of 20th Century United States...................0.................... Life Expectancy in 1966....................... Distribution of Aged Population by Marital Status, 1967.00.00.00...00.00.000.000.00...... Partial Breakdown of Dominant Population componentSOOOOOOIOOOOOO0.00...0.00.00.00.00... Dominant Foreign Component by Subcommunity.... White, Nonwhite Components by Subcommunity.... Distribution of Persons 65 Years of Age and Over by Subcommunity.......................... Selected Housing Characteristics by Subcommunity Distribution of Physicians, Osteopaths and DentiStSOOOOOOOO...0.0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. Interview Results............................. Country of Origin............................. Housing Arrangements.......................... The Most Urgent Things to be Done in the Home. Needs and Problems as Perceived by the Elderly Do You Find That You Have Enough Money For:... Ailments of Most Concern to the Elderly....... What Activities for the Retired Do You Take Part In?....0.0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO What Kind of Things Did You Do in Your Leisure Time Before You Retired? What Kind of Things Do You Do in Your Leisure Time Now?........... vii Page 10 A9 50 50 51 58 61 65 67 67 71 72 73 74 viii Table Page 19. What Special Things Would You Like To Do?..... What Stops You From Doing More?............... 75 20. Do You Enjoy Retirement?...................... 76 Map 1. ix LIST OF MAPS Page southwest DetrOit AreaOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00...... 92 Subcommunities in the City of Detroit.......... 93 Detroit Department of Health Regions in Detroit 94 Overlay of Regions and Subcommunities.......... 95 Distribution of Physicians, Osteopaths, and DentiStSOIOO0.0...O0..OOOOIOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOO 96 Highest Concentrations of Persons 65 years and over in Southwest Detroit...................... 97 Median Value of Homes by Subcommunity: 1970... 98 Nonwhite Population as Percent of Total Population: 1970.00.00.00.0.0.0.0000....00.... 99 Subcommunities with 4,000 or More Persons 65 Years Old and over: 1970......OCOOOOOCCCC.0... 100 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY IN THE UNITED STATES Outline This thesis is designed in four parts. In the first part I will outline the problem of poverty as it exists in the United States, the basis on which it has generally been defined and studied, together with some criticisms of conclusions drawn by conventional sociology. In the second part I will discuss some of the criticisms which have been directed at conventional sociology, that is structural functionalism, and attempt to provide an overview of the genesis and development of an alternative perspective known under the umbrella—like term of existential—phenomenological sociology. The third part will describe a conventional piece of research undertaken to study the problems of the elderly in Southwest Detroit, Michigan. The data, together with some significant anomalies in them, will be presented and discussed with a view to giving support for the argument which constitutes the fourth and final part of the thesis. In the final part I will argue for the inclusion of subjective type data in "the doing of sociology" as a necessity if the discipline is going to improve its past poor perform- ance in assisting society to deal effectively with the more serious social problems which currently beset it. As it is explained later in the thesis, due to serendipity, the return of my supervising professor from sabbatical armed with thoughts previously considered as being antinomian in the sacred halls of empirical sociology, conscience, academic integrity, submission to inevitable dependency in the "two game situation" of academia, call it what you will, the thesis changed course in mid-stream. I am glad that it did. The Problem and Its Characteristics Poverty in the United States, by whatever method and criteria it is defined is a major social problem (Kolko, 1962; May, 1964; Hunter, 1965; Will and Vatter, 1965; Galbraith, 1958; Suttles, 1968; Riesman, 1973 and others). One of the more modest estimates indicates that one out of every ten Americans live in the state of poverty. Yet, the nation is considered to be the most wealthy in the world. It has a gross national product exceeding $861 billion. The average family receives an income exceeding $10,000 a of year, and some 76 million individuals earn an average wage of $2.85 an hour. The United States is the most affluent, technologically advanced, educated, and power- ful nation in the world. In spite of these overwhelm— ing benefits, and proclaiming the ethic of egalitarianism, it experiences poverty as a mass phenomenon. Poverty in the United States is largely a problem of the aged, an arbitrary social status or category which is a direct function of the market place. The locating of an individual in the category of "the retired worker", or the elderly, is a built—in protective device of the labor market in an open-market type economic system. The device operates to protect those who have controlling interests in the economy. It does this by excluding older individuals from participat- ing in the commodity and service production system of an economy oriented toward the development of a maximum profit. It guarantees a ready flow of younger, and less expensive to hire and maintain, workers into the production end of the economy. Younger workers are also more likely to be equipped with the skills and knowledge demanded in a society which experiences rapid change in technology. An educational system, largely organized on the philosophy of pragmatism, assists in maintaining this in or in in C1: in Tel (“1130- Lid. C031] QXCQ brat 10“ 1511', flow. Also, younger workers are less resistant, it appears, to changes in production and marketing methods, and the decrease in quality which seems to accompany mass production. Modern industry also requires that its employees be willing to make frequent, and socially disruptive, moves between widely separated national, and international, locations. Younger workers, competitively oriented, seem more willing to undergo such personal inconveniences, apparently placing material gain above inter-personal gain. As Whyte (1957 : #35) has correctly claimed, "Adaptation has become more than a necessity; in a life in which everything changes, it has become almost a constant". In a modern, highly industrialized, competitive, materialistic society such as the United States, the norm prescriptions require an individual to relinquish occupational and control functions at, or about, the age of 65 years, irrespective of whether the individual is physically, mentally, or occupationally competent or not. This demand, although there are exceptions among those of higher income and professional brackets, operates for most individuals, especially among low-income earners. One significant consequence of the above require- ment is the arbitrary and automatic re-location of the individual in the economic opportunity structure. The fl“,— . _ w —__——_ — — _ _ —_ — .— ——- ineeme aluays the HO: irrevoc life, 1 Simon: this p1 life c] ment. U110 1‘61 YiEWed profit income level at which re-location is made is almost always at a much lower point than that occupied during the working period of life. Also, it is usually irrevocably fixed for the remainder of an individual's life, unless, of course, there is a further lowering of income because of inflation or similar cause. Obviously this process of re—location acts to reduce the overall life chances and life quality of those placed in retire— ment. Many are reduced to a state of dependency on those who remain in the production system and are consequently viewed as dysfunctional with respect to the norms of the profit oriented social system. The physical, psycholog— ical, and emotional well-being of many retirees is henceforth controlled by their now limited purchasing power which is in turn strictly controlled by accumulated savings, if any, pensions, social security, and public assistance. Retirement demands that many difficult adjustments be made. Reduction of income, the loss of social relationships which accompany retirement, reduced mobility, independence, choices and options, result not only in material losses such as money and the goods and services it can buy, but invisible losses. These latter losses take the form of alienation, loss of dignity and sense of personal worth, especially in a society which places such a high value on the work ethic, all of which “ Cllbh': are -e orientat 0f analy Consider the agei fixed j become: It is worth inevi1 the p. large mate} abUY. ago "In n0“ Pr, 0f are subjective problems, real, but not readily ident— ifiable. Conventional sociology, with its positivistic orientation, has rarely recognized such factors as being of analytic significance and often excluded them from consideration of the problems usually associated with the aged and the poor. Without the opportunity to supplement a reduced fixed income the everyday life of the retired worker becomes an unpredictable, ambiguous, anxious experience. It is a continuous tension between the exiguous material worth of the individual and the unforseeable, yet inevitable, exingencies of human existence. In short, the poverty experienced by many of the elderly is, to a large degree, an arbitrary imposition of an impersonal, materialistic economic system which places material worth above that of human life; a cruel paradox in the face of a society which embosses its coinage with the statement, "In God We Trust". The aged represent the inevitable, normative, human waste of a profit oriented industrial society: an economic burden, and therefore dysfunctional social pathology. Conventional sociology, wedded to the Protestant work ethic, and which accepts the structure and function of a capitalist economy as normative, must of necessity prove inadequate to the task of solving the probll syster p0ver1 convex data, econom and R0 the pa] the pee experie: I‘M'Olut‘ problems which are spawned and perpetuated by the very system which commands its loyalty. The problem of poverty is not only likely to go unresolved by conventional sociology, but according to demographic data, will intensify in the years ahead if the present economic system is permitted to persist. As Colfax and Roach (197lz3) suggest: MAINSTREAM, contemporary sociology is largely the creation of cold—war liberals who, for the most part, have been content to observe and rationalize the operations of the American colossus from a position of privilege in the name of science. Demography and Poverty During the past 70 years the United States has experienced what appears to have been a demographic revolution. This is especially so regarding the elderly. TABLE 1 DEMOGRAPHIC PERSPECTIVE OF 20th CENTURY UNITED STATESa Around 1900 Around 1970 Population 76 million 205 million Life expectancy #7 years 70 years Median age 23 years 28 years Births per 1000 population 32 18 Deaths per 1000 population 17 9 Immigrants per 1000 population 8 2 Growth rate 2.3 percent 1.1 percent aSource: The report of the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future, Population and the American Future: (Washington D.C., U.S. Printing Office, 1972 17. .M __——__—-—-— SOUIE As the above table illustrates, between the years 1900 and 1970 the total population of the United States increased by some 129 million persons.1 The "technology of mortality control" has increased life expectancy by some 23 years: from 47 years in 1900 to an average of 70 years in 1970. Of the present total population of approximately 205 million, it is estimated that some 10%, or 20 million persons, are aged 65 years and over. Between the years 1900 and 1950 the total population increased by some 100% but the number of persons aged 65 years and over increased by some 300%. With the present demographic revolution in process, the number of these older persons is expected to continue to rise. By the year 2020 the number will approximate MO million. This increase represents a sizeable proportion of the total population, a proportion which will be making a considerable increase in the demand upon the available supply of essential goods and services, and the means of exchange by which they may be acquired: money.’ lAll statistics have been drawn from the U.S. Bureau of Census unless stated otherwise. At bir At age The med United 11? of persOns 0f the a TABLE 2 LIFE EXPECTANCY IN 1966a Average number of years of life remaining Total Male Female At birth 70.1 66.7 73.8 At age 65 14.6 12.8 16.2 75 9.0 8.2 9.7 85 4.7 h.5 h.8 aSource: Basic Concepts of Aging, 1. The median age of the 65 years and over group in the United States is 72 years. According to the 1970 Census, nonwhites comprise 11% of the total population and only some 6% of all persons aged 65 years and over. Therefore, nonwhites are proportionately under—represented in the population of the aged. Among the elderly there are approximately 4 women to every 3 men, with women having a greater life expect— ancy as illustrated in Table 2 above. A woman aged 65 years can expect to live approximately another 16 years while a man can expect to live a further 13 years. Not only is the life expectancy of the woman greater than that of the male, but the rate of increase also favors the 10 female. Since 1930 the life expectancy of a female has increased an additional 13 years, from 61 years to about 74 years, while that of the male has increased by some 9 years. Brotman (1968:h) estimates that by the year 1990 there will be 170 aged women for every 100 aged men. At the present time six out of every ten aged persons are women, and only two out of every ten of these women have husbands living; seven are widows. TABLE 3 DISTRIBUTION OF THE AGED POPULATION BY MARITAL STATUS, 1967a Marital status Total Men Women Total 100 #1 59 Single 6 2 4 Married 36 2h 12 Widowed 56 1A 42 Divorced 2 l l aBrotman, 25 According to Brotman (ibid:5) the geographic distribution of the elderly is "roughly similar to that for the total population; about two-thirds are urban residents. Within the urban areas, however, there is a 2Brotman, h. ' {‘1‘ \. h1.ntr in the Econemi —— that o_n age Of T the 5am( assure a lil’ing i approxim. the mar}: inadequal '_. (D (D (I) o 11 higher concentration of the aged in central cities than in the suburbs.". Economics The Bureau of Labor and Statistics has estimated that one-half of the 5.2 million married couples over the age of 65 years have an annual income below $3,000. At the same time, the Bureau has estimated that in order to assure a moderate standard of living, such a couple, when living in their own home would require an annual income of approximately $4,000. This means that less than half of the married couples over the age of 65 years receive an inadequate income. Some 60% of all singlegpersons over the age of 65 years receive an annual income of $1,500 or less It would appear that many of the elderly live in the central city and either below, or close to, the poverty level established by the Federal Government. This level is, of course, quite an arbitrary one, and as Miller and Roby (1970:21) have pointed out. If we recognise that the official estimate of the number of those living in poverty may be on the conserv— ative side, the following statement is all the more significant. 12 3 One out of every four Americans over the age of 65 years lives in poverty. And even more live so close to poverty that its chilling effects hang over them. To the trials of old age are added the harsh burdens of poverty made more cruel by the fact that it need not be. Over the past thirty years the United States has spent billions of dollars on welfare programs, housing assistance, public health, food, job rehabilitation, and social security in an attempt to alleviate wide-spread poverty. However, such expenditure appears to have had little success in decreasing the high incidence and prevalence of the problem. The failure to bring about a significant change in the magnitude of the problem seems to be due, at least in part, to the policies which have flowed from two dominant perspectives from which poverty has been viewed. First, there is the historic view that "poverty is the problem of the poor"; that it is their' own fault. This in turn stems from the Protestant Ethic (Weber, 1930) which regards poverty as evidence of divine disfavor and that those living in poverty are therefore worthless, shiftless, irresponsible and undeserving. Second, functionalists, especially Parsons (1940), Davis (1942) and Davis and Moore (1945), have provided much of the theory upon which welfare legislation has been based. 3A.A. Publication No. 260, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970. 13 They have argued that inequality is both functional and essential for the maintenance of social equilibrium. In order that differentiated occupational positions are adequately filled there must be a differential distribution of reward. That not all occupational positions are equally pleasant, important, or difficult. However, as Tumin (1953), Schwartz (1955), Buckley (1958), Wrong (1959), Lenski (1966) and others have argued, the assump- tions underlying the functionalist position "are theoretically problematical and empirically uncertain." To oversimplify, functionalists assume that what is good for the existing social structure (apparently viewed as normative and acceptable) must be good for the members operating within, poverty included. Since the mid-1960's, however, there has been increasing recognition of the fact that while inequality may be an essential concomitant element of a capitalist economy such as is found in American society, this provides no justification for the extremes of wealth and poverty which currently exist. Also, that policies built upon views such as those outlined above only serve to exacerbate what is already a problem of intolerable dimensions. As pointed out earlier, in the United States we live in a society based upon the work ethic of Protestantism 14 which supports an open-market economy. An economy which is largely unregulated. A major side—effect of such an economic system is the phenomenon of moderate inequality and marginal equality, or as Miller and Roby (1970) have called it, "relative inequality". Max Weber (1965) I)ointed out that a capitalist system depends upon the (zompetitive exploitation of resources, both material and human, and markets for the purpose of maximising a profit. This, in turn, means that the meeting of human needs is of secondary importance to that of securing a profit in a rational—legal, bureaucratically organized, social system. As a consequence, the quality of life the members of such society can expect to enjoy will be directly proportional a and share to their ability to compete in the labor market, in the differential distribution of economic and material surplus. Automatic discrimination is built into the Open-market system and of necessity creates both a class Sys tem and poverty. The ethic of egalitarianism is a paradox. Because of the nature of the social system outlined above, it is hardly surprising that most definitions of poVerty and private attitudes toward it, together with 1116 freotive measures taken in combatting it, should, in t O I I C 0 O O 0 he main, indicate a bias toward maintaining the economic S tatus quo . 15 One of the most confusing questions is where to establish the cut-off point which distinguishes the poor from. the non—poor. Miller and Roby (ibid:2l), in a penetrating study of poverty and inequality in the United States, conclude that "Poverty is usually thought of as income deficiency", but that the level at which income is considered deficient depends upon the interests and power of those who set the level at which income becomes deficient. It is also significant that those who set this level are usually members of income brackets well outside of the state of poverty, and have little or no contact with those individuals who live in poverty. Therefore, the interests and values of those who set the level at which income deficiency is said to occur will always be superordinate to those for whom they set such a level. deficiency approach, grave disagreements exist about the best way of measuring inadequate incomes. One approach, and by far the most poverty in terms of cost—of- w—Tf—dely used, is to define living budget estimate. This is the "poverty line" It purports to emphasis which marks current policy. define poverty in terms of an absolute standard needed to maintain a minimum level of living and therefore does 1:10": seem to be about inequality, the relation of low 1110 One to the higher income groups. In fact .... the s ta-Ildard shifts slowly with rising expenditure levels of the general population (ibid:2l-22). Roby and Miller are of the opinion that in order Within the income to Overcome poverty in the United States it must be viewed 16 as an issue of overall inequality rather than just an issue of subsistence or mere physical survival. They consider the poverty concept, as it is generally under— stood and used, to be highly ambiguous because it lumps together too many hidden factors. That this is so is evidenced in the attitudes and policies of the nation's ciecision and policy makers, higher income public, the forms of public assistance available, and many of the sociological s tudies undertaken by conventional sociologists. The forms which poverty takes, and the criteria upon which a definition may be based, are different in the United States, from, and must not be confused with, those of more rural and underdeveloped societies such as India and most parts of Africa. Basically, poverty means relative deprivation. In a materialistic, consumer oriented nation such as the United States this means material wealth. As Valentine (1968:13) correctly points out , there are several highly significant variables to be taken into account when attempting to define and establish leve ls of poverty: ...the total amounts of consumable resources Ei-V—a—ILLLable in relation to the population, the distribution of Control over resources within the social structure, the Q‘1:L1311ra1 standards of value and adequacy, the proportion of the society's membership whose level of disposable I"EESO‘llrces stands below such standards, and the degree of CC)rl‘trast in welfare between higher and lower socioeconomic Strata. 17 However, such a comprehensive view of poverty is not the general view in the United States. Some Prevailing Perceptions of the Poor Frequently the poor are viewed as an undifferentiated mass who are, by and large, undeserving (Gladwin, 1967). Poverty is frequently equated with incompetence regarding careful management of financial affairs (Rowntree, 1941), and characterized by such perjoratives as immediate gratification and conspicuous consumption. Numerous others regard the poor as constituents of an undesirable subculture which is self—perpetuating from generation to generation and which Lewis (1959) has stigmatized with the term "culture of poverty". A large amorphous mass of social lepers distinguishable by their lack of middle class values, social failure, discontent, anguish, living a life of apathy. Generally, the poor are regarded by those of the higher income brackets as an embarrassment, as a self— defeating, highly disorganized social pathology. Matza (in Merton and Nisbet, 1961:619—669) provides a more insightful and accurate view of the poor than that offered by conventional sociology. This is especially so with regard to the aged poor whom he defines as being victims of stigma and degradation through no fault of their own, and relegated to the derogatory category of 18 the "disreputable poor". This category is intended to represent "that limited section of the poor whose moral and social condition is relatively impervious to economic growth and progress", and that "to ignore the stigma that adheres to this special kind of poverty is to miss one of its key aspects". In this category, because of the shared characteristic of being non-productive, the aged poor share the public sentiment which attaches to those who either will not work or have no marketable skills and are therefore parasitic elements within society. These elements include what Matza calls the "dregs" or "those spawned in poverty" and who continue to live on public assistance from generation to generation; the "newcomers" or members of racial and ethnic groups, together with those from rural areas, who lack the required job skills; and the "skidders", or those who through alcohol, drugs or some form of perversion have fallen from a higher status. The aged poor, because of their economic dependency, or the necessity of living in a cheap rent neighborhood, are lumped together with the disreputable poor, the Lumpenproletariat, or what Veblen called the "spurious leisure class". The aged, although they may have earned their way throughouttheir working life, through no fault of their own, experience a rapid downward shift in status upon exclusion from the economic opportunity structure. 19 Victims of the open—market economic system, they are locked into the inevitable process of degradation by a social system which, as Matza views it, "fosters pauperization". As can readily be seen from the above brief overview of poverty, there is no consensus as to how the poor should be defined, studied, or treated. As with deviancy, for conventional sociologists the poor represent the faceless occupants of a negative status ascribed by the more privileged members of society. Conventional sociology counts the poor, describes the physical characteristics by which we are intended to recognize EEQE’ but fails miserably to explain hgwithe phenomenon occurs, or how its members negotiate their everyday life and what it means for them. The psycho—social effects of being relegated to the state of poverty are not considered as part of the problem of poverty. In view of this serious omission of what I believe to be essential data, subjective in nature though it is, such a limited perspective is in no way able to provide constructive insights which may lead to amelioration of the problem of poverty within the United States. Existential sociology with its ability to incorporate and make use of both objective and subjective data seems to offer the additional perspective demanded for any study of the individual in society and the problems with which he is faced. 20 CHAPTER 2 THE NEED FOR AN ADDITIONAL PERSPECTIVE Conflict Within the Ranks Since the early thirties when structural- functionalism began to emerge as the dominant school of sociological thought in the United States (Parsons, 1951; Merton, 1966) it maintained a hegemony until around the beginning of the last decade. Since that time its influence has been eroded; first by the interactionist or "Chicago" school (Cooley, Thomas, Znaniecki, Mead and others), and now by the increasing thrust of the exist— ential perspective (Garfinkel, Goffman, Cicourel, Manning and others). Something of the nature of the earlier challenge to functionalism is outlined in a criticism made by Homans (1964: 809): A theory of a phenomenon is an explanation of it, showing how it follows as a conclusion from general propositions in a deductive system. With all its empirical achievements, the functional school never produced a theory that was also an explanation, since from its general propositions about the conditions of social equilibrium no definite conclusions could be drawn. When a serious effort is made, even by functionalists, to construct an explanatory theory, its general prepositions turn out to be psychological -- propositions about the behaviour of men, not the equilibrium of societies. More recent criticisms consist of the rejection of the "absolutistic" (Douglas, 1967;1970) View of man and 21 society adopted by the functionalists. This rejection is based upon the inability of functionalist models, which are derived from those used in the physical and biological sciences, to answer behavioural questions. Such questions as: What is the process by which individuals arrive at the particular, and individual, manner in which they experience everyday life? (Berger and Luckman, 1966; Douglas, 1970; Garfinkel, 1967; Gouldner, 1970; Blumer, 1970; Manning, 1973; and others). A substantial amount of the dialectic between functionalists and existentialists has centered around the study of deviant behaviour (Bordua, 1967; Matza, 1969; Douglas, 1970; Gibbons and Jones, 1971; Hiller, 1971). Conventional sociology in America, structural— functionalism, has done little, it would seem, to correct a widespread and distorted view of the problem of poverty. This perspective has provided the major proportion of studies of the poor and may have, as some have suggested, been unduly influenced by those who financed their activities. The constraining effects of the positivistic nature of functionalism have been somewhat severely criticized by a number of scholars of whom Blumer (1970: 298) seems representative: The approach presumes that a social problem exists as an objective condition or arrangement in the texture of society. The objective condition or arrangement 22 is seen as having an intrinsically harmful or malignant nature standing in contrast to a normal or socially healthful society. In sociological jargon it is a state of dysfunction, pathology, disorganization, or deviance. 'The fUnctional perspective, responsible for a considerable zunount not only of the prevailing attitude toward poverty, ‘but also official policy, is along the lines stated by Iflluner. Researchers who adopt the functionalist perspect- jJW! rely heavily upon both the impersonal empirical methods of tile physical and biological sciences, and statistical data. Also, they take the current social order, which incltuies the economic system, as both a given,_and normative. Consecfuently they consider any deviation from the values and expectnations of this order, such as poverty, to be dys- functixxnal and symptomatic of individual pathology. And, as Honuxns (1964) points out, "It was never tired of asserthng that its concern was with institutionalized behavicnlr, and that the unit of social analysis was not 329 acthLg individual but the role". In short, functional— ists, amui "conventional wisdom", view all behaviour which does not (:onform to the values and style of the "winners" in.an OPeII market economic system as dysfunctional, disorganized and pathological; a position which I seriouslyv (question. TFIIe conventional or functionalist perspective within Eflfiighflflfi Eaccepts the producer-consumer society as rational and 23 normative and views individuals who consume, but do not produce, as disruptive or dysfunctional with respect to the remainder of society. If individuals not only do not produce, but also live in poverty and require public assistance, they are viewed as constituting social pathology because their norms are contrary to the values and best interests of the productive majority. The aged poor represent a social problem for the rest of the society. And, as Becker correctly informs us, illustrate that a s_ocial problem is what those with the power to mould public gazillion in the mould of their own interests say it is. It is not necessary to belabor the point that the aged and the aged poor are not only problematic to the rest of society in the United States but will always be so while the present economic system obtains. To talk of eliminating poverty is not only false propaganda but irrational, and bad sociology when undertaken solely from the functionalist PerSpective. I am not proposing that a new perspective should replace existing ones but that there should be a Synthesis because the efficacious potential of the SOCiC’log‘ieal endeavor can only be realized when partisan politics are set aside. As Douglas (1973 ) correctly POintS out, sociology is dependent upon both the analysis Of social structures and the analysis of social situations. A POSitiOn which this thesis intends to support. 2h gistential Sociology: The Additional Perspective A comprehensive understanding of the newly emerging sociological perspective of existential- phenomenological sociology, together with an appreciation of some of its potential for research, is essential to the major theme of this thesis. It requires an examination, not only of differences in methodologies and theoretical positions which have given rise to a dialectic, but also the more fundamental philosophical shift which is taking place within sociology. It is because of the highly significant nature, and the many implications, of this shift, that I will discuss some of the philosophical contributions which have resulted in the development of an existential aspect to sociology. I propose to provide a limited philosophical framework within which to locate the two perspectives of functionalism and existential sociology (existential sociology, from this point on, will imply the longer but Synonomous term of existential—phenomenological sociology). I will also explore some of the major characteristics of ethnomethodology, a sub-category of the existential pOSitj-On: with a view to providing at least a few tools With Which to discuss the research presented in chapter 3. 25 Elle Framework Existential sociology represents a rejection of the exclusive claims, and the constraining effects, which the philosophical tradition of logical—positivism has had upon the work of those operating within the structural-functional perspective. Existential sociology is also a reconsidera— tion of the validity, and necessity, of including subjective data when studying human interaction. This is, of course, in the spirit of Descartes, the existential tradition of Kierkegaard, Heideger, Nietzsche, Sartre and others, and perhaps most significantly the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl. It is most evident that existential sociology demonstrates a radical shift in the base of the sociological enterprise and provides the major axis around which a large amount of argumentation will revolve. A Perspective A perspective is a particular way of looking at an object or an event. Anthropology, psychology, sociology, PhYSiCS and biology all represent differing perspectives fI‘Om which to 100k at man and the universe. Each attempts to gather its data in an orderly and systematic manner in order to provide explanations, and so give meaning, about natural and social phenomena. However, any particular 26 gerspective is only capable of providing the observer with gminute view of the whole. Also, such a limited view will correspond to the a priori conditions and expecta- tions of each perspective or discipline. This means that the piece of reality which is perceived will, in part, be shaped by such conditions and expectations; as they will also shape the meaning which is assigned to it. This fact constitutes a large part of the argument which existential sociology has with functionalism. Whereas functionalism Limits its subject matter to those parameters which include o_nly' data from the objective world, as do the physical and biological sciences, existential sociology includes both objective and subjective data. The necessity of including both forms of data is critical to the existential perspective which adopts the position that each piece of reality that is given in experience, and the meaning assigned to it, must correspond to the conditions of all possible experience; a position which can best be understood by referring back to the semantic distinction which came between Descartes and Locke; a matter of philosophy. 1119 EVel‘)"(:'l.ay Life of Human Existence Everyday life has been shaped, to a large degree, by the Philosophical developments which have taken place over a Considerable period. Culture and society are the 27 97bjective expression of many of the ideasL beliefs, and knowledge which philOSOphy has furnished. Philosophers in studying the nature of man have frequently pointed out that he of all other animals experiences his existence as Broblematic; an observation which formed the focus of attention for the existentialist philosophers. In contrast to infra-human animals, the evidence seems to indicate that man has, to a considerable degree, experienced his peculiarly human existence as being probl ematic . In spite of the gulf that separates our modes of experience and thought from that of the mythopeic world of primitive man, our literature, religions, and numerous other aspects of everyday life, indicate that man is still preoccupied with questions about the meaning of his "being- ii-the—world": existenceghuman contingency, freedom and dicision—making, and death. The search for answers to the Problems which constitute existence is sometimes referred to as the problem of "identity". Ruitenbeek (1961}: 15) suggested that the problematic nature of existence prompts such c1116‘s tions as: Who am I? Where am I going? Do I belong? What is the meaning of my life? In view of the Widespread social problems of crime, suicide, drug abuse, P°1itical corruption, poverty, boredom and apathy, one 28 might add the further question, "Do I want to belong?" All of these questions seem to be particularly relevant to any study of the aged poor. _S'ome Elements of the Problem of Existence Man, in common with all other organisms, is required to act upon and react to the natural world if he is to survive and continue the species. There is abundant evidence that he has been the most successful of all animals in this undertaking (Beals and Hoijer, 1971). Again, in common with £212 animals, man is capable of emitting a wide range of articulate sounds. However, man alone is capable of investing these sounds with conventional meanings and so creating words, or abstractions, which become signals for action, signs for objects, events, and experiences. The ability to codify everyday life, communicate, share experiences of reality, assign it mean- ing, recall the past, anticipate the future, work with mental images, are all unique to man. All of these oPerations contribute to man's sense of self-awareness and the sentient aspect of his nature. Reflexivity, sentience, intentionality, and goal directed rationality (Cf. Manning, 1973: 12~27) are essential ingredients of the problematic 0f exiSt‘i‘l’lce. These represent the focus for existential sociology and provide the data of subjectivity. In short 29 only the inclusion of both objective and subjective data can adequately account for the way in which an individual locates himself in the world, acts, and interacts. The natural world of things and infra—human organisms is, by and large, constant and predictable. This is not the case with human interaction. The subjective or mental world of man, into which flows a constant stream of stimuli in the form of new physical sensations, knowledge and ideas, is in a state of continual change. It is within the eddy- ing currents of mental activity that the problematic elements of existence are formed; they are discrete and incapable of direct observation and measurement, yet are as substantial in effect as the elements of the natural world. It is through the cognitive processes of perception, reflection, evaluation, and judgement (Farber, 1966) that man becomes aware of his dual nature: he stands together as a part of the natural world and also apart from it, solitary, alone, faced with the task of making choices, the con— sequences of which are his responsibility alone, and generating the peculiarly human affect of. anxiety. Anxiety, in the existentialist view, is the pain of despair, futility Ed absurcfility, which is human existence (Sartre). Phenom- enological, or existential sociology, takes this subjective 32.34231 alld expands it into the reality of everyday life and 30 pursues its many dimensions. Its exponents ask questions regarding its processual nature and the differential of meaning which is generated. What are the conditions of possible experience which lay behind the final expression in social conduct? Herein lies the crux of the dialectic between fUnctionalism and existentialism. Functionalists, modelling their activities upon the empirical methods and theories of the physical world, that is the world of objects and infra-human organisms, exclude the possibility of layers of previous experience, and the deep rules of structure which may determine behaviour. How does the contrast of perspective arise? The answer, or a major portion of it, can be traced back to 17th century philosophy. The Philosophical Seedbed of Functionalism and Existential Sociology Although functionalism and existential sociology represent two contrasting perspectives within the same discipline, their roots are set in common ground: 17th century empiricism. The atomistic-reductionist philosophy of John Locke, the rational-analytic introspection of Rene Descartes, and the principles of Newtonian physics, gave birth to both. Both Locke and Descartes believed that the time had come for a scientific study of the human mind. However, they differed in their opinions as to how this 31 should be undertaken. Locke rejected Descartes' notion that the mind could be best studied through its actual contents, yet both were empiricists. The difference in approach arose out of their selective interpretation of what was meant by the term "empiricism." While it is true that empiricism is related to experience, the single English word represents a translation of a German term which has two distinct levels of meaning: Erlebnis which refers to that which is observed and experienced in the immediate present; and Erfahrung which refers to all experiences which have accumulated prior to the present experience. Locke would permit only data drawn from Erlebnis while Descartes in— cluded data from both Erlebnis and Erfahrung. (Wann, 196M). The influence of Newtonian physics on Lockes' limitation is obvious. Newton had been painting a broad picture of a mechanical universe consisting of particles of matter which responded to impersonal forces according to fixed rules, and in a constant and predictable manner. Using the New- tonian model Locke proposed a reduction of consciousness to simplistic, mechanistic stimulus—response combinations. However, the inclusion of data from both levels of experience, objective and subjective, was later seized upon by Kierkegaard and expanded into the philosophy of existen— tialism. 32 Existential Philosophy Although it is certainly preferable that I introduce existentialism by means of a neat, precise, definition, an attempt to do this represents something of a hazard. This dilemma is partly brought about because definitions are concepts which we usually associate with more logical and empirical operations. In dealing with existentialism we find we are engaging with abstractions: notions such as existence, contingency, freedom, and the making of decisions. Someone once remarked that the problem of defining existentialism was rather similar to that of defining an odor or a flavor. Basically, existential philosophy asks questions which were once addressed to religion concerning the nature and meaning of the universe and the existence of man. In part, existentialism is a form of humanism (Sartre, 1948). The existentialists were engaged in "endeavors to analyze the basic structures of human existence and to call individuals to an awareness of their existence in its essential freedom" (Molina, 1962: 2). The core of existential descriptions is ontological; that is, the structures of human existence, and it takes the individual as its subject—matter in contrast to the focus of phenom— enology which is upon the whole unit, for example collective man or society. 33 The Danish philosopher and theologian, Soren Kierkegaard is usually credited with being the founder of existentialism. His philosophical system is revealed in his cryptic statement that "truth is subjectivity," which in itself is an ontological notion. Kierkegaard lived in an age when men had become dissatisfied with religious answers concerning meaning and represented the general dissatisfaction when he raised such questions as, What is the point to man's life? What is the purpose of human events? He concluded that human existence was pointless and absurd; that of himself man could produce no answers to such existential questions. That there were no certainties: human existence was highly contingent; that man was a free being, and required to be continually making decisions because he ought to (a moral problem), and yet when he had made them he had no way of knowing if they were the correct ones. But he was still responsible for them. For Kierkegaard the only answer was the absurdity of the "leap of faith," God, and even this could be a leap of "bad faith", to use Sartre's term. Those who followed, Jaspers, Heidegger, Camus, and Sartre all echoed his pessimism: existence was pure despair and ended in the peculiarly human affect of anxiety and guilt. However, in spite of the Pessimism and despair of existentialist philosophy it did provide several critical elements which are significant 3a in existential sociology. First, by the notion of freedom; each individual is unique, no two persons come out of the same mold (Nietzsche). Every individual must do his own existing and dying, human existence is not transferable. It also provides us with the paradox that while man is apart from all other men, he is also a part of all other men. Social life involves man and forces upon him choices which he must make. The individual who refuses to choose fails to exercise his freedom and experiences nausea (Sartre) and is not an authentic human being. Secondly, by the idea of the importance of emotions and sentiments in the 'construction of social reality', that man must recognize the social forms and meanings in everyday life as something that grows out of individual existence, emotion, and feeling. Therefore, for the existentialist an analytic requirement is to find out Egg individuals make choices and find meaning within a social situation, to understand how specific situations are read and understood; identify the process by which social forms come into being and how the individual defines and defers to social forms. A major reflection of the existentialist tradition in existentialist sociology is the problem of £21 it is that an individual can be an autonomous, differentiated element in society and also a' collective and integrated one. 35 Phenomenology Edmund Husserl, German philosopher and mathematician, is usually credited with initiating the phenomenological movement, although he was considerably indebted to Bretano, (Q.Lauer, 1958;Farber,1966;1967;Solomon,l972). HUsserl's work is characterized by his efforts to establish a "science" of philosophy and to demonstrate the "objective validity of the foundation principles of mathematics and natural sciences, epistemology, and ontology, (Solomon,xi) Both movements have a common concern with the relationship between human consciousness and the external world of nature and society. They are particularly interested in the ontological structure which is assumed as underlying this relationship. However, Husserl was chiefly concerned with epistemological problems and identifying the a priori principles of human knowledge and belief: universal structures. Existentialists, on the other hand, also asserting the primacy of first person Qéperience or the need to analyse one's own consciousness 0f the world, rejected that such an undertaking could ever become a scientific study. Phenomenology commences with an attempt to identify and define those structures of consciousness that are essential, and universal, to every form of experience. 36 For this purpose Husserl took as his subject matter 'intuitive phenomena': the content of transcendental subjectivity or the standing apart mentioned earlier. He claimed that in order for the results of phenomenology to be absolutely true it was necessary to set aside or bracket out all previous presupposition and prejudices, real or imaginary, about the nature of the world. It was essential to the enterprise that all experience be described from the first person standpoint; describe one's very own world of meaning, or that which stands behind the objective or "out- there" world. EXISTENTIAL SOCIOLOGY Existential sociology is a recent perspective which is being developed for the purpose of studying human conduct, the meanings which are assigned it, and the processes by which it becomes possible. The movement represents a shift from the models of positivism, and the inclusion of discrete, subjective data. Spokesmen (Garfinkel, 1967; Goffman, 1959, 1963a, 1963b, 1967, 1970, 1971; Cicourel, 1973; Douglas, 1970; Manning, 1971, 1973; and others) for this perspective stress the significance of the actor's inter— pretations of reality and the need for their inclusion, when engaged in any study of interaction; they are of course, following the traditions we have been tracing in 37 this paper. Natanson (1966; 1967; 1968) directs attention to the link between the phenomenology of Husserl, existentialist philosophy, and the recent developments in existential sociology provided by the work of Schutz (1962; and 1964),? Alfred Schutz, 1899—1959, philosopher and sociologist saw the major focus of the social sciences as being the study of every day life and the commonsense '3 meanings which individuals shared, and at the same time took for granted. Natanson, in D. Sills, (1968: 72) point 5 out that: His principle philosophical work consisted of the application of Edmund Husserl's phenomenology to the problems of social reality, while his major methodo- logical contribution was an attempt to relate phenom- enological concepts to the sociology of Max Weber. Following Husserl, Schutz questions the a priori Presuppositions of empiricism and raises the issue of the PrOblematic nature of its epistemological foundation. He ser10u81y questioned the premise that if one individual were to change places with another that they would both perceive the world in essentially the same way. Schutz proposed a clear cut distinction between the two terms " . a o o o ' action" and "act". In his opinion action was grounded in the cog'rlitive processes of perception, reflection, judgement, and intentionality. An act, on the other hand, is grounded in the S‘l-lbjectivity of an individual and involves emotions and sentinlents, both being essential to the overt or covert 38 products of conduct. For Schutz, intentionally refraining £30111 acting was just as much an act as overt behaviour. Schutz concluded that in order for an observer to grasp the full meaning which an actor assigns to his conduct it is essential that subjective data be included in the analysis. He suggested that models based upon those of science were inadequate for the task because their subject-matter was restricted to first degree constructs and made no provision for dealing with the second degree constructs of the social sciences: "objects that are not only themselves in a world but also have a world," (Natanson, 1968: 73). In short: The human beings who are the central concern of the social scientists are interpreters of their own lives and actions (ibid.). Ethnomethodology is a sub—category within the general existential perspective. It has not experienced a ready aseeptazlce within the discipline but has generated a COIISiderable amount of controversy (Bass, 1970; Hill and Crittendon, 1967; Wallace, 1968; Coleman, 1968, and others ) , The critics direct attention, among other things, to the difficulty the exponents of ethnomethodology experience in stating precisely what the term means, what ethnome thodologists do and just how they go about doing it. The reason for the difficulty and the controversy is a Philosophically based one which should be obvious by now. 39 However, as the spokesmen for ethnomethodology (Garfinkel, 1967; Cicourel, 1973; and others) have attempted to point out, existential sociology is but another perspective from which to study society. They claim that other perspectives, alone, have been unable to answer such a significant question as: How is social order possible? and that this is a fundamental question for sociology and one which should be seriously addressed. Ethnomethodology attempts to do just that, and is presently being developed to examine the structures and processes which underlie the taken-for-granted-everyday- 1ife of social order. Functionalists take the social order as a given. Ethnomethodologists do not, but seek to Penetrate it. The focus of ethnomethodology is the langpage of the face to face relationships of everyday life. The reason for Selecting this focus becomes clearer when we consider the implications of a statement made by Manning (1971: 1+). He Points out that the ethnomethodologist considers "that the stlldy of language and the study of society are integral, inSOfa-I‘ as they both study action and meaning in order to examine how language defines and shapes behaviour." The reasoning behind this position involves the concept of " intent i onality" . 4O "Intentionality is a major concept in the existen— tial approach to social interaction, as it was in both Husserlian and existential philosophy. Husserl, following Bretano, posited as his major thesis that human consciousness ' is intentional; that it must always taken an object and that there is not act of consciousness that is not always directed toward an object or an event, real or imagined. In short, there is an essential correlation between human L: conduct and an object or an event; all objects or events are the object of an act or acts. Therefore, there is no distinction between the process of consciousness and the object of consciousness. This is the position adopted by the ethnomethodologist in contrast to the functionalist Stance . Functionalism posits that social order is non— Problematic (Manning, fl.) and makes "Man a passive reeipient of social pressures, forces, and ideas exisfientialists assert that human action, based upon the awareness of individual actors, can shape and bend the sociological deux ex machina implied ..." (Manning, 1973: 8) As an outline for a paradigm for ethnomethodology I suggest the following would be representative: "Experience is 1arg‘ely symbolic experience," (Manning, 1971: 13). This SYmbolic experience takes the form, in the main, of Verbalizations in face to face situations for the purpose of communicating shared meanings. It is this communicating 41 that establishes, and maintains, social relationships which in turn constitute the underlying structure of social order and thus make it possible, Therefore, it becomes evident that the ability to identify and conceptualize each part of the process which leads to social order provides a viable perspective for understanding how social order is possible, how it is negotiated and understood, together with a systematic framework from which to better establish an etiology of the many social problems which beset society. Because "the center of man's life is himself" (ibid:10), and it is "from his own position, physical, social, and mental, he looks out on the world around him", and it is man who endows the world, and events within it, with meaning, the significant contribution which existential SOCiology can bring to the discipline as a whole becomes evident. Research adopting the existential perspective has already made many valuable contributions to our understanding or how people negotiate everyday life and the meaning which they derive from, and give to, it (Douglas, 1970a, 1970b; Lyman and Scott, 1970; Sudnow. ed.. 1972; and otherS). The Piece of conventional research which follows is intended to demonstrate some of the limitations of the Conventional approach to a social problem, and suggest how an er-S“‘3ential perspective may assist us to enlarge our 42 understanding and move toward more constructive efforts in C ombat ting them . CHAPTER 3 THE RESEARCH In the research which is to be described in this chapter I commenced the study of the elderly poor in Southwest Detroit by designing my research model within the theoretical and methodological frameworks of conventional sociology. The survey was intended to employ the quantit- ative method with statistical and demographic data providing the major portion of the information from which the problems of the elderly would be identified and analysed. I began the research armed with certain major pre-suppositions drawn from conventional sociological theories and studies, and Organized the mechanics of the survey in the traditional manner. This perspective and method proved most useful in locating the elderly in Southwest Detroit and providing a lead into their study. It resulted in an outline in the conventional manner of demographic and class terms of an aggregate of people in a defined geographic location. HOWG'Ver’ as the survey proceeded anomalies and obvious contradictions began to appear in the data being generated. While the characteristics of the physical community were as expected, as were the physical conditions under which many of the elderly lived, the faceless aggregate began to 43 [The . 1+4 take on difficult and annoying individualL unpredictable, and ambiggous, features not accounted for in my theoretical base, and for which my methodology did not provide. It became increasingly obvious that we were encountering data WhiCh, while it appeared to be both plentiful and significant, we did not have the tools to incorporate into our study. Anticipating serious problems in the interpretative phase of the research I began to consider additional tools with which to handle these unexpected research problems. Existential sociology was the additional tool finally chosen because it alone was capable of dealing with the generous amounts of subjective type data being generated during the interviews conducted. At this point I decided to change and broaden the original theoretical and methodological bases of the research, and as will become obvious, also Change the focus of the study. Iii-45130137 of the Study In October of 1971 I was invited to undertake a Pilot study of the elderlyh living within the Detroit metropolitan area known as the Southwest‘ComIminityS. The invitation was extended by a division of the Presbytery 01‘ Detroit, a judicatory of the United Presbyterian Church A Z+ . _ For the purpose of this study "the elderly" W111 deslgnate persons aged 65 years or more. 5See Map l #5 in the U.S.A. The stated purpose of the study was: To identify the street blocks in the subcommunities of Springwells 163, Chadsey 153,;Cadillac 162,7and Fort Wayne 161, which 1‘91 1} contained the highest population density of persons aged 65 years and over; and to determine the most pressing needs experienced by individuals within this age category. When interviewed, the sponsors of the study L W explained that both general knowledge, and studies which they had read regarding the nature and problems of poor communities, had led to their making certain assumptions about Southwest Detroit. The community was most probably highly disorganized, poverty riddenlgand lacking in social organization.6 The people, they assumed, would be mostly apathetic, dis-interested in the community, desperately in need of money, under—nourished, very discontented, and eXhibit a life style and values greatly different from individuals living in higher income areas. It should be noted that the Presbyterian Church is led by a highly educated clergy drawn from the middle and upper—middle classes and serving a membership drawn from these higher income classes. 6 A typical conventional perspective. 46 The Southwest Detroit Community Following the First World War the Southwest Community was a rapidly expanding, economically stable, prosperous, upper-middle classiiresidentially desirable, section of metropolitan Detroit. West Grand Boulevard was considered to be the outer perimeter of the city. While some of the churches in the area were organized in the period preceding the war, many more were organized in 5 the immediate post war years, and all shared in a rapid growth in membership and financial support. The peak growth appears to have occurred about 1935, from which point the community became relatively stable until the early l9h0's. For example, the United Presbyterian denomination in the area had a total membership of over 5,0007, a contrast to the membership of approximately 700 in 1971. At the close of the Second World War membership had declined to an all—time low of some 800, many of whom were considered as inactive. Today, many of the once flourish— ing churches which served a prosperous upper—middle class community have either closed or been joined into one center. 7The information converning the Presbyterian church was obtained from perusal of historical documents and official records. 47 In the last two decades numerous store—front, fundamen— tallistic, type churches have sprung up throughout the area, and appear to serve the emotional needs of the black and Spanish speaking migrants who are flowing into the area in increasing numbers. Southwest Detroit is considered by the Wider community and city officials as being an economically depressed, commercial-industrial, racially and ethnically diverse, residentially undesirable, area with a high crime rate and having a large number of medically indigent. Demography The geographic area known as Southwest Detroit8 is defined under the two most commonly used systems listed below. The subcommunity system and the region system are used by the United Community Services organisation and the Detroit Department of Public Health respectively. 9 UNITED COMMUNITY SERVICES DETROIT DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH10 Michigan 021 Region A Ford 152 Region C Chadsey 153 Region C Fort Wayne 161 Region B Cadillac 162 Region A & B Springwells 163 Region B 8See Map 1 9See Map 2 10See Map 3 M8 The area bounded by the regional system includes a slightly larger geographical area than that bounded by the subcommunity system, and includes an additional 40,000 persons. Because data were required from both systems I have illustrated their relationship by means of mapsll. The total population of the above subcommunities is approximately 144,5h6 persons, of which some 16,308 are aged 65 years or more, representing 11.2% of the total population of the subcommunities. Southwest Detroit is a predominately white population of very mixed ethnic, religious, and cultural traditions, and has over the years, experienced a number of waves of migrants coming into the area. These migrants came from the British Isles, Canada, and Central Europe in the early part of this century; the cities of the southern United States in the nineteen— thirty's; from Appalachia and the Near East after World War II; and Latin America during the last decade. Of the total Southwest Detroit population, some 1h4,5h6 persons, 33,500 are classified as nonwhite. Appalachian whites comprise approximately h0% of the total. The black population is located in the subcommunity of Ford which is 58.1% black, and the subcommunity of Fort Wayne which is 11See Map 4 49 31% black. Table 4 below illustrates the diversity of the backgrounds from which the population came. TABLE 4 PARTIAL BREAKDOWN 0F DOMINANT POPULATION COMPONENTSa Nativity, Subcommunity Parentage, and Country of Origin Springwells Cadillac Fort Wayne Chadsey Ford ALL PERSONS 22,416 33,614 11,203 30,236 21,895 Native of native 14,596 22,390 8,278 16,197 17,350 parents Foreign born 3,009 4,457 1,178 5,086 1,437 Native of foreign or mixed parentage 8,811 6,767 1,747 9,025 3,108 FOREIGN STOCK: British 2,098 2,198 267 1,183 411 Western Europe 765 663 114 745 336 Central Europe 1,645 1,933 1,781 9,144 2,682 Mexico 847 3,234 408 468 286 Persons of Spanish Tongue 2,274 6,267 976 1,413 996 aSource: 1970 Census Tables 5 and 6 are a simplification of Table 4 and illustrate the dominant component of each subcommunity. 50 nmua5 DOMINANT FOREIGN COMPONENT BY SUBCOMMUNITYa 00?“?ry 0f Subcommunity Origin Springwells Cadillac Fort Wayne Chadsey Ford British Commonwealth (White) 2,098 2,198 267 1,183 411 Central Europe 1,645 1,933 1,781 9,144 2,682 Mexico 847 3,234 408 468 286 mmu36 WHITE, NONWHITE COMPONENTS BY SUBCOMMUNITYa Subcommunity Springwells Cadillac Fort Wayne Chadsey Ford Number of white 21,957 31,303 7.806 28,697 9,175 Percent of total 98.7 93.3 69.0 94.7 41.9 Number of nonwhite 289 2,248 3,507 1,606 12,723 percent of total 1.3 6.7 31.0 5.3 58.1 aSource: 1970 Census It is apparent from the above tables that something resembling 51 racial and ethnic enclaves may exist within Southwest Detroit, each with its own set of traditions and life style. If such a situation exists, we could expect to encounter a rather divided community with a very localised sense of belonging, a provincial morality and distinctive networks of communication. Within the five subcommunities (omitting Michigan) there are about 119,314 persons of whom some 12,430 are aged between 55 and 64 years, and another 13,900 are aged 65 years12 or more. I believe the similarity of the figures to be significant with respect to the planning of any community project involving the elderly. It appears that the elderly population already has its replacement ready at hand. TABLE 7 DISTRIBUTION OF PERSONS 65 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER BY SUB- COMMUNITYa Subcommunity Springwells Cadillac Fort Wayne Chadsey Ford Number of persons 2,733 4,026 1,166 3,950 2,025 Percent of the total subcommunity 12.3 12.0 10.0 13.0 9.2 aSource: 1970 Census 12The sponsors did not require Ford to be included in the study. 52 Within the subcommunities of Springwells, Cadillac, Chadsey, and Fort Wayne, the highest concentrations of persons over the age of 65 years are to be found in the following four areas: Area No. 1 North - Dix Highway South — 175 Freeway East — Livernois Avenue West - Woodmere Avenue Area No. 2 North - Michigan Avenue South — 175 Freeway East - 175 Freeway West — Clark Avenue Area No. 3 North — 194 Freeway South - New York Central Railroad East - Livernois Avenue West - Howels and Joe Streets Area No. 4 North - Fort Street West South - Jefferson Avenue East — Calvary Avenue West - Detroit City Limit Housing Dentler (1967:304-308) reports that ecologists have found that the value and quality of housing "is distributed along a gradient, so that most of the best housing is located in the newest, most distant sectors of the community, and the worst is clustered, for the most 53 part, in the oldest, most central areas." This is the situation in Southwest Detroit where practically all the housing is old and has a median value of $8,439. Dentler (308) focusses attention on the major problem encountered in this study when he states that: All but about one fifth (of the elderly) lack the income and physical strength to maintain the shelter they may have inhabited for many years. Internal deterioration often combines with neighbor— hood change, often blighting, to leave aged persons with depreciated housing that does not fit their needs or the levels of living. Southwest Detroit, a long established residential area on the edge of the central city, has over the years become increasingly industrialised. The area is now being planned for almost total industrialisation. This means that little, or no, encouragement is given to current residents to maintain or improve their property. Rezoning has already taken place in anticipation of the planned industrialisation. According to a Population and Housing Survey con— ducted by the City in 1969, some 60% of all dwellings were considered to be in a deteriorating condition while some 7% were classified as dilapidated. The dwellings located within the subcommunities under study in this paper were rated among those of lowest median value of all homes in the metropolitan area. The one exception was Springwells where the housing was rated as below average. The ratio of 54 dwellings occupied by nonwhites as against whites is among the highest in the state. TABLE 8 SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS BY SUBCOMMUNITY Subcommunity Median Value of Dwellings Median Monthly Rent Springwells $11,225 $78 Chadsey 10,106 75 Cadillac 10,058 75 Ford 8,697 68 Fort Wayne 7,959 65 Economics According to the 1970 Census; and data compiled by the United Community Services organization, persons living in Southwest Detroit are in the lowest income group in the metropolitan area, have more families receiving an income of less than $3,000 per year, more aid to dependent children families, and more unemployed persons. Economically, the area is rated as one of widespread poverty. Health and Health Care Ill-health is a most complex issue. The only meaningful way to study the problem is to recognise the multifactorial chain of events which often lead to chronic illness. There may be numerous contributing factors — 55 income, housing, nutrition, education, stress of all kinds, occupation, pollution, age, distance from health care facilities, lack of preventative care in earlier years, family history, race, cultural background, to name but a few. All of these factors can be seen at work in South- west Detroit, and it comes as no surprise to find that the residents of this area experience a high rate of chronic illness as compared to the rest of the city. Data drawn from the 1969 Census conducted by the Detroit Department of Health lends support to the expecta- tion that such a situation would exist, and does. Delaney (1972) came to the conclusion that the residents of Southwest Detroit probably experienced a higher incidence of disease than any other community in the metropolitan area. The data generated by the Department of Health supports her conclusion. Delaney (22) believes: The health problems endemic to the city of Detroit are, for the most part, even more significant in the Southwest area....a large number, possibly over 50% of the Southwest area may be classified as medically indigent. However, when considering the young family and young adults in Southwest, then the medically indigent population approaches 65% of the total population. From the statement made by Delaney it would appear that the elderly constitute a large proportion of the 50% indigent figure. Delaney further suggests that the high rates of illness are, in part, due to poverty, ignorance, poor 56 housing, inadequate nutrition, inadequate preventitive medicine, and especially the lack of comprehensive medical care facilities within the Southwest area. A study of all facilities offering medical care within the area revealed that: The only hospital facility capable of meeting13 major health care needs of Southwest Detroit is Ziegler Osteopathic Hospital. However, a 161 bed hospital could not begin to meet the health care needs of over 191,000 people. Therefore, the community has the alternative of utilising facilities incapable of meeting their health care needs or going outside Detroit. The question immediately raised is, if one is sick, poor, and elderly, how does one go outside Detroit? Delaney(33) sums up her study by stating that: The most glaring and apalling conclusion to be drawn by this study is the tremendous need for adequate health care facilities in Southwest and the large number of very serious health problems that exist.... It is incomprehensible that in this age of knowledge and technological explosion, supposed concern for our fellow man, and daily medical advance that such con— ditions should exist....Comprehensive care is available to modern man and he should be receiving it....(in Southwest Detroit, this is not so....Pneumonia causes death at a rate of 140% above the city average. This is a disease relatively easy to care for with proper medication and medical supervision; a disease here in Southwest that reeks its devastating effects on the very young, elderly and infirm. In the whole of the Southwest there is only one Public Health clinic — the CHASS Centre at 5695 West Vernor 13Delaney, 22. 57 Avenue. However, this clinic is operated on an appointment only basis and there is a waiting period of one month for an appointment with a nurse or doctor. The clinic is only a pilot project and serves some 25% of the total area. A study conducted by the United Community Services organization in 197214 only adds to an already dreary picture of health, and health care, in Southwest Detroit. The findings of this study are summarized below. 1. Conflicts in public policy at national and state levels perpetuate a "two-class" system of separate and often unequal health care for the poor in Detroit and most other urban centers. 2. There is a confusing array of Federal health legislation directed to special or low income popula- tion groups which causes fragmentation of services and inhibits health planning. 3. The process of applying for Federal health funds is often confusing due to the welter of authorities and categorical approaches. This also prompts local health agencies to adjust their programs to where the Federal money is, without regard to local priorities, and no mechanism exists to permit a pooling of funding resources. 4. Restrictive Medicaid and Medicaire regulations limit the range of available benefits, particularly payment for home health care as an alternative to hospitalization. They also eliminate many indigent groups who should be eligible for assistance. 5. As a result, many people with incomes just above public assistance levels fall "between the cracks" and have serious difficulties in obtaining and paying for medical care. The rising costs of health care place 1L‘Health Care in Metropolitan Detroit: Programs, Plans A Review by Committee on Individual Health Care, United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit, 1972, 2—3. 58 needed services out of the reach of an ever—increasing number of such families. 6. Health services in the Metropolitan area are unevenly distributed and frequently furnished at the convenience of those who provide them, with many under—served areas where health care is not easily available or accessible.... Ill—health and inadequate health care facilities are a major problem in the Southwest area of metropolitan Detroit. Public transportation is limited and does not reach into the areas where the elderly are located. Map 5 indicates the number and location of medical practitioners. TABLE 9 DISTRIBUTION OF PHYSICIANS, OSTEOPATHS AND DENTISTSa Subcommunity Physicians Osteopaths Dentists Population Springwells l 5 4 22,246 Chadsey 16 7 5 30,303 Cadillac 16 10 7 33,553 Ford 1 2 6 21,898 Fort Wayne 0 l 0 2 11,313 aSource: 1970 Census and United Community Services When considering the distribution of practicing physicians it is most important to note that: 59 Physicians in private practice are unevenly dis- tributed15 throughout the tri-country area. The ch Health and Manpower Study identified a scarcity of physicians in Southwest Detroit....0n1y 20% of the M.D.'s in the Tri-country area are general practitioners or internists; 66% of the D.O.'s are in general practice. The subcommunities in the above table are arranged in descending order of socio-economic status. The sub— communities of Ford and Fort Wayne are the areas with the highest black population. The ratio of physicians to subcommunity population is lowest in the subcommunities of lowest socio—economic status which are also those with the highest population of blacks. THE SURVEY The Survey Site The subcommunities of Springwells 163, Chadsey 153, Cadillac 162, and Fort Wayne 161, were selected by the sponsors as constituting the areas in which they were particularly interested and for which they had assumed responsibility. The population of all persons aged 65 years and over, and those aged between 55 and 64 years, was checked for every Census Block and every Census Tract in each subcommunity. The six Tracts indicating the highest population density of persons aged 65 years and over were 15 Health care in Metropolitan Detroit, 10 60 selected for each subcommunity. The next step was to select the six Blocks within each Tract, in each sub— community, which indicated the highest population of persons aged 65 years and over. Map 6 illustrates these Tracts and Blocks. A large map of the total area was obtained from the City Planning Commission, cut into the four subcommunities being studied, and reduced to quarto size. The Blocks of highest density were then marked in and formed part of each interviewers kit. The subcommunity of Ford has been included in some of the tables only because it proves useful when discussing some of the problems of the Southwest area. Ford is approximately 58.1% black and of low socio-economic rating. The Research Sample The sample population was located in the twenty four Census Blocks selected as explained above. The interviewers were expected to visit every dwelling in all of these Blocks and request an interview and administration of the quest- ionnaire. However, the interviewers frequently encountered the problem of what appeared to be an unusually high refusal rate both with respect to being interviewed and answering the door. 61 TABLE 10 Number Per cent of Total Total contacts attempted 1,242 100 Not at home, or no answer 177 14.3 Refused interview 229 18.4 Refused with abuse, or slammed door in face of interviewer 123 9.9 Claimed could not speak English 164 13.2 No elderly in dwelling 110 8.9 Too ill to be interviewed 35 2.8 Successful interviews 404 32.4 As indicated in the above table, of a total of 1,242 contacts made only 404 interviews were successfully completed, representing a success rate of only 32.4%. Of these 41.8% were with aged males and 58.2% with aged females. When these sex differences are compared with the national elderly population they provide a rought indication of the typical nature of the sample. Of all persons interviewed 91.1% were white and 8.9% were black. This ratio was disappointing and obviously skewed the results. However, it is significant that there was a high rate of refusal to be interviewed, and to answer the door, especially in the Community of Fort Wayne. This area had the highest percentage of blacks of 62 all subcommunities surveyed. It is 31% black. It is also reputed to experience a high crime rate. Southwest Detroit as a whole has a homicide rate of almost twice that of the city rate. Although black interviewers, both male and female, were selected to survey this subcommunity the refusal rate was still very high. These interviewers stated that they were acutely aware of a high level of fear and distrust, and expressed their own apprehension at working in the area. The Interviewers Eight interviewers were engaged for the administration of the questionnaire, a copy of which is included in Appendix C.. They were selected because of their extensive knowledge of the total area and the fact that they were readily recognized by many residents. In the Summer of 1971 all interviewers had conducted art and craft classes, and other recreational programs, with the young people on the sidewalks of Southwest Detroit. All interviewers were either final year high school students or at college. The team consisted of one black female, one black male, and two Spanish speaking males, all of whom lived in Southwest Detroit. Two of the eight interviewers were white females, and two were white males, all four living outside of the area. The supervisor was a final year 63 university student who had been raised in Southwest Detroit. He claimed to be the nephew of the now defunct, and once infamous, Purple Gang which had once operated in the City of Detroit. His knowledge of the area, acute perception of such problems as aggression and hostility which could, and in fact did arise, and the ability to facilitate safer movement through the area certainly supported his claim. On several occasions interviewers were confronted on the street and ordered out of the area or face physical violence. On other occasions radical politically oriented Spanish speaking residents confronted interviewers and threatened violence if the team remained in the area. On these occasions both the supervisor and the two Spanish speaking interviewers were able to pacify the potential combatants. Time spent in bars located in distinct ethnic dominated locations was well spent. It became obvious that enclaves did exist and that there were well laid down boundaries over which other groups could pass only at a high risk of incurring bodily harm. In one bar located in an area which was predominantly Hungarian, members of the local police precinct, also of Hungarian descent, made frequent visits. I spent several hours in conversation with what turned out to be an off-duty policeman who informed me that any "nigger" who dared to stray into the area would be very lucky to get out in one piece. Levels of hostility, jealousy and fear, 64 ran very high throughout the whole Southwest area. All interviewers were required to spend two complete weekends living in the Southwest Detroit United Presbyterian Church buildings. This requirement generated a team spirit among the interviewers and engaged them in lectures, seminars, and discussions. These were designed to increase understanding of the task at hand and hopefully increase both the effectiveness of the interviewing process and the validity of data generated. Several lectures were given in introductory sociology, survey and questionnaire techniques. 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Do you live in your own home? yes no If no, do you have an apartment , a room , boarding house , other? What activities for the retired do you take part in? Name Location Which ones, if any, of these ailments do you have? (check) poor sight feel tired all the time poor hearing diabetes crippled hands legs 13. 1h. 150 16. l7. l8. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2h. 25. 102 heart trouble chest trouble high blood . . dizz1ness pressure other Do you find you can cope with everyday chores? yes no What kind of things did you do in your leisure time before you retired? What kind of things do you do now in your leisure time? What stops you from doing more? What special things would you really like to do? Do you often get: bored lonely afraid What kind of help do you need in the home? How do you spend the day? Do you attend church regularly? yes no If not, would you like to? yes no Which one? Do you think that the church neglects the elderly? yes no If you had the opportunity, what would you most like to happen to you today? 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 3].. 32. What would you like most for someone to do for you today? Do you have many visitors? yes no Would you like to have visitors? yes no Would you like a minister or priest to call on you no regularly? yes Do you find that you have food clothes medical rent enough money for: yes _ no yes __ no yes __ no yes __ no What are the most urgent things that need to be done in the home? Do you enjoy retirement? 103 N=uOh DATA PROFILE OF ELDERLY INTERVIEWED WhiteOOOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOO Non—White.........OOOOOOOOOOOO Male.......................... Female........................ Mean Male Age................. Mean Age Female............... Mean age...................... Years Retired Male............ Years lived in S.W. Detroit... Economic Own Home...................... Apartment..................... Room.......................... Live with Family.............. Rent House.................... Nursing Home.................. Hotel......................... Adequate Means for Food....... §_e_a.1_t_h " " Clothes.... " " Medical.... H " Rent....... Adequate Means for Medical.... Poor Health Inhibits Activities.. Ailments: Poor Sight......... Blood Pressure..... Heart Condition.... Arthritis.......... Hearing............ Crippled Limbs..... Tired.............. Diabetes........... Chest Condition.... Dizziness.......... NerveSooooooooooooooooo0000 Percent 91.1 8.9 111.8 58.2 70.55 71.75 71.2 8.9 41.8 \ooooooo l-‘ON H-P‘Umi-‘Okflm-PNW \10\OOO\1\1-P\flg\l-‘ 811.6 36.4 h1.o 23.4 21.8 18.7 16.1 15.5 13.2 10.5 9.5 5.9 4.1 104 Religion Attend Church Regularly........................ No, No, Church of Choice: But would Like tOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0.... DO NOt WiSh tOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOI.0.0.0.0... Roman Catholic................ Lutheran...................... Baptist....................... Presbyterian.................. Methodist..................... Other.ooooooooooooooocoooooooo United Church of Christ....... Episcopalian.................. Would Like Clergy to Call...................... Would not Like Clergy to Call.................. Consider that Church Neglects the Elderly...... Social BoredOOOOOOOOOOO000............OOOOOOOOOOCOCOOO LOHGlYo-ooo00.000.000.00...00000000000000.0000. Afraid......................................... Has Frequest Visitors.......................... No Visitors But Would Like Some................ No Visitors, Do Not Want Any................... Time Since Last Vacation: Mean Years.......... Never............... Don't Know.......... Nil Response........ Leisure Time Activities Before Retirement: Current Activities Nothing or About the HOuse.. Social/Outdoor Activities... Crafts...................... Reading..................... For the Retired: NoneOO......OOOOCOOOOOOOOOOO Church Related.............. Unions, Clubs, Lodges....... Senior Citizens with Parks & Recreation.......... 61.h 30.0 Z+9.7 h9.1 14.2 105 Percent yrs. Personal Current Leisure Activities: Nothing or About the House.......... Social/Outdoor Activities........... Radio/Television.................... Crafts.............................. Reading............................. Sitting/Resting..................... Gardening........................... Paid Odd Jobs....................... Activities Desired: Nothing............................. Travel.............................. Outings............................. Work................................ Needed Work on the House............ Relax............................... Help Others......................... Crafts.............................. DieOOOOOOOOO0.000000000000000....... Practical Needs Able to COPeIOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.000....0 Most Urgent Help Required: Nothing...................... Repairs...................... Painting..................... Domestic..................... Grounds...................... Electrical................... Furnishings.................. Help Required: None Required................ Already Have Help............ Repairs...................... Domestic..................... Grounds...................... Laundry...................... Nursing...................... 43.3 20.3 17.0 14.3 15.5 11.7 2.3 4.4 3.4 2.1 1.3 2.1 0.4 l-‘ON H OOUNUu-F' O C O O O P-F'ODKJ'QKI-C‘ 106 107 Would Most Like to Happen to You Today: NOthingo00000000000000.0000...coo. 19.5 Nil Response...................... 9.3 Don't Know........................ 6.1 Money............................. 11.8 Peace............................. 7.0 Work.............................. 1.3 Be Safe........................... 2.9 Outings........................... 4.2 Move.............................. 4.0 Better Health.oooooooooooooooooooo 24.6 Regain Youth...................... 1.4 Travel............................ “.0 Die............................... 3.1 Happiness......................... 1.6 What Would You Most Like Someone To Do For You Today: NothingOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. 50.2 Nil Response...................... 12.h Don't Know........................ 6.0 Outings........................... 1.6 Money............................. 4.4 House Repairs or Painting......... 6.8 Domestic.......................... 9.8 Medical Services.................. 0.9 Companionship..................... 6.7 Can You Cope With Your Everyday Chores - Yes — 75.8 107 Would Most Like to Happen to You Today: NOthingooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 19.5 Nil Response...................... 9.3 Don't Know........................ 6.1 Money............................. 11.8 Peace............................. 7.0 Work.............................. 1.3 Be Safe........................... 2.9 Outings........................... 4.2 Move.............................. 4.0 Better HealthOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO...... 2Ll'06 Regain Youth...................... 1.4 Travel............................ 4.0 Die............................... 3.1 Happiness......................... 1.6 What Would You Most Like Someone To Do For You Today: NothingOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. 50.2 Nil Response...................... 12.4 Don't Know........................ 6.0 Outings........................... 1.6 Money............................. 4.4 House Repairs or Painting......... 6.8 Domestic.......................... 9.8 Medical Services.................. 0.9 Companionship..................... 6.7 Can You Cope With Your Everyday Chores — Yes — 75.8 107 Would Most Like to Happen to You Today: Nothing.0.00.00.00.00.0.0.0.0....O 19.5 Nil Response...................... 9.3 Don't Know........................ 6.1 Money............................. 11.8 Peace............................. 7.0 Work.............................. 1.3 Be Safe........................... 2.9 Outings........................... 4.2 Move.............................. 4.0 Better Healthooooooooooooooooooooo 24.6 Regain Youth...................... 1.4 Travel............................ 4.0 Die............................... 3.1 Happiness......................... 1.6 What Would You Most Like Someone To Do For You Today: NOthingooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 50.2 Nil Response...................... 12.4 Don't Know........................ 6.0 Outings........................... 1.6 Money............................. 4.4 House Repairs or Painting......... 6.8 Domestic.......................... 9.8 Medical Services.................. 0.9 Companionship..................... 6.7 Can You Cope With Your Everyday Chores — Yes — 75.8 A PROFILE OF SOUTHWEST DETROIT COMMUNITY By Population Ford............................................ 21,898 Chadsey......................................... 30,303 Fort Wayne...................................... 11,313 Cadillac........................................ 33,553 Springwells..................................... 22,246 Total................ 119,313 By Race Non-white Ford.................................. 12,723 " Chadsey............................... 1,606 " Fort Wayne............................ 3,507 Cadillac.............................. 2,248 Springwells........................... 289 Total................ 20,373 By Age Ford, 55-'6L|> yrs 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O 0 O 2 ’ 211 Chadsey " O O 0.. O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 3 ’ 391 Fort Name " O O O O 0 O 0 O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O l ’ O75 cadillac " O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O 3, 472 Springwells H 0000cooocoooooooooooooooooooooooo 2,28]- TOtaloooooooooooooooo 1291‘30 Ford, 65 yrs. plus.............................. 2,025 Chadsey " .............................. 3,950 Fort Wayne " .............................. 1,166 Cadillac " .............................. 4,027 Springwells " .............................. 2,732 Total................ 13,900 108 Median Age Ford......................................... Chadsey...................................... Fort Wayne................................... Cadillac..................................... Springwells.................................. Housing Units Ford......................................... Chadsey...................................... Fort Wayne................................... cadillaCOO......0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Springwells.................................. Owner Occupied Ford......................................... Chadsey...................................... Fort Wayne................................... Cadillac..................................... Springwells.................................. Renter Occupied Ford......................................... Chadsey...................................... Fort Wayne................................... Cadillac....................o................ Springwells.................................. Median Value Owner Occupied Fordooooooooo0.000000000000000000000000000000 Chadsey...................................... Fort Wayne................................... Cadillac..................................... Springwells.................................. Median Rent FordOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0..........OOOOOOOOOO Chadsey. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Fort wayne 0 O O O 0 O O I O O O 0 O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Cadillac 0 O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O C 0 O O O O O O 0 O O O O SpringwellsOOOOOOO0.0.........OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 109 25.1 yrs. 32.4 24.7 29.2 2909 7.107 10,636 3,834 11.385 7,815 3,478 6,561 1,620 4,671 4,271 2,953 3.607 1,783 6,082 3,268 8.697 10,106 8,397 10,058 11,225 68 75 75 78 Anderson, 0. 1963 Anderson, R. 1968 Anderson, R. 1970 Anderson, R. 1967 J. 1970 Bass, R. 1971 Beals, and H. 110 BIBLIOGRAPHY "The Utilization of Health Services." In Freeman, H.E., et. al., (eds.). The Handbook of Medical Sociology. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. A Behavioural Model of Families' Use of Health Services. Research Series No. 25. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and L. Benham. "Factors Affecting the Relationship Between Family Income and Medical Care." 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