decades  since  Chinua  Achebe
played  his part in exposing  the
inadequacy  of 
the  colonialist
narrative by the way in which he
recorded  the decision of the Dis-
trict  Commissioner  in Things fall
Apart  to  devote  'a  reasonable
paragraph'  to 
the  'story  of  a
man  (Okonkwo)  who  had  killed
a  messenger  and  hanged  him-
self/  British  writers,  some  of
them  district  officers,  had writ-
ten  too many 'reasonable  para-
graphs'  about  Africa,  distorting
the  continent's  history  for  too
many for too long. By the Fifties,
a  shift  was  long  overdue  and
Achebe'5 voice  was  among  the
most  eloquent of those raised  to
write the new history.  However,
it is now  appropriate  to look  at
some examples  of  the  anti-colo-
nial  narratives, and the cultural
nationalist  narratives  that  occa-
sionally accompanied  them,  to
see  how  adequately  they pre-
sented  events.  This  is  a  vast
topic,  but  my  concern  is  very
narrow.  It involves,  as  my  title
indicates, Martin  Banham  and
the  links  between  Leeds  and
Ebadan.  The  intention  is  to  as-
semble  a  variety  of  voices  in
order  to  challenge  some of the
over-simplification and  mis-rep-
resentation  that has affected  the
writing of  literary  history  in Ni-
geria.

According  to 

the  book  which
prompted  my  title,  Toward  The
Decolonization ofAfrican  Literature (here-
after  Decolonisation),  Martin  Banham
was  a  reactionary 
in West

influence 

African  Quaru
on  the  Arts
Vol  2/No  3

James
Gibbs

Ibadan

Africa and played a decisive  role in the
'inculcation of  Euromodernism in  Nige-
rian  poetry.'  Chinweizu,  Onwuchekwa
Jemei and  Ihechukwu  Madubuike,  the
authors of the influential  study, incorpo-
rate  imagery  and  biographical  details
into 
their  analysis  so  as  to  suggest
Banham  was  a British  agent  working
against  the  evolution  of  a  confident,
positive  and  progressive African  tradi-
tion of writing. The University  of  Leeds
and  University  College,  Ibadan,  of the
late  Fifties  and  early  Sixties  are  pre-
sented  as  institutions 
promulgating
narrow,  reactionary  ideological  dog-
mas,  with  students  at  the  latter  as
intellectual  infants.

While  it must be  recognised  that
Wole Soyinka  is the real  target  of the
three Nigerian critics,  Banham (the focus
of my attention} comes under intense fire.
Chinweizu etal., 'out' him as an agent of
neo-colonialism  and  'other  him'  as  a
reactionary  force. They regard  the kind
of work  he encouraged  as  a 'poison',
and write:

A  search for the fountainhead
of this poison leads to an examination of
the  Leeds-lbadan connection,  personi-
fied in the roles of  Martin  Banham and
WoleSoyinka.  (Chinweizu, etal.:  1980,
196,}

I want to use  the points  made in
Decolonisation  as  awayintopresenting
a quick  sketch of Banham  from  the mid-
Fifties to the early  Sixties.  In the process,
I  shall  challenge  several  of 
the

assumptions  made  by  Chinweizu  and  his
collaborators, and draw  attention to some of the
problems  involved  in  writing  literary  history. I
hope to setthe assertions  made in  Decolonisation
against 
the  evidence  provided  by  Banham's
writing  and  against  statements made by  African
writers.

First,  more about  the 'fountainhead  of the
poison'.  The  triumvirate  of 
authors  of
Decolonisation continue from the sentence quoted
above with  information  and images that  repay
examination. A  lengthy  quote  but an  important

left 

In  1954  Soyinka 

Ibadan  and
proceeded  to the University of  Leeds to complete
his  undergraduate  studies.  There  he was  a
contemporary of Martin  Banham who  was then
working for  his MA.  in October,  }956,  Martin
Banham  joined 
the English Department  at the
University of  Ibadan,  and  during  the  following
schoolyearhe,  in his own words,  'persuaded (the
undergraduates) to start a smallcydostyled verse
magazine,'  The Horn,  under  the  founding  editorship  of  j.P.
Clark.

For the next several years, the pages of  The Horn  would
serve as the weaning  ground  forthe  mostprominent members
of  the Ibadan-Nsukka school of poetry. Soyinka  on his return
from Leeds  in I 960  used the pages of  The Horn to publish both
poetry  and assorted pieces of  cultural  propaganda.  Several
lesser members of  the Ibadan-Nsukka school would make their
appearance  in The Horn and also make  their  indoctrinating
pilgrimages  to Leeds at  various points  in their careers. Thus,
both the ieeds-lbadan  conduit  of  ideas, and  the  magazine
through which its influence was most sharply  brought  to bear
upon  a  coterie  of nascent poets and critics, deserves serious
examination.

traced  in  the  records.  They are  (1) 

The two  principal  impacts of tutelage on The Horn  are
the dominant
easily 
cultivation  of  England's  poetic 
the
anglomodernist  sensibility  and  mannerism; (2)  a determined
fight to  wean  the  poets away  from any  stirring of  African
nationalist  consciousness and  to  indoctrinate  them  with  a
universaiist-individualist outlook (Chinweizu etai:  1980, 196-
7}

tradition,  especially 

There  are 

statements 

in  this  passage 

that  might
confuse:  at Leeds,  Soyinka  did a  full  undergraduate  degree
- he did not'complete'  a degree  already  embarked  on, and
Banham  did  not take  up a  post at 'the  University of  Ibadan'
since  the  institution  did  not  exist.  He  was  employed  by
'University College, Ibadan1 that only  subsequently became  a
fully-fledged  university.

Professor Martin  Banham of Leeds University
(middle) at the Theatre for Development
workshop  in Ibadan

These, however,  are relatively  minor points. Of greater
interest is the unjustified and tendentious  tone of  the passage.
I object, for example, to  'weaningground,'  and'indoctrinating
pilgrimages.' And I note the way  in which the  ideas embodied
in these  inaccurate  expressions  reappear.  For instance, we
encounter  references  to'(weaning)  the poets  away from,'  to
'assorted pieces of  cultural  propaganda,'and'to  indoctrinate
them/The  impression  created 
that  African  poets  were
babies  who  came  under 
the  sway  of  propaganda  agents
skilled in the arts of  waging a war for  cultural domination. This
is patronising  towards  the African  writers, and the passage
creates  a  mischievously  inaccurate  portrait  of  Banham, the
University  he  attended,  the  University  College  he  was
employed  to teach,  and his colleagues.

is 

to  examine 

In the  pages 

that  follow,  I want,  while  dallying  on
to  point  out  career  developments,  to  look  at
occasions 
the  young  lecturer's
Banham  at  Leeds,  and 
research  interests while in his first  teaching post. I will go over
his  involvement  with  The Horn,  and  examine  the  charges
levelled  against him. Thisdiscussion will take me through some
eight  pages  of  Decolonisation,  and  will  continue  up  to  the
reference to Wole Soyinka  being  parachuted  in (I960)  from
Leeds  and the Royal Court  Theatre... and (going)  into  action
to flush out  and swat the remnant of  the native  resistance to
Anglo-Saxon  pseudo-universalism.

I  have  already  engaged 

in  a  controversy  with
Chinweizu  over  those lines  and  the paragraphs  that follow.

African Quarterly
on  the Arts
Vol  2/No. 3 GLENDORA.V

(Union  News,  4  March
1955,  p. 1)

The interest of this
paragon  were  not con-
fined  to student politics,
and  the following month
found  him  reviewing'A
Mighty  Othello,'(Union
News,  29  April  1955,
p.  2)  This  provoked  a
rejoinder  by  Roderick
Knight,  and the  follow-
ing  month  Banham
waded  back ('calm and
unruffled')  into  the con-
troversy  with 
'Othello
Discords'. (Union News,
13 May  1955, p. 6) He
was  clearly  a  man of
ideas with an interest in
the theatre, and  a critic

with  opinions  he was  prepared  to  defend.

Banham was a member of  the Rag Committee  and, not
surprisingly  given  his theatrical 
interests,  part  of  the  'admi-
rable team' that was  responsible  for  the  1 955  Rag Revue, a
'Magnificent Production.' (Union News, 20  September  1955,
p2.)  Incidentally, the full production  line-up  consisted  of  'the
Misses  Buckle,  Bear,  Goldring  and  Statman  and  Messers
Banham, Cryer, Gill, Green, Robinson andTate. 'Cryer', Barry
Cryer,  made distinctive contributions  to Leeds  Rag Revues for
several years and his wit has  been enjoyed,  mostly thanks  to
radio  programmes, by generations  of listeners. A  photograph
taken  during  Rag  Week  1955  show  Banham 
collecting
money  for  rag  with  a  member  of  an  earlier  generation  of
broadcasters,  Wilfred  Pickles.  (Union  News,  4  October
1955,  p. 1)

During  the  Autumn  of  1955,  Banham  was  part  of  a
different  kind  of  team,  one  that  defeated  a  Hull  University
debating  squad that included  Roy  Hattersley,  (Union News,
11  November  1955.)  Two  months  later  an  item  entitled
'Debaters  win  again'  indicated  the  future  professor's  move
from  the  local  derby  towards  national  competition.  The
student  paper  reported  that:

Mr.  Alan  Smith and Mr.  Martin  Banham,  well-known
figures  in  the  Union  and  regular  speakers  for  the Debating
Society, are  to go  forward  as the Leeds team  to  the Northern
Semi-Final at the end  of  this month.  (Union  News,  20 January
1956)

That,  however,  seems to  have  been  the  end  of  that
particular  road  for  young,  Banham.  Alan  Smith,  however,

The famous  West  Yorkshire  Playhouse,  Quarry
Hill, Leeds

(Chinweizu:  1 986  a, b; Gibbs:  1 986  a, b) Here my concern is
with  the  presentation  of  Martin  Banham.

Martin Banham  at Leeds,
some glimpses

Banham  was  a  student  of  English  at  Leeds  during  a
period  of  considerable  excitement.  The  staff  of  the  English
Department  was  particularly 
stimulating,  the  presence  of
Bonamy  Dobree,  Arnold  Kettle  and  George  Wilson  Knight
ensuring  lively controversy  rather than comfortable  orthodoxy.
Undergraduate  life  offered  variety  and  creativity:  student
elections  were  hard 
the  Theatre  Group  pioneered
productions  of  adventurous  continental  work,  during  Ragg
Week the carnivalesque annually  erupted  into the streets of the
post-war  city,  and  the  debating  society  ensured  that  every
idea was  dissected-before  being voted on. In this  community,
Martin  Banham  was  a  busy,  prominent,  and  appreciated
student.

fought, 

When,  at  the beginning  of  1 955,  he  stood for  the  post
of  'Junior  Vice-President',  Alan  Smith  a  notable  debater,
confidently  and  eloquently  recommended  him  to  the  student
electorate:

Martin  Banham  is the  embodiment  of  reliability.  He
exhales  confidence  and  quiet  common  sense as lesser  men
exhale  cigarette  smoke.  Calm  and  unruffled 
crisis,
resourceful in extremity,  his  immense fund  of good  humour  and
tact enable  him to rise to any occasion  with unassuming  dignity.

in  a 

GLENDORA......

African  Quarterly
on  the Arts
Vol. 2/frlo, 3

won his way to the NUS  Debating Tournament  Final. (Union 
News, 3 February  1956.) 

Wole Soyinka, with whom  Banham  was much later  to 
linked in 'The  scandalous  Connection,' was, incidentally, 
|s0  involved in the areas of  University  life with which I have 
O
ssociated  Banham. From  1954 to  about 1958, the Nigerian 
Writer was  a student in the Leeds English Department; he acted 
ith the Theatre  Group,  sang  in the  Rag Revue  and was a 

member of the  Debating  Society.  Furthermore,  both  he and 
Banham were part of the  community  that produced  a modest, 
weekly  magazine,  Poetry and Audience, the publication that 
"rovided the model for  The Horn. In its pages, poems appeared 
beside  articles  discussing  such basic  literary  issues  as the 
function  of poetry. This controversy was  characteristic of Leeds 
in the  mid-Fifties  where  there  was  an  acute  awareness of 
the  presence of Kettle,  a card- 
'ideological  issues.  Given 

w r o t e:

...» was  the  experience of  social and economic
relations  in Britain,  more than Kenya,  that actually  settled
Ngugi's  socialist convictions Starting from a common  sense
appraisal of the sitvation in his country at  independence,  in
particular,  the need for  a redistribution of  wealth  in  the
interests of a deprived peasantry  Ngugi  arrivd  in  England
jn 1964 and settled into the revolutionary atmosphere of Leeds
University  where he studied for the next few years.  Extensive
,r a v e/5  arounj 
and Europe, acquaintance  with some
e mjn e nf  British socialist scholars, including  his supervisor, Dr
Am0\^  Ken\e 
Ond discussions with the radical  student group
/ej fcy A/an  Hunt • these  revealed 
incessant industrial strife in Britain  was no more than the old
;nter<lass hostility inherent in the capitalist system Thus  Leeds
provided an ideological  framework for  opinions  that he had

that  the root cause of

Britam 

carrying member of the  British Community Party and  a major 
Marxist  literary  critic-historian, this could  hardly  have been 
otherwise. It was  however,  a  nuanced debate:  Kettle  himself 
being  the quickest  to expose  criticism  by numbers or'vulgar 
M a r x i sm  ' 

already  vaguely held. (Ikiddeh in Ngugi:  1972,  xiii).

So m u cn 

for me 'shrine'  to which 

the  authors of

Decolonisation write  in such condescending  terms  of students
ma|<jng  'indoctrinating  pilgrimages'.  In Ngugi's  Leeds,  the
atmosphere  was 'revolutionary,'  the supervisor 'socialist,'  the

The suggestion, put forward  by Chinweizu et al,  in the 
passage  quoted  above, that  studying  at Leeds  was like an 
indoctrinating  (pilgrimage)'  to a citadel  of 'Anglo-Modernist 
pseudo-universalism'  is nonsense  bred of ignorance.  In this 
context,  the  experiences of Soyinka  and Ngugi wa Thiong'o 
are so illuminating  that  brief  quotations  are apt. 

students'radical'.

As for Banham, to return to the main  narrative, it is worth
listening  to  his account  of the attitudes he took  with him when
after completing  his MA, he took up a teaching post  in Ibadan.

He is  on record  assaying:
| went  out there as a young socialist, fire in the belly and

Soyinka  has  written  of the 

importance of  Leeds in 

all  the rest ofit, thinking that I was going  into a  situation with

introducing  him  to  materialist  debates.  In a paper  given  in 
1977,  he said: 

The author of Death  and 

encountered  Marx  (apart 
from  name)  through Dr. Arnold 
Kettle, an avowed  communist  who  taught  at the University 
ofleeds.  Theyear was  1955. In response to a remark in which 
I called  his attention  to the threats  posed  to individual 
freedom by any form of totalitarian  state-Dr.  Kettle quietly 
reminded me of the far  more devastating  encroachments  on 
individual  self-fulfillment by  the private  exploiter of  others' 
labour.  The  revelation  was  that simple and total. (Soyinka: 
1988  11 / ) 

Soyinka  continued  by describing  the  interest he  took

all the cliches  of colonialism... {Wren:  1991, 32)

T he  quotation  is taken  from an  interview  with Robert
the King's  Horsemen  first  Wren, one of a series that appears in an investigation into the
s o u r ce  of  <tne common  energy that Achebe, Soyinka, Okigbo
a nd  Clark  drew  on,'  the  energy 
that  established  Ibadan
the  crucible  of  Nigerian
between  1948  and  1 966  as 
Literature.  Why were those, in the phrase  that Banham  used
in his interview and that Wren took  for  his title, Magical Years?

| w i|| draw  repeatedly on Wren's  transcriptions,  convinced
,hat/  while memories are fallible,  his volume is a much  more
honest and reliable  guide  to the Ibadan  of Banham, Soyinka
ant^ ^e  Horn than Decolonisation.

m o re 

in 'Dr. Kettle's  circle of  communists,'  and the reading list  he  Martin Banham at Ibadan,
struggled  with. The  University of Leeds  offered  a broadening 
of horizons  through  a series of  confrontations  with a starkly 
contradictory,  firmly  anti-colonial  force. One of the influential 
African  writers  who  followed  Soyinka  to Leeds  was Ngugi 
wa Thiong'o. He went  there  to study Caribbean  writing  and 
left,  without  completing  his  degree,  having  improved  his 
radical,  nationalist  credentials  by writing A Grain of Wheat. 
In the 'Foreword'  to a collection of Ngugi's  essays, Homecom- 
ing,  Ime Ikiddeh, himself  a contemporary  of Ngugi's  at Leeds,

T he  b r j ef  ,ist of publications  at  the end  of  this  paper,
b a s ed  Qn  b i b|i o g r a phi es  prepared  by Bernth Lindfors and B.
0|u k e mi  T o ye 
i n d i c a t es  some of the young lecturer's  areas
of j n ( e r e st  An  e a r,y 
p r o j e ct  involved  an  examination of
N i g e rian  students'reading  habits, from which emerged cause

w j th  ,he p o s i t i on  e n j o y ed  by  British  authors,  particularly by

g | jm p s es

for 

c o n c e rn  a b o u, %e ,a ck of  r e a d i ng  habits and fascination

African  Quarterly
on  the Arts
Vol  2/Ho 3 GLENDORA-*™

the  near-universal  admira-
tion 
for  Shakespeare.
Clearly anything that was to
take placewould  be against
a background of respect for
English literature  University
College, Ibadan, was at the
pinnacle  of  an  Education
system 
that  involved  En-
glish  students  in  reading
Chaucer's 
'Tales,'
Macaulay's  'Lays  of  An-
cient  Rome'  and selections
from  A  Pageant  of Longer
Poems. The volume included
work  by  Gray,  Crabbe,
C o l e r i d g e, 
Browning,
Lawrence, and, the examin-
ers'  favourite,  Alfred,  Lord
Tennyson. Those who  were
allowed 
glish  degrees  had proved
they were  familiar  with the
English  tradition.

to study 

for  En-

The  ambitions  of
these graduates  are  found
in a continuation of the quo-
tation  about'the  cliches of
colonialism.'  Banham  said
that  he discovered  he was

Wole  Soyinka in the late '50s

a  piece on the Nigerian
theatre  in  Flamingo.

Looking  back  on
what  was  happening  in
Nigeria  during the  late
Fifties and early Sixties, it
is easy to be aware of the
role  of  LJHi  Beier  as
e d i t o r,  of  Geoffery
Axworthy  as director, of
ChinuaAchebe  as novel-
ist, of J.P.Clark  and Chris-
topher Okigbo  as poets,
and of the  sheer  versatil-
ity of  the new Nigerian
Renaissance 
figures.
While  admiring  the rich-
ness and energy, it is  ap-
propriate 
to  recognise
Banham's  role  as a critic
and  promoter.  The bibli-
ography  is the skeleton;
the  flesh 
is the writing
itself: crisp, positive,  seri-
ous but not solemn, confi-
dent  but not arrogant,
excited  by developments
but not uncritical  or  con-
descending.  Thus,  writ-
ing  of A  Dance  of the

in the middle  of  a body  of very  elite  young  men and
women  whose  main concern  in life  was  how  soon  they  could
get  their  car allowance,  and their  car, and take over this or
that position.  (Banham:  1958a)

In other words,  the young  socialist  was surrounded by
students  in whom  the individualist outlook was already  deeply
rooted.

Banham's  interest  in what was  happening  around him
itself  in  response  to the Nigerian
soon  began  to  express 
cultural  scene,  particularly  to  drama.  The 
list  of  his
publications  soon takes  a strongly  theatrical  flavour.  Some of
the contributions  are to  University College's newly established
flagship  publication  Ibadan,  others  to new foreign  journals,
such as New  Theatre Magazine 
(Bristol), African  Forum (New
York),  The Bulletin  for the Association  of African  Literature in
English  (Fourah  Bay) and  The Journal  of  Commonwealth
Literature (Leeds). He also  sent a number of  reviews  of texts
to  Books Abroad,  published  in Norman,  Oklahoma. How-
ever,  while  drawing  the attention  of a  wide  readership  to
what  was going  forward  in Nigeria,  he did not neglect the
local  debate: he wrote play reviews  for The Horn,  and he had

GLENDORA .

African  Quarterly
on  the Arts
Vol. 2/No. 3

Forests, The  Lion and the Jewel  and  Three  Plays for  Books
Abroad  in 1 964,  he expressed  a view  that he has  repeated
down  the years:

These  three  volumes  will  serve  to introduce  Wole
Soyinka  to the wider  audience  he merits.  A Dance,  which I
see as a pageant,  has certain  deficiencies  of organisation  but
remains  an imaginative  feat  of considerable  stature - a great,
rolling,  strident play  (Banham:  1964a)

At  the same 

time,  and responding 

to a  talented
playwright,  poet  and editor,  he described  the author  of A
Reed in the Tide, as 'a writer of wit and  sensitivity.'  Balancing
censure  with  praise he  added.

Whilst  in some of his work  a slight  strain of imagery
is noticeable,  (Clark)  nevertheless  compensates  for this by the
easy  use of the natural  and everyday,  presented  with startling
force...  (Banham:  1964b)

In a typescript review  headed  'For the Daily Times'  that
may not have actually  reached  the Nigerian  reading  public,
Banham  was appreciative  and  authoritative  in writing  of a
production  of Clark's  Song  of  a  Goat.  Prepared  to draw

attention to shortcomings with wit and untempered  censure, he

at this point:

included  the  following:

The mad aunt...Francesco  Pereira  deserved make-up
that would have  given  her greater  age  (she looked  more like
mad  niece.)...  the  lighting  was  badly  mishandled  and

distracting. (Banham:  1964b)

from  a  very  early  point  will  not 

The Banham  who emerges  from these and other reviews
is open,  frank  and encouraging.  The fact that he championed
Soyinka's  work 
impress
Chinweizuandhis  colleagues,  indeed  for them  such  approval
is confirmation  of the 'Scandalous  Leeds-lbadan  Connection.'
Many of the rest  of  us will,  however,  be  impressed.  Banham
w as  sensitive  to a creative  and  progressive  use of  indigenous
material  byaclutchof  authors. His subsequent appointment as
Deputy  Director  to  Geoffrey  Axworthy  in  the  newly-founded
School of  Drama  was  just  reward  for  his achievements  and
commitment.
Martin  Banham  and  The Horn

Having  glanced  at Banham while  he was  at Leeds and
having  drawn  attention  to some of his  work at Ibadan, I want
to return to  the allegations  made  against  him  by  Chinweizu
etal. in relation to  The Horn. Banham  promoted  and (initially)
funded  The Horn,  which,  it will  be  recalled,  was  described
in  Decolonisation  as  a  'weaning  ground,'  as  containing
'assorted  pieces  of  cultural  propaganda,'  as  cultivating,
through  'tutelage,' 
'the  anglo-modernist  sensibility,'  and  as
providing  the base  for  'a  determined  fight to wean  the poets
away from any stirring of African nationalist consciousness  and
to indoctrinate  them  with  universalist-individualist  outlook.'

Anyone  wishing  to  make a  'serious assessment' of The
Horn has  to start  with  an  essay  by  W.  H.  Stevenson  entitled
'The Horn. What  it was  and  it did.'But  research  must not end
there. The authors  of  Decolonisation  quote  extensively  from
Stevenson and, there is no  evidence that they went further.  They
do not, for example,  mention  the factthat Banham had his own
poetry  published  in  the  magazine  - even  though  this  could
be seen as  serving  his neo-colonial turn.  The'decolonisers'  do
not appear  to have analysed  the publications for  themselves,
nor to have  consulted  the two  Nigerians  closests  to the birth
of  The  Horn,  both  men  of  stature 
in  the  world  of  African
literature. The founding  editor was J. P. Clark, and a  successor
was Abiola  Irele.  Fortunately  for  the  more  dispassionate  and
more curious researcher  both  have put  relevant  thoughts  and
recollections  on  record.

By 1957, Clark was already  a practised  writer - he had
completed  a  novel  even before embarking  on his undergradu-
ate  career  and then  published poetry in The Beacon and The
Bug.  His independence  of  spirit  was  well  known,  and the
editorial  in  the  first 
to
Negritude.  Decolonisation  quotes  Stevenson  at  some  length

the  magazine  was  a  call 

issue  of 

The editorial  in the very first issue, presumably  written by
J. P. Clark,  declaied,  'We  venfure  to submit  "Negritude"  as
a most compendious word!...  it stands for  .. that  new  burning
consciousness of a common  race and  culture  that black  men
in America,  the West Indies, and Africa  are  beginning  to feel
towards  one another.' Later he says, 'It is  to arrest  such subtle
imperialism  (i.e.  by  Western  education)  that  we  join  those
already 
fighting  to  preserve  our  heritage  by  launching  this
magazine.' 

(Chinweizu,  et al.: 

1980,200.)

The triumvirate acknowledge that  this'sounds  a positive
and  welcome  note  on  Negritude  and  on  black  cultural
consciousness.'  Butthen continue to  summarisethepublication's
position thus:

Two  issues  later, John  Ramsaran  (the British  'house
nigger1 from another part of the Third World),  promptly  weighs
in with all his professorial  authority  and  issues  an  encyclical,
warning  the restive undergraduates  against this  'heresy.'Then,
two  issues later,  properly  chastened, J.  P. Clark  surrenders
before 
the  authority  of  the  encyclical  and  publishes  his
recantation.  However,  a  few  others,  notably  Abiola  Irele,
persist as dissenters before foreign  professorial  pressure, and
proceed to state and restate the 'heretical'position. 
(Chinweizu
etal.: 

1980,203)

Chinweizu et al, acknowledge  the persistent  calls to the
banner of  Negritude,  while  assailing  the ears with the sound
of axes  being ground.  Quite  simply, Ramsaran  and Clark  are
both  misrepresented.  For  example,  Ramsaran  was  not  a
impressed  by
professor  and  Clark  was  not  the  sort  to  be 
authority.  'Encyclical,' which  introduces  into  the  debate 
the
the  authoritarianism  of  the  Catholic
weight  of 
Church  and  the  odour  of 
is  characteristically
provocative,  an attempt 
to bamboozle.  It is  heavy-handedly
reinforced  by the use of  'heresy'and'recantation'.  The  facts
are  more  awkward  and  the 
involved  less
compliant than Decolonisation allows;  readers  are, surely,  not
impressed  by  such manipulative  language.

personalities 

the  papacy, 

infallibility, 

The Decolonisation  tie themselves  in knots,  desperate  to
have  everything  every way.  They argue  that  The Horn  was
reactionary, even though  theyadmitthe  first editorial  was  pro-
Negritude.  They argue that it  went  on being  reactionary  even
though  Irele  and  others persisted  instating  and  restating  the
case  for  black cultural  consciousness.

Had  The Horn 

really  been  established  as  an  anti-
Negritude forum  then Clark and  Irele would have been  among
last people  to  whom editorial  authority  would  have been the
to  pass.  To  discover  what  really  happened  is
allowed 
the  tortuous
impossible,  but  versions  of  events  that  avoid 
special  pleading  of  Decolonisation  emerge 
from  the
interviews  conducted  by  Wren  during  1982-3.  Banham
questioned  in Leeds,  is  quoted  on  The  Horn.

African Quarterly
on the Arts
Vol. 2/No. 3 OLENDORA

The  little  magazine  which  J. P.  and  I started  together
•my money, his editorship...  The creation  of  The Horn.  That was
something 
that  I'm  really  proud  of.  It  did  so  very  much  to
the minds  of  some  of the youngsters  on  writing.
concentrate 
And  you  know 
range  of  people
represented  on the pages  of The Horn,  Soyinka,  of  course,  and
Clark  himself. (Banham  quoted 

there's  an  interesting 

in  Wren:  1991,  29).

This  statement  brings  out the pedagogic  intent  and the
pleasure  that a teacher  took in a project that  provided a focus,
that'(concentrated)  minds.'Inevitably, Banham had hopes  and
aspirations 
for  the  little  magazine,  he  must  also  have  had
preferences  and,  perhaps,  even  prejudices,  but  there 
is  no
evidence  that  he  had  a  'hidden  agenda'.

Clark provided  Wren with a paragraph on Banham and
the  (readily  acknowledged)  Leeds
The Horn  that  underlines 
inspiration  of  the  idea  of  a  student  literary  magazine  and
reinforces the idea of 'concentration' -  putting  things  together
in  one  place.  Only 
to  the
pugnacious  Clark,  a writer  quick 
to  take  and  to  imagine
offence,  author  of the prickly  America,  Their America,  and  a
man  for whom a challenge  from a lecturer was like a proverbial
red  rag  to  a  proverbial  bull.  He  told  Wren:

full  interview  does  justice 

the 

lecturer.  He brought 

Banham,  Martin  Banham,  for  instance,  was  a  young
tutor  there,  a young 
the idea  of starting
this  magazine,  and  has  never  liked  me  calling  myself the
'founding  editor'  and  for  refusing  him  my  poems  when  he
compiled  his  collection  of  Nigerian  Student  Verses out of
contributions 
to The Horn of  which  I was the major  contributor.
My  objection  was  that  I  wrote  poetry  not'student  verse.'(The
Horn)  was an idea  he brought  from Leeds: with all these things
we were  doing,  couldn't  we put them all together  in one place?
And  we  said, yes,  fine.  We chose  an editor  straightaway,  and
I was  the  first editor,  and  I gave 

it  the life  it  had.

He  added:  'Banham's  a  good  man;  he  wasn't  much
older  than many of  us students. We  got on very well  '  (Wren
1991,  101-2)  The  Horn  came  up  at  other  points  during
interview  with  Clark  and  it  is  worth
Wren's  wide-ranging 
quoting 
the  narrative
presented  by  the decolonisers.  For example,  Clark  said:

relevant  assertions  to  set  beside 

We  were  Negritude  poets  ourselves, 'in our  own  way.
You  recall  some  of the editorials  we wrote  in  The Horn. They
were  fighting  editorials,  and  our  English  teachers  didn't  like
us  for  it.  (Wren:  1991,  100)

He  maintained  that  he was  writing  of  political  poetry

from  an early  stage:

You'd  sme certcin  things  some of  us were  beginning  to
to us. Nationalism.  When  you  wrote  about
assert  belonged 
a  girl  bathing 
in  a  stream  (Clark's  'Girl  Bathing')  you  were
making  a  statement.  They were  all  political  poems.  (Wren:
1991,  109.  Wren's  parenthetical 

comment.)

Clark  states  his case forcefully,  occasionally  wandering

GLENDORA

African  Quarterly
on the Arts
Vol. 2/No. 3

into a  battlefield  that  bears a  superficial  resemblance  to that
conjured  up by  Decolonisation, an area in which,  for example,
teachers,  'didn't  like us' for  our  'fighting  editorials.'  But there
is little ground  for  agreement  between  Clark  and the authors
of  Decolonisation:  he  reports 
that  the  professor  of  English,
Molly  Mahood,  repeatedly  queried  him  about  his extraordi-
nary  fondness for  Keats. Clark  was  obviously  not a  babe in
swaddling bands,  Mahood  not his wet  nurse, Banham not his
ideological  minder.

to 

turn 

to  Abiola 

from  Clark 

For a calmer  recollection  from a less  embattled  source,
it  is  a  relief 
Irele  whose
recollections  of  events  surrounding  the  establishment  of The
Horn  are  lucid  and  have  the  ring  of  authenticity:
Well,  what  happened  was  this:  I remember 

this very
well.  Martin  Banham  made 
this  proposal  (to  start  a literary
magazine).  He called  a  meeting  and  we  discussed  it. And
it was  unanimous  thatj.  P. would  edit it. And  we  all got together
and  worked  on  it and  called 
for  poems.  There  was  no vote
or anything  - he  stood  out and  was  the obvious  choice  for the
editor  because  he  had  already 
poetry
anyway,  on  his  own.  He  was  more  or  less designated  by
general  acclamation.  And  we agreed  on the format  and things
I wasn't  on  the editorial  board  in  the first
like  that. Actually, 
year,  that first year,  '57.  When  he finished, 
then  he handed
it over  tome.  It  was  the pragmatic  English  tradition-you  don't
vote -  things just  emerge.  I'm  sorry  that  many  of  those poets
who  wrote  quite  good  stuff  during  that  period  - they've  sort
keep  it  up.  Molly
of  gone 
Mahood  provided 
in the form  of  paper
and stencils and so on (after Banham's  start-up money).  And we
typed 
(Wren:
1991,  1 15. First parenthetical  insertion  byGibbs, 
second  by
Wren).

into  oblivion  now.  They  didn't 
the material  support, 

the  things  ourselves  and  did  the  stencilling. 

started  writing 

At that  point, Wren  pertinently  asked'Was  Mahood a
that
the  impression  created  by  Clark  and
imagined,  and

good  influence?'  And 
entirely  supports 
completely  demolishes 
proclaimed,  by  Decolonisation:

in  a  manner 

relationship 

responded 

Irele 

the 

Well, 

to give  her  a  copy 

there  was  absolutely  no  direction 

from  them; I
mean  we ran  it  the way  we  felt like. And  all  we  did  at the end
was 
for  herself,  in  recognition  of  her
support.  But  there  was  absolutely  no 
from the
staff.  It was  a purely  student affair.  No  dictation  as to what
to put  in,  no  suggestions  whatsoever.  The thing  just grew  by
itself that way.  (Wren:  1991,  1 16.)

interference 

Had  Banham  really  been  trying  to fund  a  publication
that would wage  a  cultural  war  on behalf  of  imperialism, he
would have been  well advised  to keep  it  out of the hands of,
first,  Clark  and  then  Irele. To argue,  as  Chinweizu  and  his
colleagues do,  that he had fashioned  some incredibly  devious
plot,  and was  effectively  'teleguiding'  -  to  use  a  term  once

popular in West Africa-  intelligent Nigerians is hard  to credit.

Proof 

certainly 

requires  much  closer  analysis 

than

Decolonisation  provides.

they  have  presented 

It would  be  comforting 

to  feel that Chinweizu,  Jemie
andMadubuike  were minor figures  in the writing  of Nigerian
literary  history.  Unfortunately 
they  are  not:  the  vigour  with
which 
theory  has
their  conspiracy 
impressed  many. There are  some who  think that Leeds was a
right-wing think-tank,  that University  College, Ibadan,  was an
educational  maternity  ward,  that  Banham  was a  cultural
warrior  running  Joes in the neo-colonial  battle  for hearts and
minds through  poetry.  An  indication  of the status of the critics
is provided  by  the  correspondence  printed  after  the essays
that form  Decolonisation  began  to appear  in  Okike.  Dennis
Brutus  singled  out the contribution  for special praise, (Brutus:
1957)  and  Andrew  Salkey  wrote:

/ am very,  very 

impressed  by  Chinweizu.  We  must
treasure  him along  with  his two  other brothers.  They are our
new  truth-sayers, and  with  them  we will  all find our  way back
home,  I  believe.  The  things  Chinweizu  says  badly  need
saying:  I am  very  happy  about  his  clear  alternative  voice.
A  new  broom,  at  last!  (Salkey:  1957]

Selected  Bibliography

Banham,  Martin

1955  'Mighty  Othello',  Union News, 13 May, p.6
1957 'Drama  at  University  College', Ibadan  1 pp.22-23
1958 a 'Students'  Reading Habit  (Including  some
comments upon  the  lack of them)', Ibadan 3, pp.21-24
1958 b 'Plans for  the  Future' (poem), The Horn 1/2,  p.9
1958 c 'The End1,  The Horn  2/3, p.1
1958 d  Key to Love', The  Horn  2/3, p.4
1960 a 'Drama  in the Commonwealth:  Nigeria', New
Theatre  Magazine  4 (Bristol), pp.18-21
1960 b 'A  piece That we  May  Fairly  Call Our Own',
Ibadan 12, pp. 15-18
1960 c The  "Wandering  Players" - Three for  the Price
of  One', The  Horn 4 / 1, pp.17-20 (On one-act plays:
Eson's Don't  Say  it in Writing,  Aig-Imoukhuede's
Woman Palaver,  and Soyinka's  Brother Jero)
1961  'At the Arts Theatre:  Three Nigerian Plays - Two
Viewpoints', The Horn 4/4, pp. 10-12 (Reviews of
Ogunlade's  Anatomy  of  Folly,  Nwankwo'sThe
Heritor, and  Aig-Imoukehuede's The  Curse).
1962 a 'The Beginnings of  a Nigeria  Literature in
English',  Review  of English  Literature 3/2, pp. 88-99
1962 b'Plays  at Mbari',  Typescript  Review'for  the
Daily Times'  (Review  of Clark's Song of  a  Goat and
Soyinka's  Brother Jero)
1962 c 'Review  of  A.L. MacLeod: The  Commonwealth
Pen', Ibadan 35-36.
1962 d With John  Ramsaran,  'West African  Writing',
Books Abroad  36/4  (Norman), pp37-4 (Refers to
Easmon and  Soyinka)

Chinweizu  has  been 

given  access 

to  the  pages  of
international  publications  and  the Times  Higher  Educational
Supplement  has welcomed  him as a commentator.  (Chinweizu:
1989.)  The  praise  and 
the
research  on  which 
inadequate;  the
chapter 
in  which  'The  Scandalous  Leeds-lbadan  Link'  was
'exposed'does  not stand up to close  reading. The presentation
of  Banham  is a travesty.

the  support  were  misplaced, 

the  reputation  rested  is 

reviewer,  essayist,  researcher, 

For  a  description  of  Martin  Banham, 

the  reader  is
advised  to  avoid  the vituperation  of  Chinweizu, Jemie  and
Madubuike,  to recognise  his progression  from Leeds,  where
he was'the  embodiment of  reliability/  debater, critic, and rag
revue  artiste, to Nigeria, where'the  fire in the  belly  socialist/
was 
teacher,  and,  most
importantly here,  initial  supporter  of the  The Horn.  Somewhat
surprisingly  even the founding editor,  the irascible J. P. Clark,
got on well  with him,  describing him as'a  good  man.'Clark's
successor,  the  immensely  respected  Abiola  Irele,  was  even
more generous: when  he set up  an  independent  publishing
house, he  called  the venture,  with  a  glance  back  over  the
years,  'New  Horn  Press.'  GR

ug

1964 a 'Review of  a Dance of the FoWt,Th* Um  and
the Jewel and Three Plays', Book Abroad  38/1
(Norman) p.92
1964 b  Review of Reed  in the Tide, Books  Abroad
38/1 (Norman). 92
1964 c  Drama at Ibadan: an exciting  prospect  for  the
theatre  in Africa',  Flamingo 3/10,  pp.18-20
1956 a  Review of  J. C. de Graft: Sons and 
West Africa',  Journal of Educat.on 9/2  (Ibadan), p.105
1965 b  Theatre on Wheels' African  Forum  1/1  (New
York), pp.108-9 
.
1965 c  Review of Durop Ladipo: Three  Yoruba  Plays,
Books  Abroad 39/3 (Norman), p.367
1966  Notes  on the Nigerian Theatre: 1966'  Bullehn
for the Association of African  L.terature  in English 4
(Fourah Bay), pp.31-36
1967  'African  Literature 11: Nigerian  Dramatists in
Eng.isi and the Traditional Nigerian  Theatre ,  ournal
of Commonwealth Literature 3 (Leeds), pP97-102
1968 a  Nigerian Dramatists and  the Traditional
Theatre', Insight 20, pp.29-30
1968 b "Review of Ozidi and  Kongis  Harvest  , Books
Abroad 42/1 (Norman), p.170
1969  Review of Ozidi and  Kongi's  Harvest  Journal
of Commonwealth  Literature 7 (Leeds), pp.132-6

Brutus,  Dennis

1975  Letter', Okike 8 (Amherst), p.101

Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jemie,  Ihechukwu  Madubuike
1980 Toward the Decolonization of African  Literature
(Enugu: Fourth  Dimension, 1980)

African  Quarterly
on  the  Arts
Vol. 2/No. 3 GLENDORA

in  African

1986 a  Gibbs' Gibberish',  Research 
Literatures  17/1  (Texas), pp.48-52
1986 b  Gibbs Just Won't Give up!' Research in  African
Literature  17/2 (Texas), pp.322-23
1989  Cries  of  Freedom', Times Higher  Education
Supplement  17 (London), P.13  (Without  mentioning
Soyinka  by name,  Chinweizu  uses  the 1986 Nobel
Prize on  argue  that  European  values  are being

imposed  on  African  literature. This article  provoked
letters by  Gibbs  and  A. N.  Other  in the same
publication, 24  February)

Gibbs, James

1986 a "Larsony'  with  a Difference:  And  Examination
of  a Paragraph  from  Toward  the  Decolonization of
Africa  Literature',  Research  in Africa  Literature  17/1
(Texas), pp.39-47
1986 b  Letter',  Research  in African  Literatures  17/2
(Texas), pp.318-22

Ikideh,  Ime

1972  'Foreword'  in  Homecoming,  Ngugi, 1972
Lindfors,  Bernth
1975  A Bibliography  of  Literary  Contributions  to
Nigeria  Periodicals:  1946-1972 (Ibadan:  Ibadan
University  Press, 1975)

Ngugi  wa  Thiong'o

1967  Interviewed  by  Fellow  Students  at Leeds',

Cultural  Events  in Africa  31 (London), p.2

1972  Homecoming:  Essays  on African  and  Caribbean
Literature,  Cultural  and  Politics (London:  Heinemann,
1972)

H<J  • ORAL HISTORY

O 

^ 

•LANGUAGE

• POETRY

I

•TRADITION  *

MODERNITY

RELIGION 

*ri

I

I

IDENTITY

h-M  •  MUSIC 
DRAMA

•

Salkey,  Andrew

1975  Letter1,  Okike 9 (Amherst), p.132

Stevenson,  W.H.

1976  The Horn:  What  it Was and  What  it Did',
Critical  Perspectives on  Nigerian  Literature, ed.  Benth
Lindfors  (Washington  D.C.: Three Continents, 196=76),
pp.215-4!

Soyinka, Wole

1960 a  Poisoners  of the  World',  'Proverb: Okonjo  de
Hunter',  The Horn 3/3, pp.4-7,9
1960 b 'Audience to Performer',  Stage', The  Horn  4/
l.p.l
1960 c  The  Future of African  Writing', The Horn 4/1,
pp.10-16
1961 a  Season', The Horn 4/2, p.2
1961 b  Committee Man', The Horn 4/3, pp.10-11
1962  a  Epitaph  for Say Tokyo Kid,  The Horn 4/5,
pp.10-11
1962 b'Death  in the Dawn, The  Horn4/6,  pp.2-3
1988  Art, Dialogue & Outrage  (Ibadan: New  Horn
Press, 1988)

Toye, B. Olukemi

1976  Drama  in Africa:  A Preliminary  Bibliography
(Ibadan: International  Literature  Conference,  1976)

Wren, Robert  M.

1991  Those  Magical  Years: The Making of  Nigerian
Literature at Ibadan: 1948-1966 (Washington  D.C.: Three
Crowns, 1991)

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