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Title: Unterstützt den Freiheitskampf in Irland
Date: 1965/1980
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: Poster shows seven separate images of fighting and unrest in streets. Among them are a child holding a Molotov cocktail and rioters throwing bricks at approaching tanks. Expresses solidarity with the freedom fighters in Ireland.

Title: Ierland
Date: 1970/1989
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: Poster shows black and white image of a person wearing a gas mask, holding a Molotov cocktail, and with a badge on their jacket printed with "Ierland" on the outer edge and a map of Ireland in the center. IERLAND is printed in black down the left side of the poster.

Title: Wanted for murder and torture of Irish prisoners
Date: 1979/1982
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: "Wanted poster" shows portrait of Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister of Great Britain, on yellow paper. In support of Irish political prisoners. Ink is black.

Title: The loyalist murderers
Date: 1977
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: Top third of poster has the title in white uppercase letters except where the letters U, D, and the first R in the word murderers are printed in yellow and enlarged so that the connection between the two is clear. Center third of poster shows twenty-two smiling soldiers (two rows) in casual uniforms and berets. Presumably, this is a unit of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). Each man holds a semi-automatic weapon. Three in front hold up a banner with the Union Jack in the upper left and an...
Show moreTop third of poster has the title in white uppercase letters except where the letters U, D, and the first R in the word murderers are printed in yellow and enlarged so that the connection between the two is clear. Center third of poster shows twenty-two smiling soldiers (two rows) in casual uniforms and berets. Presumably, this is a unit of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). Each man holds a semi-automatic weapon. Three in front hold up a banner with the Union Jack in the upper left and an unidentified star emblem in the lower right. The bottom third of the poster has (on the right) a solder in a camouflage uniform standing with a Browning 9mm pistol raised prepared to shoot. To the left are six bullet points containing unflattering information about the UDR. Ink is red, yellow, and black.
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Title: They may kill the revolutionary but never the revolution
Date: 1980
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: Poster features a defiant revolutionary standing with a semi-automatic rifle slung around his neck and resting in front of him while in his left hand he holds the long handle of a large battle ax. He is dressed in a green and brown camouflaged tunic, open at the top exposing his upper chest. Behind him waves the Irish tricolor in green, white, and orange. The image of the man is bordered with a broad horizontal band of orange above him and a like-size green band below him. The background is...
Show morePoster features a defiant revolutionary standing with a semi-automatic rifle slung around his neck and resting in front of him while in his left hand he holds the long handle of a large battle ax. He is dressed in a green and brown camouflaged tunic, open at the top exposing his upper chest. Behind him waves the Irish tricolor in green, white, and orange. The image of the man is bordered with a broad horizontal band of orange above him and a like-size green band below him. The background is black. Ink is green, brown, black, and two shades of orange.
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Title: Irland, der Kampf geht weiter : Frauenarmee der I.R.A
Date: 1974/1981
Collection: Leftist Political Posters Collection
Description: Poster shows a black and white image of a young women in a military style beret holding an unidentified, unfurled flag. To her left stands an older women wearing a head-scarf. Both women are staring into the distance with serious expressions. Two men stand in the background.

Title: U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally in Wisconsin to support Republican candidates
Creator: Trump, Donald, 1946-
Date: 2018-10-24
Collection: G. Robert Vincent Voice Library Collection
Description: President Donald Trump holds a rally in Wisconsin to support Republican candidates. Trump opens the rally by saying that "threats of political violence are an attack on our democracy itself," and encourages politicians to "stop treating political opponents as being orally defective." He also blames the media for encouraging violence and talks about trade, tariffs, the economy, immigration, and crime. Wisconsin's Republican Governor Scott Walker and Republican Senate candidate Leah Vukmir also...
Show morePresident Donald Trump holds a rally in Wisconsin to support Republican candidates. Trump opens the rally by saying that "threats of political violence are an attack on our democracy itself," and encourages politicians to "stop treating political opponents as being orally defective." He also blames the media for encouraging violence and talks about trade, tariffs, the economy, immigration, and crime. Wisconsin's Republican Governor Scott Walker and Republican Senate candidate Leah Vukmir also speak.
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Title: President Barack Obama delivers his second State of the Union speech
Creator: Obama, Barack
Date: 2011-01-25
Collection: G. Robert Vincent Voice Library Collection
Description: President Barack Obama delivers his second State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress. Obama talks about civility and the need for legislators to work together to insure that the U.S. can compete in a rapidly changing global economy. To sharpen the country's competitive edge, he calls for increased spending on education, infrastructure, clean energy technology, and high-speed Internet, while at the same time, in a nod to the burgeoning deficit, proposes a five-year freeze on...
Show morePresident Barack Obama delivers his second State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress. Obama talks about civility and the need for legislators to work together to insure that the U.S. can compete in a rapidly changing global economy. To sharpen the country's competitive edge, he calls for increased spending on education, infrastructure, clean energy technology, and high-speed Internet, while at the same time, in a nod to the burgeoning deficit, proposes a five-year freeze on domestic discretionary spending and a massive, cost cutting reorganization of the federal government. He also discuses health care, the tax code, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, national security, gays in the military, and immigration. Obama closes by saying that America is still a place where a person can rise from humble beginnings to achieve great things.
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Title: U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at a rally in Phoenix, AZ
Creator: Trump, Donald, 1946-
Date: 2017-08-22
Collection: G. Robert Vincent Voice Library Collection
Description: U.S. President Donald Trump speaks at a rally in Phoenix, Arizona and strongly defends his response to the violence in Charlottesville, Virginia. He also blames the media for causing division in the country, threatens to shut down the government over border wall funding, says the North American Free Trade Agreement is likely to be terminated, and promises an improved national infrastructure with "gleaming new highways." Trump is introduced by Vice President Pence.

Title: Popular participation and political violence
Creator: Wallsworth, Gregory
Date: 2016
Collection: Electronic Theses & Dissertations
Description: The first essay “Protest: Onset and (De)Escalation” argues that the literature on Civil Conflict has reached a point of maturity in identifying the correlates of conflict; however, the risk factors for conflict are far more common than conflict itself. Even when underlying conditions appear similar, as for the countries impacted by the Arab Spring, diverse outcomes can arise. By modeling the escalation process and incorporating protest as a signal to the government and potential dissidents in...
Show moreThe first essay “Protest: Onset and (De)Escalation” argues that the literature on Civil Conflict has reached a point of maturity in identifying the correlates of conflict; however, the risk factors for conflict are far more common than conflict itself. Even when underlying conditions appear similar, as for the countries impacted by the Arab Spring, diverse outcomes can arise. By modeling the escalation process and incorporating protest as a signal to the government and potential dissidents in society, this paper shows how similar starting conditions can lead to protest, government concessions, or even civil war. This paper also contributes to understanding the relationship between repression and dissent. We argue that repression may reduce overall dissent, but cause dissent that occurs to become more violent. Finally, we examine some predictions of the model; this is done by complementing traditional conflict data from Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) with data on protest from the Social Conflict in Africa Database (SCAD). The analysis finds support for two key predictions in the model: the likelihood of a concession increases with protest size, and a non-monotonic relationship between protest size and the probability of escalation to conflict.The second essay “Electoral Violence: An Empirical Examination of Existing Theories” argues that recent studies of election violence have found that violence mars as many as 80 percent of African elections. However, the ways in which violence is used to influence elections are still unclear. Two theoretical frameworks have been suggested. The first argues that violence is targeted directly at core opposition supporters in an attempt to prevent them from voting. The second is more nuanced and argues that it is more feasible to deter unaligned voters with untargeted violence because they are less committed to vote for any particular party. A party could increase their vote share by excluding unaligned voters if they have a stronger advantage in core supporters than unaligned voters, because excluding unaligned voters places more weight on each party's core supporters. By combining survey data from the Round 4 Afrobarometer survey with event data from the Social Conflict in Africa Database, we compare the validity of these theories. First, we confirm that violence is associated with a reduced likelihood of voting. More importantly, we find important heterogeneity in this association. Supporting the first framework, voters with a strong political affiliation do cease voting if they personally fear violence. In support of the second framework, we find that unaligned voters are the only group significantly less likely to vote in the presence of violence, even without reporting a greater fear of violence. We conclude that both targeted and untargeted violence are potentially effective strategies, but untargeted violence appears to be more common. Finally, the third essay “Profiling in Violent Elections” argues that recent theoretical and empirical research on election violence has presented several potential ways in which violence may be used to influence the electoral process. A key differentiation between emerging theories, as highlighted in Wallsworth (2016), is whether violence is targeted directly at opposition supporters or indirectly at unaligned voters more likely to vote for the opposition. Wallsworth (2016) demonstrated that reactions to violence are consistent with both strategies. Targeted violence is associated with a lower likelihood of voting, and unaligned voters were the only group to react to indirectly targeted violence. One way to distinguish which theory is more viable in a given country is to unravel how successfully a potential perpetrator of violence could profile the opposition. This paper examines the viability of profiling, which characteristics may be used to profile, who appears to be targeted by violence, and how characteristics which correlate with an individual's political affiliation also correlate with their fear of violence.
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Title: De-autocratization and violent outcomes : the role of strategic interaction and information
Creator: Agress, Renee B.
Date: 2001
Collection: Electronic Theses & Dissertations

Title: Winning isn't everything : how large scale militarized interventions can undermine post war state capacity, stability and democratization
Creator: Crothers, Brian J.
Date: 2014
Collection: Electronic Theses & Dissertations
Description: While much study has been directed toward the post war consequences of "impartial" militarized intervention considerably less attention has been paid to the consequences of intervention when states are biased for or against a specific actor. In fact, interventions fitting the peace-building or transitional assistance model of intervention represent only a small subset of a much larger class of militarized intervention. I argue that many of the standard assumptions regarding democratization,...
Show moreWhile much study has been directed toward the post war consequences of "impartial" militarized intervention considerably less attention has been paid to the consequences of intervention when states are biased for or against a specific actor. In fact, interventions fitting the peace-building or transitional assistance model of intervention represent only a small subset of a much larger class of militarized intervention. I argue that many of the standard assumptions regarding democratization, post war state capacity, and post war political violence adopted from experiences with the peace building models may not hold for this more generalized case. Building on the concepts of Doyle and Sambanis (2000, 2006) I develop a Strategic Heterogeneity Framework which seeks to explain how differences in an intervener's goals and strategies influence outcomes of post war state capacity, domestic stability (non-violence), and democratization. I conceptualize intervention strategy along two dimensions, bias and intensity. Bias indicates whether the external actor (intervener) has a strong preference for or against a domestic actor or in an unbiased case is "impartial" to the relevant belligerents. Intensity refers to the amplitude of the intervener's commitment and degree of intrusion into the politics and society of their target. High intensity strategies are those where the external intervener becomes the predominant political actor. In low intensity strategies the external actor is more an equal or junior partner. The Strategic Heterogeneity Framework anticipates that the bias and intensity sets up certain structural and agent-specific incentives and/or dis-incentives to democratize, build indigenous political capacity, and mitigate post war violence. This study develops and tests hypotheses derived from Strategic Heterogeneity Framework. As there is already a large qualitative and growing quantitative literature on unbiased peace operations, I chose to focus my empirical effort on the understudied biased dimension of militarized intervention. I identify two categories of biased intervention strategy: intervention partnerships and intervention patronage. Partnerships represent the low intensity variant where external actors facilitate but allow or require their targeted partner to remain the dominant political actor. In a patronistic intervention the external actor is predominant and the supported target is essentially a proxy or client to the external patron. Empirically, I find that patronistic strategies are generally "winning" strategies. External actors who provide the preponderance of military and political capacity tend to achieve their near term political aims; however, winning isn't everything. These same strategies set up perverse incentive structures which tend to create more authoritarian, less capable, and more violent post-war states. Partnership strategies, however, are no more likely to win a war than cases of non-intervention, but conditional on winning, democratization tends to be consistent with the degree of democratization that standard economic and social indicators would predict. The same holds for building state capacity. Partnerships also appear to reduce post war violence relative to cases of non-intervention and patronistic interventions alike.
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Title: "Only the fourth chief" : conflict, land, and chiefly authority in 20th century KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
Creator: Kelly, Jill Elizabeth
Date: 2012
Collection: Electronic Theses & Dissertations
Description: This dissertation examines the local nature of South Africa’s transition–era political violence (known in isiZulu as uDlame). While common explanations for the conflict focus on the struggle for political legitimacy between the rural and traditionalist Zulu ethnic nationalist movement Inkatha and the young and urban African National Congress (ANC), I argue that for the individuals and communities involved, politics were local. For the peri–urban Nyavu and...
Show moreThis dissertation examines the local nature of South Africa’s transition–era political violence (known in isiZulu as uDlame). While common explanations for the conflict focus on the struggle for political legitimacy between the rural and traditionalist Zulu ethnic nationalist movement Inkatha and the young and urban African National Congress (ANC), I argue that for the individuals and communities involved, politics were local. For the peri–urban Nyavu and Maphumulo chiefdoms in the Table Mountain region outside of Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu–Natal, these larger struggles were embedded in a century–old debate over land and what it meant for a chief to be legitimate. Drawing on a rich combination of written and oral sources, the dissertation examines the role of colonial and apartheid governments in the appointment and succession of Zulu chiefs, the engendering of debates over legitimacy and chiefly authority, boundary conflicts, “faction fights,” and competing claims on land. In the Table Mountain region, the Nyavu, whose chiefdom predated the rise of the Zulu state under Shaka, made land claims based on their hereditary status against the chiefdoms established in the area by the British such as the Qamu, Gcumisa, and Maphumulo (chapter one). The construction of a dam during the segregation era and the establishment of Tribal Authorities and bantustans under apartheid exacerbated these contests over access to land and political legitimacy (chapter two). The rise of the ethnic nationalist movement Inkatha in the KwaZulu bantustan, forced relocations, and an increasing population meant many parties competed over scarce land in the Table Mountain region (chapter three). As political violence erupted across KwaZulu–Natal and in the Gauteng townships during the late 1980s, the Table Mountain region initially remained a haven of peace under the “peace chief” Mhlabunzima Maphumulo of the Maphumulo chiefdom. In offering himself as peacemaker and protector, Chief Mhlabunzima attracted new Maphumulo members onto the contested land, sparking the deadly transition–era violence with the neighboring Nyavu (chapter four). Maphumulo’s actions also caused a rift within his chiefdom (chapter five). Local actors used both the national and local contest between Inkatha and the ANC as an opportunity to decide the land dispute through violence. The final chapter (six) turns away from the male-dominated experience of the violence to analyze how women's discussions about it reveal both their claims on ethnicity and uses of Zulu culture as a coping mechanism.The historiographical significance of these findings is threefold. First, my dissertation builds on earlier concerns of African historians about the importance of land for chiefly legitimacy, but goes beyond them by examining other claims to authority, such as hereditary descent, resource allocation, and security and protection during conflict. Second, after the advent of democracy, historical research and public history in South Africa has emphasized commemorative liberation history that tends to overlook the relatively recent painful, divisive years of warfare that almost scuttled the 1994 elections. Third, my study has relevancy in contemporary South African and African human rights debates over state/peasant relations and the role of chiefs and land reform in postcolonial African politics and democracy.
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