Journal cf Social Development in Africa (1989) 4,2, 3948 
Rethinking Third World Development: An 
Analysis Of Contemporary Paradigms 
IKECHUKWU G EZIAKOR+ 
ABSTRACT 
The issue of Third World development in general, and that of African countries in particular, 
has been the subject of much debate in recent times. Many controversial issues remain 
unsolved as the quest for appropriate development paths continue. This paper reviews the 
early dominant paradigm vis-a-vis the new conceptualisation for achieving appropriate 
national development in the Third World in general, and African nations-states in particular. 
On the basis of the identified shortcomings in the early conceptualisations of Third World 
development the contemporary paradigm for the achievement of a people-centred and/or 
need-oriented, as well as an ecologically sustainable, development have been delineated and 
analysed. 
Introduction 
Since the early '70's, the deficiencies associated with the early models of development (such 
as the excessive emphasis on economic growth per se through capitalisation and 
industrialisation, as well as on centralised planning and decision-making without concern for 
popular participation and equity issues) appear to be dawning on development scholars and 
planners alike. For instance, it has been observed that, even by the late 1960s, most Third 
World development analysts had become aware of the apparent incongruities existing 
between the development goals of many Third World nation-states, their extensive labour 
supply conditions and the large-scale, capital-intensive, and labour-saving technologies they 
were importing from the industrialised countries (Old,1977: VII). In order primarily to satisfy 
the whims and consumption patterns of the small minority (the indigenous power elite and 
bureaucrats), the early national development policies emphasised the importation and/or 
domesticproductionofluxuriousconsumergoods. Theestablishmentofcarassemblyplants, 
breweries, and the construction of airports and skyscrapers, etc were the hallmarks of early 
Third World development In other words, the early development strategies were strongly 
skewed in favour of the rich and privileged in the Third World, thereby widening the gap 
between the 'haves' and the 'have nots' in these societies. 
+ School of Agriculture, Abubtkar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi, Nigeria.
40 Ikechukwu G Eziakor 
By being predominantly capital-intensive and labour-saving in nature, several authors 
(Jequier, 1976; Seers, 1977) have observed that the imported large-scale technologies result 
in a worsening unemployment situation and income distribution patterns in the developing 
societies, thereby exacerbating the impoverishment of the majority. According to Franke and 
Chasin (1980), before the advent of colonialism and the imposition of alien Western 
development patterns and lifestyles on the indigenous systems, the peoples of most Third 
World nation-states had not only developed stable production patterns, but also remarkably 
effective means of utilising their natural resource endowments in ways that were well-suited 
to their tropical ecological conditions. But since the colonial intervention and the attendant 
marginal incorporation of Third World economies into the world capitalist system, poverty 
assumed tragic proportions (Rodney.1974). Accordingly, several scholars (Crowder,1966; 
Rodney.1974; Igbozurike,1976) have remarked that the traditional African subsistence 
agricultural production systems were far from being backward, and that, especially before the 
colonial destabilisation of their economies, Africans enjoyed the material comfort that 
resulted largely from settled fanning. 
It is now being strongly argued that an understanding of the process of national 
development would require more comprehensive analyses of both the internal and external 
contexts of development than had been previously considered. In addition, there is now a call 
for a 'New International Economic Order' (NIEO) which would find expression in the 
initiation of a new set of 'rules of the game' regarding trade, aid packages, investment 
patterns, monetary relations, and decision-making processes between the developed and the 
developing societies (Henriot,1979). The thrustof the NIEO document is the unequivocal call 
for the respect of the sovereign equality of all nations and their inalienable rights over their 
specific natural resource endowments, as well the regulation and supervision of the activities 
of multinational corporations (MNCs), and the implementation of equitable trade agreements 
(United Nations,1974). According to Mazrui (1975:134) the essential requirements for a 
mutually beneficial relationship between the rich and poor nations is the belated but directly 
"needed transition from an interdependence based on hierarchy and Western charity to an 
interdependence based on symmetry and mutual accountability". 
Conceptualisation of Appropriate National Development 
It is, therefore, being strongly contended that Third World development can no longer be 
misconstrued as being synonymous with the massive and indiscriminate importation of 
complex, capital and energy-intensive technologies from the largely temperate environment 
fthe industrialised countries into the tropical conditions of the developingworld. Furthermore, 
it should not be equated with mere increases in GNP and per capita income - irrespective of 
the distributional effects of such increases in economic growth. Education levels, employment 
generation, housing, health, and nutritional standards of the citizenry, as well as social justice 
and equity in income distribution, have all become essential indicators of the level of 
appropriate national development In essence, the eradication of mass poverty, ignorance and 
disease, as well as thepromotionofa 'self-reliant' devetopmentthrough the active involvement 
and popular participation of the citizenry in the identification, planning, and implementation
Rethinking Third World Development 4. 
of development projects are now regarded as major objectives of the contemporary paradigm 
of development 
Schumacher (1973:168) has aptly remarked that development does not start with goods, 
or the marketing and/or purchase of industrial products. Rather, appropriate development 
must start with "people and their education, organisation, and discipline". It is in the light of 
this current awareness about the importantramifications of appropriate national development 
that Case and Niehoff (1976:9 in Woods, 1977:l)have also remarked that: 
"one of the most significant changes in the theory and practice of development may be 
described as the demise of the GNP concept, ie the repudiation of the assumption that if 
the gross national product (GNP) is increased, the benefits of such increase somehow 
automatically 'trickle down' to large numbers of people." 
There is, therefore, a growing tendency to incorporate distributive justice, mass poverty 
eradication, and other germane socioeconomic, cultural, ecological, and geopolitical goals as 
essential components of the contemporary paradigm of national development Rising 
unemployment, inequality, and the attendant deterioration in welfare and quality of life of the 
poor majority in developing nation-states (even where there are recorded increases in GNP 
and per capita income) have also led to disenchantment and loss of faith in the early models 
of development Presently, the social welfare and economic well-being of the citizenry in the 
Third World are regarded as the fundamental concern of the new development paradigm. In 
sum, the contemporary paradigm of national development is characterised by the following 
essential elements: 
1. The Basic Human Needs Approach is now viewed as central to national development 
This strategy fornational development emphasises the importanceof the equitable distribution 
of social amenities, and also strongly urges the provision of minimally acceptable levels ol 
essential human needs. These fundamental requirements include the provision of profitable 
employment opportunities, housing, water supplies, education, health facilities, electricity, 
transportation, etc, as well as non-material needs, such as grassroots participation in 
programme design, planning and implementation. There is also a call for the promotion oJ 
sociocultural identity and the establishment of a high sense of purpose in life and work (witr 
the sociocultural components harmonising with the material needs) to foster solidarity and i 
high sense of belonging among the citizenry (Streeten,1979). 
The 'new' approach to development does not seem to be an entirely new concept It has 
been likened to the 'subsistence norm' concept which has been advocated since the 50's a: 
a basis for ensuring an optimum income distribution among the citizenry. Schickele (1950:9' 
postulated that the best income distribution is essentially "one that equalises opportunitie! 
among all individuals of society". The implication of this assertion, when translated intc 
feasible terms, demands that (Schickele,1950:9): 
"everyone should grow up and live in an environment of at least minimum adequab 
standards of health, nutrition, clothing, shelter and education." 
However, according to Schickele, the exact determinants and quantitative content of tfx 
minimum adequate standard of essential human needs would be contingent upon tin
42 Ikeckukwu G Eziakor 
sociocultural patterns, the state of the art, and the magnitude of the social product relative to 
population. In other words, it may be unrealistic, if not preposterous, to expect the same (or 
even similar) levels of 'minimum adequate standards' in, for example, an industrialised and 
prosperous country 'X', as compared to a developing, and perhaps economically stagnant, 
country 'Y'. 
Nevertheless, it has been strongly argued that nation-states would derive more social 
benefits through the provision of subsistence claims to the citizenry as opposed to the denial 
of such amenities. However, as evident in most Third World nations (where such claims have 
either not been met directly, or the opportunities for their realisation are non-existent), the 
consequences have been grave - in terms of mass poverty and starvation, political instability, 
and unmitigated social tension and violence. Therefore, the need for the incorporation of a 
basic needs approach to development programmes of Third World countries cannot be 
overemphasised. 
2. Greater emphasis is now placed on the design and introduction of profitable 
small scale, labour-intensive, capital and energy-saving technologies 
It is essential to concentrate efforts on the design and introduction of simple, low-cost, yet 
efficient, technologies that will be both accessible and affordable in relation to the poor of 
developing countries. This is now being stressed by most Third World scholars and 
development analysts. Apart from the exorbitant costs of most complex, high-energy 
technologies, available evidence also indicates that their inherent complexity frequently 
render them inscrutable and incomprehensible, especially to the illiterate majority that 
constitute the target population in the Third World. Furthermore, most large-scale technologies 
also tax other scarceproduction resources (including energy, capital, and high-level managerial 
skills) that are not readily available in developing countries. Using Mexico as a case in point, 
Grant (1973) has observed that government policies aimed at promoting large-scale farms and 
urban-based factories (to the sheer neglect of small-scale, labour-intensive producers) have 
not only increased unemployment levels, but have also widened the income disparity between 
the rich and the poor. 
Accordingly, several writers (Rogers and Shoemaker,1971; Zaltman and Duncan,1977) 
have demonstrated that the complexity and non-compatibili ty of innovations (generally largescale 
imported technologies) are inversely related to their rate of adoption and profitable 
utilisation by a specified target population. In addition, other researchers (Navarro,1977; 
Norman, 1980) haveobserved thata sound developmental approach should, first and foremost, 
be aimed at building upon rather than destroying what is already in place. In other words, there 
is a call for the preservation of innumerable time-tested and indigenous production 
technologies in the Third World. This assertion seems to have arisen out of the increasing 
realisation, backed by empirical evidence, that many relatively simple traditional production 
systems, which have been used successfully for generations in the Third World, have been 
found to be quite sound. The implications of these findings are quite clear: a strong case is 
now being made for not only the preservation, but also the improvement, of such indigenous 
production systems and practices. Thus, there is a case for the integration of traditional (or
Rethinking Third World Development 4. 
endogenous) practices andrelevantmodem (or exogenous) production systems in the process 
of designing appropriate technologies for the populace. By doing so, it is envisaged that the 
values, aspirations, and cultural patterns of the target population, as well as the inherent 
characteristics of their ecosystems, would have been duly considered in the development of 
improved technologies for their adoption and beneficial utilisation. 
3. Another essential element of the contemporary paradigm of development is the 
resuscitation of interest in, and a renewed awareness of, the significance of 
sociocultwal identification, and the attendant promotion of an endogenous, selfreliant, 
and ecologically sustainable development 
This strategy of development stresses the importance of not only recognising the autonomy 
of the indigenous population of Third World nation-states, but also of providing then with 
requisite opportunities for mobilisation and organisation, so as to be able to "develop who they 
are, and what they have, by themselves, and for themselves" (Nerfin,1986). It calls for the 
promotion of citizen participation in decentralised programme planning and decisionmaking. 
In other words, emphasis is now placed on grass roots involvement in 'needsoriented' 
programme planning and implementation. This new approach to development is in 
direct contrast to the early dominant paradigm which, among other things, emphasised an 
authoritarian, hierarchical, and centralised planning and decision-making process in which 
the power elite and bureaucrats occupied the centre, while the citizenry was marginalised. 
Thus while the early model of development stressed a 'top-dow' approach, the new paradigm 
stresses a 'bottom-up' approach to problem identification, programme design and execution. 
Owens and Shaw (1972) have observed that modernising Third World governments should 
aim at bridging the gap between the indigenous power elites and the masses through the 
formation of new forms of local institutions and organisations (or the modification and 
reinforcement of existing ones) in which the citizenry would be empowered to work out 
solutions to their own local problems. 
Misra (1981:53) has observed that the early conceptualisation of development was based 
on the erroneous assumption that human society is homogeneous and, therefore, "imbued with 
the same culture, history, and level of development - no matter how one defined development". 
It was, therefore, assumed that it would be appropriate to base Third World development 
strategies on Western values, life-styles, and ingeniousness. What was ignored, according to 
Misra (1981), was the fact that those Western experiences and developmental patterns were 
peculiar not only in terms of their time of occurrence, but also with regard to their peculiar 
environmental conditions and geopolitical relationships with the Third World. Eziakor 
(1983) has, therefore, asserted that appropriate development must inevitably originate from 
a fundamental recognition of, and subsequent improvement upon, the indigenous production 
techniques within specified ecosystems. Furthermore, for national development to be real and 
meaningful,' the citizenry should be actively involved in the identification, design, and 
implementation of development programmes meant to improve their welfare and livelihood. 
By these means a people-centred and ecologically sustainable development would be 
achieved.
44 ikeckukwuG Eziakor 
4. Finally, the new conceptualisation of development emphasises the need for a 
precise identification and analyses of both the internal (or endogenous) and 
external (or exogenous) causes of underdevelopment in Third World countries. 
One of the anomalies of the early model of development was the assumption that the 
fundamental cause of underdevelopment originated from the inherent characteristics of the 
sociocultural and institutional conditions of Third World nation-states themselves, rather than 
in their external relationships with the erstwhile colonial regimes. In other words, it was 
customary (if not, fashionable) to dismiss the indigenous populace as conservative and 
fatalistic, rendering themselves inaccessible and unresponsive to new ideas and efforts aimed 
at improving their welfare and livelihood. Very little effort was made to bring into focus the 
fact that Third World economies were forcibly and marginally incorporated into the world 
capitalist system on terms that were not their own. Surpluses, capital accumulation, and the 
subsequent development of the 'metropolis' largely resulted from the extraction of this same 
surplus, and the attendant decapitalisation of the 'satellite' economies. 
Several scholars (Rodney,1974; Igbozurike,1976) have strongly argued that underdevelopment 
and poverty cannot be regarded as the original state of Third World nationstates. 
They resulted from the structural dependence and marginal incorporation of their 
economies into the world capital system. As already indicated, empirical studies have clearly 
shown that traditional subsistence agriculture, as practised in Africa, was far from being 
backward, and that, especially before the colonial intervention, Africans enjoyed the material 
comfort thatresulted largely from organised farming (Crowder, 1966). According to Igbozurike 
(1976), poverty may have existed in the Third World, as elsewhere in the world, but definitely 
not to the extent experienced by the majority after the peripheral incorporation of their 
economies into the capitalist system. Furthermore, Rogers (1976:219) has remarked that the 
early models of development either ignored, or failed to recognise, the devastating effects of 
such external constraints and relationships as the: 
"international terms of trade, the economic imperialism of international corporations, 
and the vulnerability and dependence of the recipients (mostly Third World countries) of 
technical assistance programmes (and food aid)." 
Conclusion and policy options 
There is now a wide recognition that it is imperative to rethink the development strategies of 
Third World countries. There is, in particular, a discernible willingness among several Third 
World governments and policy-makers to draw lessons, and valuable insights, from the errors 
and experiences of the past. There is an increasing appreciation of the importance of 
emphasising a self-reliant development strategy in which normal trade and international 
cooperation would take place on parity basis. For example, following from the Chinese 
model, it has been observed that most Third World countries appear to appreciate the need to 
pursue an active foreign trade, while at the same time ensuring the insulation of their basic 
domestic economies from any disruptive effects of the linkage with the world market. The
Rethinking Third World Development 4^ 
pursuitof a diversified economy and the promotion of the production of those labour-intensive 
goods which labour-scarce industrialised countries need, but cannot themselves produce 
inexpensively, are clear testimonies to a needed policy reorientation in developing countries 
(McNamara,1973). 
Furthermore, in view of the negative externalities that have been associated with most 
Western styles of development, it has been contended that only a few industrialised countries 
may have actually achieved appropriate development. Available evidence suggests that the 
environmental degradation and pollution of air, land, and sea - increasingly conspicuous in 
several industrialised countries - has had pernicious effects on human health, and terrestrial 
and aquatic ecosystems. Past development strategies have been held largely responsible for 
the resulting ecological imbalance and disequilibrium between humans and nature. Herein 
lies the relevance of advocating the promotion of low-risk, labour-intensive, and 
environmentally benign, appropriate production technologies for boosting the inherent 
potential and the productivity of the majority in the Third World. But, in emphasising the need 
to increase productivity of smallholder agriculture in the neglected rural sectors of the Third 
World, the current paradigm for national development does not ignore the need for a relevant 
industrialisation policy. Rather, according to Jequier (1976), an acceptable pattern of 
industrialisation should beone that would promote the generation of employmentopportunities 
• and the utilisation of low-cost, efficient, energy-saving technologies. In addition, a new 
emphasis should be placed on the production of basic necessities for the majority rather than 
the provision of luxury items for the minority indigenous elite. Furthermore, there is a need 
to decentralise the location of industrial sites, away from the urban centres, and look to the 
equitable distribution of public services in the educational, health care, electrification, 
transportation, and housing areas, and among groups and regions of the nation-state. 
In analysing the internal structure of most Third World societies, Weaver et al (1978) have 
remarked that, in the absence of changes in the class structure of these countries, a new 
international economic order would not be beneficial to the poor majority. Accordingly, they 
contend that since development requires awakening people and arousing their consciousness, 
it would not be in the best interests of the indigenous power elite to bring about meaningful 
development which would imply an equitable distribution of the benefits of growth. But a 
people-oriented development strategy calls for the relinquishing of political power to the 
producer classes by every institutional means, formal and informal. According to Henriot 
(1979:20) this orientation has certain policy directives, including: 
"the choice of leaders for their identity with the people, and their adherence to strategies 
and policies reflecting the peoples' interests...mass activation, or reliance on the people 
to emancipate themselves, which emphasises that even technical innovation (or 'R and D' 
efforts) must utilise three in one (administrator-technician-worker) teams in order to 
tap the resources of full worker participation; and participator management and avoidance 
of bureaucratic hindrances in order to bring initiative from below into full play." 
This is the basis of the pro-Marxist contention that broad-based development in most 
developing countries cannot occur without requisite (and perhaps revolutionary) changes in 
the sociocultural, economic and political institutions in the new nation-states. These
46 IkeckukwuGEziakor 
mandatory changes are considered to be a fundamental prerequisite for putting the effective 
demands of the poor large majority at the 'centre' of national development programmes. 
In addition, the current paradigms of national development are not only people and needoriented, 
but they also stress the importance of ensuring that development takes place m 
accordance with sound ecological principles. It is predicated on the growing realisation that 
appropriate development programmes should be targeted towards the provision of the 
'greater good'for the greatest number of citizens for the longest period of time. It is also 
based on the assumption that citizens are not only expected to be actively involved in making 
decisions aimed at improving their livelihood, but that such community-based decisions must 
be in harmony with (and as such will not be disruptive of) the balanced relationships that 
should exist between humans and their natural environment In other words, mere is a call for 
the adoption of innovative policies for meeting the needs of the large majority of small-scale 
peasant producers and their families as well as the urban poor, who constitute the critical target 
population in the Third World. In sum, it is expected that the emerging national development 
programmes of the 1980s ought to be physically and biologically sound (stressing the 
importance of initiatmge«)k)gk^lysustaiiwbleprogramroes),as well as temgeconomkally 
feasible, institutionally acceptable, and administratively workable. They are programmes 
that should be aimed at meeting the 'felt need' of the citizenry in a self-reliant and sustainable 
manner. 
Finally, a call has been made for the strengthening of linkages and solidarity among Third 
Worldnation-states.frequentlyreferred to as "South-South Cooperation". As basic economic 
injustices continue to exist and deepen between North and South, mere calls for 'massive 
transfers'(a version of the former trickle-down theory) or for trade relations based on the 
rjrinciples of'compai^veadvantage\wiU not provide the panaceaforThirdWoridproW 
(George.1987). Rather, according to George (1987), what is needed is the creation of new 
institutional frameworks for the reorganisation and consolidation of the Third World in order 
to be better able to utilise the political instruments theoretically at its disposal (such as a united 
from on UK debt issue) to force major concessions from the North. It worked remarkably well 
for the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). With careful planning and 
implementation, there is no reason why it cannot work as well for other sub-regional groups 
in particular, and for the south in general 
References 
CaseLHandNiehoffRO (1976) Educational Alternatives ia National Development: 
Strategies for r^rikyMakei^ Institute of International Stu^ Michigan 
State University, East Tensing, Michigan. 
CrowderM (1966) The Story of Nigeria, Faber and Faber, London. 
EziakorIG (1983) Appropriate Development, Strategies for Developing Countries: 
Lessons tod Policy Implications for Promoting Snullscale Agriculture in Nigeria, 
PhD Dissertation, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan.
Rethinking Third World Development 47 
FrankeRWandChasinBH (1980) Seeds of Famine: Ecological Destruction and the 
Development Dilemma in the West African Satael, Allanheld, Osmun and Co, 
Montclair, New Jersey. 
George S (1987) Food Strategies for Tomorrow, The Hunger ProjectPaper No 6, 
Global Hunger Project, San Francisco. 
GrantJP (1973) Growth from Below: A People-Oriented Strategy, DevelopmentPaper 
No 16, Overseas Development Council, Washington. 
HenriotPJ (1979) "Development Alternatives: Problems, Strategies, Values", in 
The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment, C K Wilber (ed) (2nd 
ed), Random House, New York. 
Igbozurike M (1976) Problem-Generating Structures in Nigeria's Rural 
Development, The Scandanavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala. 
Jequier N (1976) Appropriate Technology:.Problems and Promises, OECD, Paris. 
MazruiAA (1975) "The New Interdependence: From Hierarchy to Symmetry" in The 
US and World Development, J W Howe (ed), Praeger Publishers, New York. 
McNamaraRS (1973) Address to the Board of Governors, Kenya, Sept 1973, World 
Bank Reprint 
Economic Development" in Journal of the Society for International Development, 
MisraRP (1981) "A Critical Analysis of the Traditional Cost-Benefit Approach to 
3(4), 51-59. 
NavarroLA (1977) Dealing with Risk and Uncertainty on Crop Production: A Lesson 
from Small Fanners, paper presented at a joint AAEE-WAEA meeting, San Diego, 
California. 
Nerfin M (1986) "Neither Prince nor Merchant: Citizen - An Introduction to the Third 
System" in Journal of the International Foundation of Development Alternatives, 
IFDA Dossier 56,3-21. 
Norman DW (1980) The Farming Systems Approach: Relevancy for the Small 
Farmer, MSU Rural Development Paper No 5, Department of Agricultural Economics, 
Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. 
Old B S (1977) "Preface" in Appropriate Technology for Developing Societies, R 
S Eckaus (ed), National Academy of Science, Washington DC. 
Owens E and Shaw R (1972) Development Reconsidered: Bridging the Gap between 
Government and People, Lexington Books, Massachusetts. 
Rodney W (1974) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Howard University Press, 
Washington D C. 
Rogers W M (1976) Communication Research: An International Quarterly, 3(2), 
213-240. 
Rogers E M and SchoemakerEF (1971) Communication of Innovations: A Cross- 
Cultural Approach, The Free Press, New York. 
Schickele R (1950) "Objectives of Land Policy" in Land Problems and Policies, J F 
Timmons and W F Murray (eds), Arno Press, New York.
•*« IkechukwuGEziakor 
Schumacher EF (1973) Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered, Harper 
and Row, New York. 
Seers D (1977) "The Meaning of Development" in International Development 
Review 2*2-7. 
StreetenP (1979) "From Growth to Basic Needs" in Finance and Development, 28-31. 
United Nations (1974) Declaration on the Establishment of a New International 
Economic Order, May 11974, CESIE21. 
Uphoff N (1973) Rural Development: Social and Political Aspects of Agrarian 
Reform: Some Propositions on the Political Economy of Rural Development, 
mimeograph, Society for International Development, San Jose, Costa Rica (cited by 
Beltran, 1974). 
Weaver JH, Jameson KP and Blue RN (1979) "A Critical Analysis of Approaches to 
Growth and Equity" in The Political Economy of Development andUnderdevelopment, 
C K Wilber (ed) (2nd ed), Random House, New York. 
WignarajaP (1976) "ANewStrategyforDevelopment"inInternationalDevelopmeBt 
Review, 3:2-7. 
Woods JL (1977) PlaniiedDevetopmentandTransferofTechnology.WorkingPaper, 
Institute of International Studies in Education, Michigan State University, East Lansing, 
Michigan. 
ZaltmanG and Duncan R (1977) Strategies for Planned Change, John Wiley and Sons, 
New York.