Journal of Social Development in Africa (1991), 6,1,5-17 
Not Seeing the Wood for the Trees: 
Searching for Indigenous Non 
Government Organisations in the Forest 
of Voluntary Self Help Associations * 
GERRY SALOLE + 
ABSTRACT 
This paper argues that the self help or mutual aid association is an ideal partner for 
small scale development agencies. Indeed this African institution is the 
quintessential Non Government Organisation (NGO). It is embedded in the social 
fabric of the every day life of the poor. The self help voluntary association is the 
ordinary African's own response to the stresses and difficulties they face, part and 
parcel of their repertoire of coping mechanisms and adaptive strategies. This paper 
discusses the selfhelp voluntary association in the context of the Ethiopian 
situation, but this institution exists throughout the continent and much of what is 
discussed applies equally to self help associations that exist outside Ethiopia. 
The paper begins with a brief review of the literature concerning self help 
voluntary associations and then goes on to describe the evolution, adaptation, 
function androleofthis institution inEthiopia. In the second partof the paper some 
suggestions are made about the potential of the institution as a developmental agent 
or partner. Both International and Indigenous NGOs have, unfortunately, been 
unwilling or unable to find ways in which to model themselves on, or find 
mechanisms to assist, self help voluntary associations. 
Introduction 
This paper is concerned with self help voluntary associations1 as indigenous, 
vigorous and thriving institutions which have for some reason been ignored or, at 
Paper presented at the Conference on the Role of Indigenous NGOs in African Recovery and 
Development, Khartoum, January 10th -15th 1988. It is based on the author's anthropological 
research in Ghana and Ethiopia and work with various NGOs. 
+ Director, Save the Children Fund (USA) Zimbabwe, P O Box 2908, Harare, Zimbabwe.
6 Gerry Salole 
best, overlooked by development agencies and workers in their search for the 
indigenous agency. The paper begins with a brief survey ofthe literature andthen 
examines the establishment and growth of Addis Abeba the capital of Ethiopia. 
Having established the backdrop the paper turns to the evolution of voluntary, 
neighbourhood and other associations and the correlation between traditional 
forms of organisation and modern urban associations. Finally the previous record 
of self help voluntary associations in developmental tasks is addressed and some 
propositions made about future development work through these institutions. 
After briefly describing the NGO sector the paper concludes by suggesting some 
ways in which Indigenous NGOs could begin the task of identifying and 
accommodating themselves to the 'voluntary association' institutions. 
The literature on self help associations 
Voluntary self help associations in Africa have received substantial attention in 
anthropological writings. Most of the literature on such associations has been 
concerned with the adjustment of tribesmen to the urban milieu in West Africa 
(Little, 1957,1962;Kuper, 1965;Ottenburg, 1955;Meillassoux, 1968; Wallerstein, 
1964). Consequently, the focus of attention has been on the bond between 
migration and ethnic identity, the point at issue being whether self help voluntary 
associations tend to buttress ethnic parochialism by emphasising distinctiveness or 
singularness and highlighting primordial loyalties, or whether they perform an 
educational role, gently easing the rural tribesman into urban life, instructing him 
in metropolitan custom and sustaining him in times of need. In the late fifties a 
novel approach came from the Manchester School of Anthropology. Although a 
study of ethnic associationsper se was never undertaken by them, theircontributions 
were significant in that they argued for a circumstantial or situational approach and 
ceased to regard the urban dweller as primarily a tribesman, seeking instead to 
analyse his behaviour in the urban setting (Gluckman, 1945,1960; Mitchell, 1956; 
Epstein, 1958). To some extent the study of the self help voluntary associations 
in Ethiopia has mirrored the arguments in the broader arena, both in the context of 
so called 'westernisation' and occupational prestige (Salole, 1979), and the study 
of self help voluntary associations. 
Fecadu (1972) has pointed out that until the fascist invasion ofthe 1930s, Addis 
Abeba remained essentially a military camp. Emperor Menelik awarded large 
estates or sefers to his military commanders, each of which was a separate, minor 
camp. As Shack (1973) points out, areas in Addis Abeba are known, even now, by 
the name of the general who was awarded the sefer. According to Fecadu, the 
Italians drastically changed the composition ofthe city by confiscating the property 
of the aristocracy and dividing the city into zones, building squares, markets,
Indigenous NGOs 7 
residential quarters, parks and offices. Thus many areas of Addis Abeba, even in 
the post-revolutionary period since 1974, still carry their popular names: the 
piazza, markato, casa populare and casa inches. They altered the land tenure 
patterns of the towns to make available large tracts of urban land for sale to 
individuals. They released corvee labourers, craftsmen and domestic servants who 
had served under the elite. All weather roads to the capital were built, migration 
to the city was positively encouraged, and industries and businesses were set up. 
A modern police force was established and a system of taxation introduced. When 
five years later the Italians were forced out of Addis Abeba the people of the city 
had to maintain and take over much of the daily administration of the city. 
Self help associations in Addis Abeba 
It is against this setting that Fecadu (1972,1974), Markakis (1974), and others, 
trace the rise of self help voluntary associations in Addis Abeba. Clearly, after the 
exit of the Italians in 1935, the growth of such organisations was inevitable, as 
many of the institutions established by the Italians disintegrated. Fecadu divided 
voluntary associations into two basic types: traditional and modern. Firstly, he 
lists Edir (neighbourhood mutual aid associations), Iknb (rotating credit 
associations), and regional and ethnic associations, and secondly, the modern 
associations such as sports clubs, professional associations, the YMC A, and so on. 
The self help voluntary associations found in Ethiopia evolved from traditional 
and rural forms of rotating credit, mutual help, burial and other associations, which 
are still in existence today (Salole, 1988). ShackandFecaduhavearguedthatthese 
were traditionally indigenous to the Gurage (an ethnic group in South Western 
Shoa, one of the most urbanised populations in Ethiopia), but Markakis (1974), 
Last (1973) and Levine (1975) have noted the close relationship betweeniMr and 
mahaber and the Orthodox Church activities and have argued that it is more likely 
that uiese were either northern in origin or indigenous to all Ethiopian people. In 
any event these established forms of association are widely found throughout rural 
Ethiopia. 
The original purpose of theiSd/r was the burial of thedead, but the term has been 
used by many writers to refer to all urban self help voluntary associations, 
especially 'ethnic' ones. Thus Fecadu constantly describes the Alemgena- 
Wolamo Road Construction Association (AWRCA) as an Edir (1972,1974). 
Markakis (1974), however, wishes to restrict the term to burial societies and opts 
to use the term meredaja mahaber (literally self help associations) for the type of 
association that Fecadu is concerned with. Markakis claims that meredaja 
mahabers ar&n&vt types of association that areprimarily concerned with developing 
the rural hinterland and that they are associated with particular regions or ethnic
8 Gerry SaloU 
groups. However, Maifcalds's distinction is not supported by Koehn (1975) and 
others. Edir is, therefore, the torn in common usage and shall be used this paper. 
Shack (1973:271) maintains that Gurage Edirs have "no specific urbanising 
role to play for recent migrants" and they serve only "to represent a partial social 
and psychological detachment" of a substantial number of individuals from the 
urban society. He insists that Gurage Edirs are not established to better the urban 
conditions of the Gurage, but to improve the conditions of the rural tribesman. It 
is interesting therefore, that he shouldciteFecadu(1972) in supportof this position, 
since Fccadu is at pains to point out that the Soddo gurage are urban oriented and 
that their major reason for forming the AWRC A was to gain prestige, recognition 
and credit in the capital. In fact, he claims that Edirs were proliferating, and that 
they were becoming increasingly heterogeneous and polyethnic. 
This notwithstanding, it is possible to suggest that there are several roles which 
are played simultaneously by such institutions, each of which may, in fact, be 
mutually incompatible but which serve the interests of different members. It is, 
therefore, not inconceivable that these associations allow both processes to take 
place (cfSalole, 1982). 
Fecadu's (1965,1972,1974) interpretation of the role of Edirs is strikingly 
different from Shack's. As he puts it(1974:72) 
"Many scholars have argued that one of the major functions of urban 
voluntary associations in Africa has been ethnic cohesion and articulation 
of ethnic boundaries. This paper takes the opposite view that some 
voluniary associations cross-cut ethnic divisions and thereby function as an 
instrument for national integration". 
Fecadu's view is that during the 1950s the sefers in Addis Abeba became 
populated by people from various ethnic categories and so the neighbourhood 
Edirs gradually became polyethnic Edirs. Last (1973) and Levine (1965) support 
this and stress the institutionalisation and proliferation of Edirs in every walk of 
life. Edirs are essentially coping mechanisms par excellence which have evolved 
in the urban and rural context, and played a crucial role in the building of social 
infrastructure in the absence of family, ethnic group and government security or 
social welfare systems. The Edir institution provides, therefore, a safety net which 
especially protects the vulnerable. 
Markakis (1974) remarks on the semi-political potential of Edirs. The 1950 
Constitution provided for theelection of members to the Chamber of Deputies and 
this encouraged the advancement of Edirs. The competition to be elected 
chairperson (dagna) of an Edir, increased as it became obvious that men who held 
these posts could wield considerable voting and organisational control (Fecadu, 
1974:74):
Indigenous NGOs 9 
"When permanent urban settlers developed an interest in bringing modem 
amerudes to their neighrx)urtKxxl,iiti>was used asadevelopmentassociation 
to achieve these aims. This function gsveEdir a new raison d etre and with 
the realisation that it should become an instrument for urban development 
activities, yesiltane qodana (literally road to civilisation), Edir as an 
institution achieved a new level of dignity." 
The government thus began to take a direct interest in the Edirs, seeing them 
is agents to be used in developing the country. The bulk of the money for various 
•rejects that were jointly undertaken by government and the Edirs was collected 
fy the association members. This was perceived as an inexpensive and rapid way 
b bring necessary infrastructure to the urban areas. Moreover, the Edir provided 
in excellent vehicle for direct access to the urban public. 
This was, of course, a double edged sword, since the Edirs were also perceived 
is a potential threat Markakis (1974) andLevine (1965b) discuss the government's 
eactiontothe£<£r^. Markakisarguesthatthespontaneousgrowthof neighbourhood 
Mrs led to the growth of similar associations at the work place. These were 
initiated as innocuous burial, mutual aid, and rotating credit societies, but inevitably 
hey became (:174) "concerned with labour matters" and began to function as 
incipient labour organisations". The government was profoundly antagonistic to 
his development and at this juncture there appears to have been a split in the 
issociations reason d'etre; some Edirs overtly complying with government, and 
others reverting to their original informal role as burial associations. The official 
Idirs began to play a crucial role in the policing of the city. As Koehn and Kochn 
1975:400) forcefully corroborate: 
"Edirs also perform important socialising functions for the new migrant to 
the city, they teach him punctuality, by applying sanctions, such as fines for 
late attendance, unexcused absence from meetings, or lack of participation 
.... Edirs are important as agents of social control, ensuring the conformity 
of members and non-members residing in the same neighbourhood, [and 
those] who threaten peace and order may be punished by Edir officials by 
means of fines." 
Edirs had to be officially registered. They were required to submit formal 
;onstitutions specifying their aims and objectives. A total often confederations of 
he 395 Edir associations in Addis Abeba were created. Each confederation was 
•.omposed of the official Edirs in a precinct Fecadu argues that over half the 
Population of Addis Abeba became members of these formal Edirs and thus the 
Idir or mutual help ethic was something that permeated the city and influenced 
iving conditions significantly as the urban population learnt the value of interest 
tee credit and the contacts that the Edir network provided.
10 Gerry SaloU 
Edits, Ikubs and meredaja mahabers as Development Agencies 
As noted, in the past one of the most significant survival strategies or coping 
mechanisms adopted by the Ethiopian urban population has been recourse to Edirs 
asd Ikubs. The institution evolved to such an extent that prior to the 1974 
revolution it performed many duties and tasks that have been taken up by formal 
Urban Dweller Associations in postrevolutionary Ethiopia (Salole, 1979). However, 
it is clear that in the eighties the institution still thrives. For example, a significant 
and growing number of urban dwellers who are out of work or who experience 
fiscal difficulties of one kind or another rely very heavily on Edirllkub funds to 
purchase commodities, meet obligations and generally make ends meet 
The literature on these indigenous, thriving and energetic institutions is very 
sparse, however, and nqthing of any significance has been written on them since 
the mid-seventies. This is, of course, somewhat ironic since the relevance of these 
institutions has escalated proportionally with the growth of the city and the 
increasing stresses that accompany major urban centre living. In informal 
discussions with urban dwellers in several development projects it is clear, for 
example, that these associations have lost none of their importance in the daily life 
of urban Ethiopians. It is difficult to find an office in Addis Abeba which does not 
have an Ikub which is functioning. Edirs, originally burial societies but now 
providing a kind of indigenous insurance to both rural and urban poor, are even 
more prevalent. People from all walks of life seem to be members of these 
institutions: university lecturers, civil servants, merchants, salaried employees, 
domestic servants, and even street children, peasants, artisans, craftsmen, village 
leaders, and, perhaps especially, women.2 Even more crucially, the reciprocal 
obligations and ties that are established are somehow expanded to include 
functions which are not strictly covered by tteEdir function. Thus one can borrow; 
share problems and disputes; and even arbitrate within the Edir assembly. In fact 
it seems that cliques are formed that possibly share several Edirs and Ikubs. For 
certain, more affluent, sectors of the urban population, Ikubs can even be 
instrumental in purchasing a car or building a house. People who are poorer and 
who have no access to banks or creditleam to rely oalhibsaadEdirs for practically 
all levels of support the bulk purchase of teff (a staple food) when prices are high; 
the cost of materials for the repair of eroding houses; the equipping of school 
children; for information and contacts; and lastly for solace and companionship in 
difficult circumstances. Indeed, even if one were to take the primary, most 
elementary function of an Edir (as a burial society), it is obvious that the Ethiopian 
poor are forced to rely heavily on the institution in order to meet obligations which 
are vitai for them. There can be no question of being unable, at the minimum, to 
purchase a coffin or pay for the burial feast
Indigenous NGOs 11 
What is of interest is, however, that, despite the abundance and vitality of these 
institutions. The NGOs and development agencies, in particular, appear to have 
overlooked them as partners or agents in their work. Indeed, the very intimacy and 
familiarity that the average urban Ethiopian has with these institutions appears to 
have resulted in a situation in which the Edir and Ikub are so much a part of the 
social fabric that they cannot be identified or recognised even by their own 
members as an integral part of the development process. In some cases these 
institutions are regarded as archaic and redundant even by individuals who 
themselves are members of an association. Perhaps it is a case of being so close 
to the phenomenon that people cannot see its value nor focus on its potential: like 
being lost in the forest in search of timber. 
This is particularly the case in development programmes that aspire to coinvolve 
and get community participation in the development dynamic. It appears 
that, despite a rhetorical and symbolic dependence on the concept of participation, 
there is no attempt to understand the coping mechanisms and survival strategies 
which are chosen by the poor and vulnerable in times of crisis or stress. Even less 
is there any sense of the usefulness of knowing what it is that people rely on and 
depend upon. Somehow the relevance for development of these strong living 
institutions is lost Lamentably, there is often a tendency to accept and even 
reinforce the outsiders view that the poor and vulnerable need to be taught how to 
cooperate. It is common, for example, to find project proposals which imply that 
people have no experience whatever of pooling funds, paying debts, arbitrating 
disputes and managing funds. This position, often adopted by the International 
Development Agencies, has been systematically challenged although enough 
evidence exists to suggest otherwise (Chambers, 1984). African development 
workers who know first-handof theexistenceof such institutions shouldbethebest 
placed to mount such a challenge. 
This is somewhat problematic in that development workers seem to be 
imposing a very narrow view of what 'development' is and simply put aside 
activities and energy that is consciously being expended by ordinary folk in their 
daily struggle for survival. In part this is a reflection of the fact that Edir and Ikub 
are somehow perceived as institutions that belong to the past and that ensure only 
the preservation of the status quo: a form of association that has no relevance at all 
to the world of social change and development3. 
This is particularly ironic if one considers that, today, one of the principal 
tenants of Community Based Integrated Responsive Development is that one bases 
development work not only on felt needs (Chambers, 1984) but on what people are 
actually doing themselves. Thus even if these institutions were to be ultimately 
regarded as being obsolete and redundant the fact that they existat all and that large 
numbers of ordinary people have recourse to them should make them, at the very
12 Gerry SaloU 
least, objects of interest to development workers. Surely a case does not have to 
be made for the importance of trying to understand the most significant bottlenecks 
that exists in people's lives. Why do people feel the need to invent their own credit 
and insurance schemes? What are the major hazards that they are trying to guard 
themselves against? Are they insuring against routine 'accidents' or are they 
gambling? What do they use unexpected (or expected) and relatively large cash 
donations for? How do they manage credit and debt? Are there ways in which they 
arbitrate disputes? How are defaulters controlled? Do they have recourse to law? 
These questions are, I believe, fundamental and I would argue that even if the 
institution were ultimately to be discarded as archaic, it remains imperative to the 
improvement of development projects to obtain the answers to these and other 
questions. My point here, however, is to stress that no institution which is invented 
and kept alive by people themselves can readily be dismissed as irrelevant and 
uninteresting to development work. 
Even when Edirs and Ikubs are mentioned in the development literature the 
references are dismissive. One recent example in the Ethiopian context will serve 
to illustrate the problem (Cohen, 1987:59): 
"Although a number of community organisations were found in Chilalo, 
none were undertaking the kind of developmental activities that caught the 
attention of sociologists elsewhere in Ethiopia. Four types of voluntary 
associations existed: religious, mutual aid, savings, and labour services. 
The principal thread running through all these was that of self interest. The 
main force behind religious associations was the psychological desire to 
ensure that one's funeral was well attended and honourable. Savings 
associations were merelya way tobuildfunds and their meetings rarely took 
on any social connotations ... Based on an awareness of these behaviour 
patterns, the designers of CADU did not envision these groups being 
mobilised for community development interests" (my emphasis). 
The implications of this passage are remarkable. It is assumed that since the 
'principal thread' of self interest permeated these associations that they were ipsum 
factum motivations that could not serve any purpose for community development 
interests. 
Indeed, the fact that these were psychological and purely economic interests is 
regarded as further proof that no useful or legitimate development goal could be 
arrived at because there were no social connotations in the motive for interaction. 
This is patently absurd. Surely it is naive to expect the most vulnerable and 
threatened parts of a community to behave purely in an altruistic fashion. Indeed, 
the whole concept of reciprocal obligations is such that the self interest is 
transparent. It has, however, been harnessed as a positive force by self help 
voluntary associations.
Indigenous NGOs 13 
It must be argued, therefore, that people must abandon a naive perspective 
which dismisses the potential development impact of indigenous voluntary 
associations simply because membership is motivated by self interest. One must 
look beyond a purely subjective and individual focus and adopt a perspective 
which allows one to recognise that the institution is alive and well, not only because 
it serves individual interests but because it also serves the interests of the 
community. The two are not mutually exclusive. 
Building on what already exists 
It is clear that there are many different strategies which are adopted and perfected 
by the poor and vulnerable in order to spread risk and maximise economic 
advantage. Whilst it is true that Edirs and Ikubs are not the only strategies that 
exist, they are probably the most widespread institutions which share some of the 
basic premises that development workers promote and champion. Take the case 
of a particularly disadvantaged group, street children who are engaged in shoe 
shining, car washing and tending, and the sale of confectionery, sweets, cigarettes 
and the like: these children are so crucial to the basic survival of their families, and 
suchan integral partof the 'informal' infrastructure, that development workers are 
somewhat at a loss as to what to do cheaply, effectively and realistically for them. 
Schools, training institutions, skill-upgrading centres, shelters and dormitories 
are often suggested. The scale of the problems, however, is such that these are not 
viable solutions. Any such response would be perceived by marginal families as 
an additional resource or option, a magnet to attract yet others onto the street. In 
any case such solutions are not replicable. 
These youths represent a significant part of the economy and, more critically, 
are vital wage earners for families and dependents. They cannot be totally severed 
from their work. At the same time, from the perspective of these children, how is 
the necessary credit obtained in order to purchase the first tin of shoe polish or the 
first brush? Living from hand to mouth, as many of these children do, they have 
had to develop strong interdependent credit links with shopkeepers and suppliers, 
and they have done this mostly by forming voluntary associations amongst 
themselves. These associations do not stop at merely providing credit and a 
network but actually play a role in arbitrating turf battles and boarder disputes 
between different groups of children engaged in rival activities. What we have, 
therefore, is a dynamic, complex, functional, creative and living institution which 
can almost certainly be used to good advantage if it becomes an integral part of the 
plans and objectives of the project and if it is not pushed aside, both figuratively 
and practically, as something archaic with no relevance.
14 Gerry Salole 
It is in this context that clear avenues for the intervention of development 
agencies in the identification and strengthening of living institutions, and in the 
injection of small amounts of credit, training or equipment, exist, in order to: 
a) facilitate what is already going on 
b) actually improve skills and enable the slow self improvement, which is 
already taking place amongst this and other similar clusters of urban poor, 
to be accelerated 
c) better understand the survival strategies and coping mechanisms of the bulk 
of the urban population. 
There are essentially three different approaches to the Edir and Ikub that 
already exist from a developmental perspective. Firstly, it should be possible to 
assist them in whatever it is that they are already in theprocessof doing. Secondly, 
it is possible to use the Edir and Ikub as models from which to build other similar 
self help and mutual help associations with differentfunctions. Thirdly, it should 
be possible to build on the bonds and reciprocal obligations established by iheEdir, 
Ikub or meredaja mahaber and use these as a basis for true bottom-up participatory 
development activities that have as their basis an indigenous, evolved and matured 
system. 
1) To assist these self help voluntary associations to do what they are already 
doing is of great importance, as they represent conventional and traditional 
responses that have evolved naturally and that people feel comfortable 
with. There is no need to import alien concepts and still less to invent new 
ones. These are institutions that work and, therefore, they can be assisted. 
This is, of course, quite a limited intervention, since it is obvious that one 
cannot modify or change these institutions externally. To change or modify 
is not, however, the point, since the intervention would merely be to 
strengthen and to learn more of what is going on. 
2) Assisting them in this simple way through education, credit or encouragement 
has the advantage of allowing us to understand the mechanism better and 
to become familiar with responsibilities and bonds that exist. This will 
enable development agencies to promote mutual help and self help models 
which are triggered, and then configured, by preexisting, traditional, 
indigenous and viable associations. What is being suggested is that what 
exists should be blended with some creative, innovative, and fresh ideas so 
that original community-anchored development activities can be arrived at 
This is an importantpoint and is worth stressing. Ifooe can use concepts 
and premises thatare already understood andwell-anchored in the community 
then the external intervention, albeit dealing with different developmental 
issues than the conventional associations, has a better chance of succeeding
Indigenous NGOs 15 
than an intervention which totally ignores the strength and vitality of the 
conventional enterprise. It is sad, for example, that instead of recognising 
that people do have a tradition of cooperation and mutual aid (in fact, that 
their lives and that of their dependents depend upon it), that it is often 
suggested that people have to be taught to cooperate and work together. 
This second model-building approach is essentially an experimental 
approach which requires time, patience and much flexibility, since it 
involves a delicate business of borrowing from existing structures without 
damaging them. In many ways it must be combined with a thorough 
knowledge of the social structure of urban life. 
3) The third approach is derived from the major pillar of anthropological 
technique and methodology of participant observation or total immersion. 
For anthropologists it is axiomatic that human society does not develop 
institutions and customs in isolation and that the many parts explain the 
whole. Thus close observance of one dimension of human activity should 
'speak volumes' about that society and should provide the observer with 
invaluable keys with which to understand the society. Put simply, one 
cannot go far wrong if one is building on institutions which have been 
dreamed up, erected, modified, maintained, improved upon and put up with 
by the societies themselves without outside pressure or assistance. It is hard 
to conceive of any working development activity or process which does not 
rely ultimately on strong and vigorous activities which people choose for 
themselves. It is arrogant to ignore these and seek to replace them by 
interventions or imports which are untested and have not been fashioned in 
situ. It is a waste of energy to attempt to invent structures which resemble 
bad copies of what has evolved naturally. 
FOOTNOTES: 
1. In this paper the term voluntary association is used to refer only to mutual aid, burial, rotating 
credit, self help and other indigenous agencies. 
2. Women, especially poorer women are sometimes driven to rely almost exclusively on Edir and 
Ikub when their husbands die or become unemployed. Indeed, there seems to be an escalation in 
the frequency of membership which is directly proportional to economic condition and sex. I 
would argue that voluntary self help institutions constitute a significant part of the female domain 
in Ethiopia. Indeed, there is a case for regarding the strength of Edir as being partly due to the 
influence of a female world view which rarely emerges in monographs or articles. This is an area 
which is seriously in need of some focused research. 
3. This is so deeply rooted that often the developmental or social change role that Edirs have played 
in the past is explicitly denied by people who are members of Edirs. 
4. CBIRD is now recognised as an approach identified with Save the Children and Redd Barna 
(Norwegian Save the Children) in Ethiopia and elsewhere. It is practised in similar forms and 
called other names by many developmental agencies (eg purticipatory democracy by OXFAM).
16 Gerry SaloU 
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