Journal of Social Development in Africa (1999), 14,2,51-70 
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective 
to the Analysis of Modern Social 
Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Tale 
From Two Case Studies 
MARGARET M MUNYAE + & MUNYAE M MULINGE * 
ABSTRACT 
This paper advances the view that the analyses of the origins and persistent growth 
of the social problems affecting most sub-Saharan African countries today must 
proceed from a historical perspective. It is argued that for sociologists, social 
workers, political scientists, policy makers, administrators and social scientists in 
general to provide well-rounded accounts of the birth and spread of social problems 
and develop well-informed policies for the alleviation of the same, they must not 
overlook the role played by history. The authors utilise the cases of ethnicity and 
corruption to demonstrate that historical forces, particularly those associated with 
the process of colonisation, are pertinent to the understanding of social problems 
in the African continent. The outcomes of the social, economic and political 
restructuring accompanying colonisation such as the policy of divide and rule, the 
creation of a new economic order, the discriminatory allocation of resources and 
the emergence of a new political culture are considered to be central to the 
comprehensive explanation of ethnic tensions and conflicts and/or corruption. 
Because such outcomes have a legacy that has been extended to the neo-colonial 
period, it is concluded that these and/or other related factors are essential components 
in the explanation of today's social problems. 
Introduction 
The analyses of major social problems afflicting sub-Saharan African countries 
today, by social workers, sociologists, political scientists and other social scientists, 
more often than not, proceed without any meaningful integration of the 
historical forces that gave rise to and continue to shape their existence. A closer 
* Department of Sociology, University of the North, Private Bag XI106, Sovenga, South 
Africa. 
+ Department of Sociology, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone, 
Botswana, e-mail: mulingcm@noka.ub.bw Tel. (267) 3552676 (W) 307775 (H).
52 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Midinge 
look at the existing literature reveals this to be particularly true after the decline of 
the dependency/underdevelopment school of thought (see eg, Wallerstein, 1979; 
Frank, 1975; Rodney, 1972) with its emphasis on the historical events of colonisation 
and, subsequently, neo-colonialism as the major factors responsible for the 
poverty and underdevelopment found in Third World countries. Since then, 
emphasis appears to have shifted mainly toward the policies and practices of 
African communities and government (state) bureaucrats as the major propagators 
of social ills such as crime, poverty, unemployment, ethnic tensions and conflict, 
human rights abuse and family-related problems like spouse and child abuse, 
among others. Such ahistorical emphases, it may be argued, not only render myopic 
the explanations of the origins and entrenchment of social problems in sub-Saharan 
Africa, but also contribute to the further entrenchment of particular social problems 
by misinforming policy measures tailored toward their alleviation, thereby leading 
to what may be considered inadequate, unrealistic and often inappropriate programmes 
of action. 
This paper seeks to demonstrate the centrality of a historical approach to the 
understanding of modern social problems in sub-Saharan Africa. Its core argument 
rests on the premises that any comprehensive explanation of virtually all social 
problems must bring directly to bear the contributions made by historical factors. 
The essence of such a historical dimension becomes paramount when viewed in 
light of the fact that the study of social problems, generally speaking, is in itself a 
historical process (Henshel, 1990). According to Henshel: 
(1) The notion of social problems itself is rooted in history since the 
nascence of the study of the same is the historical event of the nineteenth 
century industrial revolution. This period was characterised by suffering 
that proceeded the urbanisation and industrialisation taking place then. 
(2) The attempts to remedy social problems are rooted in history. In 
particular, it is the historical epoch termed the "enlightenment" that is said 
to have produced the idea of a social science that could rectify the social 
problems afflicting the world. 
(3) There is a historical dimension to the emergence of social problems 
into public consciousness. That is, different social problems have emerged 
into public awareness at different times. To illustrate, the push for 
decolonisation, women's rights/gender equality, democratisation, protection 
of children and women from abuse and exploitation, and alleviation of 
poverty, among others, have occurred during specific periods in human 
history. 
(4) Lastly, the evolution of ideas about specific social problems is rooted 
in history. This explains the tendency of human societies to constantly 
define and redefine what conditions constitute social problems.
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 53 
Consistent with Henshel (1990) and in line with the dependency/underdevelopment 
theories, we argue for the necessity of the incorporation of a historical 
dimension to the study of modern social problems in sub-Saharan Africa. The basis 
for this position rests with the continent's experience of colonisation and the 
subsequent extension of ties with the former colonisers through the process of neocolonialism. 
These two processes constitute a lasting historical legacy that may be 
associated with the various social ills that plague the continent today. As such, for 
a more comprehensive explanation and subsequent understanding of the social 
problems that have persistently rocked sub-Saharan African countries, one must 
look to the new social, economic and political structures that accompanied 
colonisation and continue to buoy up neo-colonialism. 
To illustrate, two case studies, namely, ethnicity and corruption are examined. 
We explore the historical backgrounds to these problems to demonstrate the 
impossibility of offering a complete account of the genesis and entrenchment of 
these and, by implication, other modern social problems, without integrating the 
role played by historical events. Nonetheless, it should be noted well in advance 
that the decision to emphasise particularly the historical events of colonisation and 
neo-colonialism does not suggest a relegation of other causal factors such as the 
actions and policies of post-colonial African communities and governments to 
oblivion. Indeed, such factors have their rightful place in the scheme of things, 
particularly in the perpetuation of most social problems in the sub-Saharan African 
region. Be that as it may, there is the added difficulty of de-linking these actions 
and policies from the two historical events since, by and large, they are a by-product 
of the legacy of the same. 
Case Study 1: Ethnic Consciousness and Conflict 
As used here, the term ethnic group (or tribe) refers to a people characterised by 
shared kinship, religion, language and culture and who regard themselves and are 
regarded by others as distinct (Cockerham, 1995; Kalinga, 1985). Ethnicity, on the 
other hand, represents a consciousness of belonging to a distinctive ethnic category 
or a feeling of "we-ness" among members of a single ethnic group that enables 
them to consider themselves as having a distinct identity (Mare, 1993), as a result 
of which the members of a group tend to see one another as "insiders" and members 
of other groups as "outsiders." The terms ethnicity and tribalism - or the consciousness 
of belonging to a particular tribe (Leys, 1975) - are used interchangeably. 
However, we depart from conventional practices to distinguish between what, for 
the lack of more suitable terms, we refer to as positive (or integrative) ethnicity and 
negative (or disintegrative) ethnicity. The former is taken to represent ethnic
54 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
consciousness that exists with the objective to preserve the identity of the group and 
pride in its culture without generating or sustaining hostilities/hatred, unhealthy 
competitiveness, resentment and unequal treatment of others, whereas the latter, 
its converse, is seen as often accompanied by conflict and its attendant ills such as 
annihilation of other group members or genocide. The distinction between integrative 
and disintegrative ethnicity is important because the consciousness that people 
develop of their own ethnic groups need not inevitably create hostile attitudes 
toward, and conflict with, "outsiders." 
The diversity of the African continent, both ethnically and culturally, is a 
recognisable fact. With the exception of Lesotho, Somalia and Swaziland, all 
African nation states constitute what amounts to a mosaic of ethnically distinctive 
groups (United Nations, 1994). Although ethnicity may constitute a major basis for 
social identity and cohesion (Johnson, 1995) across most of Africa, it remains a 
persistent social problem, whose resolution has continued to elude the continent's 
post-colonial leaders and policy makers. More often than not, where ethnicity rears 
its head, a host of attendant ills become manifest. For instance, social tension, 
conflict and violence due to ethnic rivalry often act as a barrier to the development 
of national identity and pride in the modern African state (Ungar, 1989). Ethnic 
rivalry hampers economic and social development by siphoning off resources 
(United Nations, 1994) from the provision of urgently needed basic needs. 
Ethnicity is also associated with other problems such as nepotism; corruption; 
economic mismanagement; human rights violations; denial of individual rights 
and freedoms; political instabilities and constitutional manipulations. As a source 
of political support, ethnicity is a stumbling block to emerging multi-party 
democracies as political parties in multi-ethnic states have tended to coalesce along 
ethnic lines. In addition, it wields significant influences on many policy decisions 
and actions (including admissions to institutions of higher learning, recruitment for 
employment, appointments to important public and political offices, parliamentary 
representation and patterns of development) in many African nations. By so 
doing it denies certain segments of the population their rightful share of national 
resources. 
To fully comprehend the origins and persistence of especially hatred- and 
discrimination-prone (or negative) ethnicity on the African continent, one must 
delve into the historical event of colonisation and its lasting legacy during the postcolonial 
period. Of particular interest to this paper are two distinctive phases of the 
historical event of colonisation, viz, conquest (domination) and what is commonly 
referred to as neo-colonialism. Within the first phase we differentiate between the 
role played by the partitioning of Africa into European spheres of influence and by
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 55 
the process of the administering of colonies. The discussion surrounding the 
second phase (or neo-colonialism) zeros-in on the political and socioeconomic 
practices of African political regimes to depict them as major factors responsible 
for persistent ethnic hatred, tensions and conflict that are partially grounded in the 
legacy of Africa's colonial history. 
We construe colonisation to have played the major role in laying the foundation 
for the kind of ethnic/tribal consciousness characterised by hatred and discrimination 
that has often been associated with group conflict and annihilation. We 
acknowledge that ethnic consciousness, broadly defined, has been a persistent fact 
of life in Africa that predates colonisation. During the period prior to colonisation, 
what is referred to today as sub-Saharan Africa was populated by people who were 
conscious of their diverse cultures and ethnic identities. However, it may be argued 
that the kind of ethnicity (ie, positive or integrative) existent then mainly served 
to preserve the identity of the group and pride in its culture. The group differences 
that occurred during that period rarely escalated into prolonged hatred, tensions 
and conflicts resulting in the kind of genocide that has characterised some nations 
during the post-colonial period. Also, pre-colonial inter-ethnic conflicts tended to 
be confined to local, small-scale disputes (Krymkowski & Hall, 1990). Where 
major conflicts occurred, such as those occasioned by competition between precolonial 
African kingdoms for the control of trade routes in areas where valued 
articles of trade were found (Mair, 1977), these, unlike those proceeding colonialism, 
were mainly wars of conquest and chiefdom-building that were not driven 
by hatred emanating from the discriminatory allocation of socioeconomic and 
political resources based on ethnic lines. They were not wars of destruction and 
annihilation but of annexation or incorporation that in some instances led to total 
assimilation. 
The onset of colonisation appears to have transformed the nature and magnitude 
of ethnic consciousness in sub-Saharan Africa. Colonial rule, it may be argued, 
ushered in a new dawn in ethnic relations in which the negative (or disintcgrative) 
element of ethnicity seemingly assumed prominence over positive ethnicity. Over 
time, the former would eclipse the latter to become more visible and rampant and 
set the stage for persistent ethnic tensions and conflicts even among groups that at 
one time co-existed peacefully. This view finds support in the works of Nkrumah 
(1980) and Leys (1975) who considered modern ethnicity/tribalism (or negative 
ethnic consciousness) to be mainly a creation of colonialism rather than a byproduct 
of the relations existing between ethnic groups in the pre-colonial period. 
Nkrumah, who believed that tribes but not "tribalism" in the modern sense existed 
in Africa before imperialist penetration, argued that,
56 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
"tribalism arose from colonialism, which exploited feudal and tribal 
survivals to combat the growthofnational movements" (Nkrumah, 1980:59). 
Leys, on the other hand, considered the displacement of the various tribal modes 
and relations of production by capitalist ones to have laid the foundations for 
modem 'tribalism.' This, he contends, gave rise to new forms of insecurity and 
obliged, 
"people to compete with each other on a national plane for work, land, and 
ultimately for education and other services seen necessary for security" 
(1975:199). 
As pointed out earlier, two major factors - of newly-acquired colonies - are 
central to explanations of the origins and entrenchment of ethnic tensions and 
conflict in sub-Saharan Africapremised on the historical event of colonisation. The 
partitioning of Africa among European powers and their subsequent administration 
has resulted in what is commonly referred to as the dismemberment of tribes 
because of arbitrarily drawn colonial boundaries. To illustrate, the partitioning of 
Africa into European spheres of influence that occurred during the Berlin Conference 
of 1884 stretched the homeland of the Ewe from Ghana to Togo and from 
Togo to Benin; placed the Hausa and the Fulani in many West African states 
stretching from Nigeria to Senegal and the Gambia and left the OvaHerero 
occupying both Botswana and Namibia, the Masai and the Meru scattered across 
both Kenya andTanzania and the Somali occupying Kenya,Somalia and Ethiopia, 
(Birch, 1989; Smith, 1981; Hunt & Walker, 1974). The dismemberment of tribes 
accompanying the redrawing of boundaries is one of the most commonly preferred 
historical explanation of the birth of ethnicity and ethnic tensions and conflicts. 
Those who subscribe to the dismemberment view argue that the new boundaries 
created by Europeans lumped together people with diverse cultures and traditions 
while totally disregarding the historical developments of the African peoples' 
social reality. Diverse ethnic groups were forced into new social and political 
relationships that contravened traditional patterns and eliminated the ethnic 
autonomy existent in thepre-colonial days (Krymkowski & Hall, 1990; Horowitz, 
1985). This greatly transformed the ecological stage on which the ethnic game was 
played (Duran, 1974) and sowed the seeds of ethnic animosities and strife among 
the various ethnic groups occupying various nation states as new forms of interethnic 
competition arose. 
That the partitioning of Africa into European spheres of influence is an 
important historical factor that cannot be overlooked by any comprehensive 
account of the genesis of disintegrative ethnicity is indisputable. However, the role
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 57 
played by this factor must be treated cautiously to avoid creating the impression, 
as has happened in some instances in the past, that the act of redrawing of 
boundaries per se was directly responsible for the genesis and subsequent spread 
of unhealthy ethnic competition, hatred and resentment that have, in certain 
instances, been accompanied by violent conflicts. That is, as a causal factor of 
modern ethnicity, the redrawing of boundaries must be understood within the 
context of the subsequent process of administering the newly acquired colonies. 
Indeed, it is the specific political, and socioeconomic practices of the colonial 
administrators, rather than the mere redrawing of boundaries, that offer a more 
direct historical explanation of the nascence of ethnic competition, tensions and 
conflict. 
At the political realm, one prevalent practice by most colonial governments, and 
especially those of British descent, was the adoption ofapolicy of "divideand rule" 
asamechanismforcontrollingthe diverse nativepopulationsofAfrica(Cockerham, 
1995; Brass, 1985). This involved the favouring of one tribe over others with the 
objectives to secure the loyalty of that group to the colonial administration and to 
encourage rivalry between different tribes and prevent a sense of unity from 
evolving and threatening colonial rule (Prunner, 1995; Kalinga, 1985). It culminated 
in the creation of a paramount group (the 'superior' tribe) enjoying considerable 
privileges from the colonial rulers and the relegation of other ethnic groups 
to a minority status. According to Kalinga (1985), the situation of being a 
paramount ethnic group created an urge for such groups to demonstrate that they 
were special. This, in turn, elevated negative ethnicity to new heights and also 
served as a catalyst for ethnic-based tensions and conflicts. This, in our view, 
constituted the actual genesis of negative ethnicity as we know it today. 
Colonial sub-Saharan Africa was replete with cases fitting the situation described 
above. In Rwanda and Burundi, for instance, colonialism exaggerated an 
already existing ethos of ethnic superiority characterised by a pervasive system of 
social, economic and political inequality in which the numerical minority Tutsi 
dominated the numerical majority Hutu (Prunner, 1995; Vassal-Adams, 1994; 
Mazrui & Tidy, 1984). In the North Nyasa District of British Nyasaland (today's 
Malawi), on the other hand, a natural alliance appears to have developed particularly 
between the British colonisers and the Ngonde peoples, with the Ngonde 
becoming the avenue through which the British could extend their dominance 
among the peoples of this region. To maintain this situation the British colonisers 
"extolled the virtues of the Ngonde and created the image of a superior African 
people" (Kalinga, 1985:68). The elevation of Ngonde to paramountcy was 
followed by the souring of Ngonde relations with other ethnic groups in the region 
and the resurgence of ethnicity among the Sukwa and other non-Ngonde peoples 
(Kalinga, 1985).Elsewhere in colonial Africa similar paramountcy was enjoyed by
58 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
the Baganda in British Uganda (Roberts, 1962); the Ibo in British Nigeria (Hunt & 
Walker, 1974) and the Shona in present-day Zimbabwe (Day, 1980), among others. 
In all these cases the paramount group and the colonial rulers reinforced each 
other's interests. 
Turning to socioeconomic practices of colonial regimes, it is evident that most 
regimes were guided by discriminatory socioeconomic policies that favoured 
some tribes over others. This led to immense regional variations in the patterns of 
economic development and in the spread of missionary-sponsored Western 
education within the same nation state. Kenya and North Nyasa District of British 
Nyasaland (Malawi) provide good illustrative examples. In Kenya colonialengineered 
economic development was concentrated in the so termed "White 
Highlands" which were predominantly occupied by white settler farmers. Here 
too, missionary education appears to have been targeted at the Kikuyu, Luo, Luhya 
and Akamba ethnic groups. Similar regional (and polity) variations in economic 
development trends and the spread of missionary education were evident elsewhere. 
The existence of immense regional/tribal variations in economic development 
and the permeation of Western education played an important role in 
fostering the developmentand expression of ethnic/tribal awareness (Krymkowski 
& Hall, 1990; Rothchild, 1986; Kalinga, 1985; Nkrumah, 1980). 
Uneven economic development culminated in the differentiation of economic 
functions along ethnic lines (Nkrumah, 1980), drew ethnic groups into competition 
for scarce status and material resources controlled by the state (Krymkowski & 
Hall, 1990) and brought about, 
"a shift in emphasis from culturally-based conflict ...to conflict that 
involves collective struggles in the marketplace for an increased group 
share of scarce political, economic and social resources" (Rothchild, 
1986:66). 
The discriminatory practices in the spread of education, on the other hand, could 
be said to have set the stage for ethnic competition between groups that had 
acquired missionary education and between educated and uneducated groups. 
Colonisation is further associated with the birth of a new economic order in sub- 
Saharan Africa which, it may be argued, also played a major role in engineering the 
birth and entrenchment of ethnic hatred and conflict in the region. We are referring 
to the introduction of a capitalist oriented mode of production. According to radical 
scholars (see eg, Kalinga, 1985; Diamond, 1983; Nkrumah, 1980; Leys, 1975; 
Sklar, 1967), introduction of capitalist materialism, coupled with the spread of 
Western education (that bequeathed the individual with both economic and social 
status), led to class formation that gave rise to ethnicity. They argue that the
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 59 
emerging African elite (or petty bourgeoisie) during the colonial period deliberately 
nurtured the birth of modern ethnicity/tribalism with the objective to further 
the interests of their own socioeconomic class. The new elite considered ethnicity 
to be a suitable avenue through which the battle for meagre material resources 
could be fought and won. Consistent with the radical scholars, we construe the birth 
of a colonial elite to have boosted the levels of negative ethnic consciousness 
among groups, thereby intensifying ethnic tensions and conflict. Of particular 
importance is the role played by the socioeconomic and political practices of the 
post-colonial African ruling elite. These prescntan imitation of those characteristic 
of colonial regimes and manifest a lasting colonial legacy. Consequently, they 
comprise important elements of historically rooted explanations of ethnicity. 
At the socioeconomic level, post-colonial African states appear to have borrowed 
a leaf from history by perfecting, sustaining and aggravating the uneven 
regional socioeconomic development whose precedence was set by colonialism. 
They appear to have extended the use of tribalism/ethnicity as the basis for the 
allocation of important, and often scarce socioeconomic (and political) resources 
(Cockerham, 1995; Leys, 1975). The tribe occupying the presidency generally 
enjoys tremendous advantages over other tribes in terms of access to socioeconomic 
resources and political power. It enhances its economic prosperity and 
social status by having access to better jobs in the government sector, more 
powerful cabinet posts for its politicians, more public resources invested in its 
geographical region, better educational facilities, better access to governmentcontrolled 
resources such as scholarships and credit facilities, and generally high 
status and privilege for its members. The regional and/or tribal differential 
distribution of and uneven access to resources sets in motion a general feeling 
among disadvantaged groups that the advantaged group has taken over the country 
(Duran, 1974) and paves the way for inter-ethnic struggles and conflicts. The 
groups that perceive their lot not to be experiencing economic and social disadvantages 
are likely to develop resentment and hatred for the advantaged group(s) 
(United Nations, 1994) that could lead to ethnic friction and conflicts. The situation 
is likely to worsen as resources become more scarce. 
As with the socioeconomic practices the political actions of the African postcolonial 
ruling elite have contributed immensely to the entrenchment of ethnic 
tensions and conflicts on the continent. These span a wide spectrum to encompass 
the practice of divide and rule and the reliance on what may be considered halfbaked 
measures to combat negative ethnicity, including the search for a common 
lingua franca (Birch, 1989; Hunt & Walker, 1974), controlling the mass media 
(Birch, 1989), the proscription of multiple party democracies (Mazrui & Tidy, 
1984), and the outlawing of tribal associations. However, it is the practice of divide 
and rule that is clearly a manifestation of the legacy of the historical event of
60 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
colonisation. Those leaders who ascended to power moved to perfect and use this 
same counter-productive tactic that had been utilised by the imperialists in an 
attempt to muscle their peoples. They continued to exploit tribalism as "an 
instrument of'powerpolitics and as a useful outlet for the discontent of the masses" 
(Nkrumah, 1980:59). By so doing, most governments have been unable to sustain 
the little gains brought by the nationalist movements associated with the struggle 
for independence. Although such movements temporarily detribalised Africa and 
solidified a feeling of togetherness among people of diverse backgrounds (see, eg, 
Mazrui & Tidy, 1984; Anderson, 1983; Smith, 1981), within a brief period 
ethnicity had regained paramountcy and after over three decades of independence, 
ethnic rivalries remain a prominent feature in most countries. 
A final factor that has been viewed especially by politicians to be responsible 
for the intensification of ethnicity in sub-Saharan Africa is the introduction of mass 
(multi-party) democracies. This view holds that multi-party democracies in multiethnic 
states foster the emergence of political parties that are essentially ethnic 
coalitions that do not reflect a national outlook. While we do not consider the 
emergence of multiple political parties per se to be directly responsible for the 
intensification of ethnicity, we consider this phenomenon to have a historical angle 
to it that must be explicated in any attempt to incorporate it as a factor in the 
persistence of ethnicity. A closer look at the socioeconomic and political history 
of most sub-Saharan African nation states reveals that the formation of ethnicallybased 
political parties can best be understood in terms of the fear of political, 
economic and social domination of a group or several groups by another group or 
a coalition of other groups. The precedence for such fear was set by colonial 
regimes through their discriminatory practices that led to the elevation of certain 
tribes to paramountcy and the differential allocation of important resources 
regionally. Rather than stamp out this fear, the post-colonial state escalated it by 
continuing to allocate political, economic and social resources along ethnic lines. 
The formation of ethnically-based parties could be viewed as an attempt by the 
various ethnic groups to ascend the political, economic and social platform and 
enjoy the dominance and other related privileges that come with it. Through such 
parties, the subordinated group(s) hope to wrestle power from dominant groups 
and open the resource gates to their members. 
Case Study II: Corruption 
As utilised in this paper, the term corruption refers to, 
"a form of antisocial behaviour by an individual or social group which 
confers unjust or fraudulent benefits on its perpetrators, is inconsistent with 
the established legal norms and prevailing moral ethos of the land and is 
likely to subvert or diminish the capacity of the legitimate authorities to
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 61 
provide fully for the material and spiritual well-being of all members of 
society in a just and equitable manner" (Osoba 1996: 372). 
It incorporates acts such as the use of public authority, office, or official position 
with the deliberate intent of extracting personal or private monetary rewards or 
other privileges at the expense of public good and in violation of established rules 
and ethical considerations (United Nations, 1990; Dey, 1989), theft, embezzlement 
of public funds or other appropriation of state property and nepotism and/or 
granting of favours to personal acquaintances. The corrupt include both petty and 
major offenders. Petty offenders are those individuals such as government file or 
record clerks who demand bribes before they render services to clients, police 
officers who are offered "something small" by suspects in exchange for their 
freedom and account clerks who embezzle funds from accounts they are entrusted 
with by their employers. On the other hand, major offenders include individuals 
such as senior corporate officials and government officers who cut secret deals 
involving huge sums of money with local and international organisations, companies 
and individual businesses or who practice massive embezzlement of public or 
corporate funds. 
Corruption is another notoriously persistent and progressively worsening social 
problem afflicting most sub-Saharan African countries today. The practice has 
permeated virtually all institutions, both public and private, governmental and nongovernmental 
to become a way of life and a principal method for the accumulation 
of private property. Corruption has, indeed, become a major impediment to 
political, economic and social development (Hope, 1997; Osoba 1996; Makumbe, 
1994; Ayittey, 1992). It hinders administrative development and performance 
(Hope, 1997), impairs economic efficiency (Gould & Amaro-Reyes, 1983), stifles 
local initiative and enterprise (Hope, 1997; Ouma, 1991) and intensifies other 
social problems such as crime rates and ethnicity and ethnic conflicts. The problem 
is usually accompanied by growing poverty, misery, and degradation among the 
mass of society amidst the accumulation of immense wealth among the ruling and 
corporate elite. 
Although corruption is one of the most written-about topics (Hope, 1997) by 
academics and others, the documentation of its genesis and persistence in sub- 
Saharan Africa seemingly appears to have failed to incorporate a historical 
dimension. Rather, the emphasis has been on the role played by African bureaucracies 
and private businesses and individuals. This paper examines the often 
overlooked historical causes of this social ill to provide a second illustrative case 
study in support of its core argument that any comprehensive delineation of factors 
responsible for the emergence and entrenchment of the social problems afflicting 
sub-Saharan African countries must integrate a historical dimension.
62 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
Corruption can be viewed as a by-product of traits of fraudulent antisocial 
behaviour deriving from British, French and other colonial rulers (Osoba, 1996). 
This behaviour infiltrated indigenous African peoples during the colonial period 
and was nurtured into the post-colonial era. There are three major ways through 
which the historical event of colonisation impacted on the emergence of corruption 
in sub-Saharan Africa that must be acknowledged by any explanatory accounts of 
this social pandemic. 
First, is the restructuring of indigenous economies by the colonial governments. 
A closer look at pre-colonial African economies reveals that emerging colonial 
powers did not find sizable monetary economies in their newly acquired territories. 
To make the colonies economically viable they substituted a capitalist mode of 
production for the traditional ones. Because corruption requires a well-developed 
monetary economy characterised by a clear differentiation of interests to thrive, an 
ingredient that traditional African economies lacked, it may be concluded that it is 
the fronting of new economic structures by the colonial governments that provided 
the framework within which corrupt practices could be nurtured and sustained. 
A second necessary ingredient in the study the genesis of corruption in sub- 
Saharan Africa is the introduction of compulsory in-cash-only taxation in the forms 
of hut and later poll tax. Having found no meaningful monetary economies in their 
newly acquired territories, most colonial governments, and particularly those of 
British origin, introduced compulsory taxation payable in cash only (see, eg, 
Collier & Lai, 1986; Tlou & Campbell, 1984; Stichter, 1982; Van Zwanenberg, 
1975), with either of two objectives: to meet the cost of administration or to acquire 
cheap African labour necessary for the establishment of productive economic 
activities. It was not the introduction of taxation per se, but the manner in which 
the tax itself was collected, that constituted the genesis of corrupt practices. To 
collect taxation, the colonial governments mostly relied on local African leaders 
and especially chiefs whom they motivated by allowing them to pocket a part of 
the money collected as inducement (Colclough & McCarthy, 1980; Tlou & 
Campbell, 1984). In our view, this practice amounted to the taking of kickbacks by 
African chiefs. It gave a new meaning to the practices of gift-giving which had 
existed in different parts of Africa long before the onset of colonisation. Unlike precolonial 
gift-giving practices which were not carried out at the expense of public 
good and did not violate any established rules and ethical considerations, the 
practice of rewarding tax collectors became a principal method for the accumulation 
of private property (just like corruption today appears to have become), a way 
of life that was hard to give up and precipitated the abuse of office. As Leonard 
(1991.-29) would have it, colonial chiefs "were implicitly encouraged to use their 
positions to amass wealth and demonstrate thereby that it paid to cooperate with
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 63 
Europeans." The financial gains accruing from the amount pocketed from taxes 
blinded the chiefs to the plight suffered by their people as a consequence of 
taxation. 
The final factor rooted in the historical event of colonisation that must be 
featured in the study of the birth of corrupt practices is the technique of divide and 
rule (Cockerham, 1995; Brass, 1985) adopted particularly by colonies of British 
descent to subdue and control native peoples. As discussed earlier, such divisions 
culminated in the creation of paramount (superordinate) and subordinate groups 
with the former enjoying considerable privileges from the colonial rulers. The 
corruption associated with this practice was inherent in some of the methods 
utilised to sustain it. Those groups enjoying a favourable status from the colonial 
administration were rewarded through access to Western (missionary) education 
(Kalinga, 1985) and government-sponsored economic opportunities. Such discriminatory 
practices, it could be argued, sowed the seeds for the emergence of 
corrupt practices such as tribalism and nepotism that have become deeply entrenched 
in many sub-Saharan African nations today. 
As earlier observed with ethnicity, the socioeconomic and political structures 
inherited from the colonial era have helped entrench corruption in sub-Saharan 
Africa. Similarly, of significance are the lasting legacy of the administrative 
technique of divide and rule, the colonial administrative culture and the constitutional 
structures that ushered African nations to independence. On the one hand, 
the embracing of the policy of divide and rule by African elites who ascended to 
positions of leadership after the demise of colonialism, is a factor that accounts for 
the existence of corrupt practices such as nepotism and other related practices, 
namely embezzlement and economic mismanagement resulting from the appointment 
of underqualified, but politically well-connected, tribesmen to fill important 
positions. 
The administrative culture inherited from colonialism presents another avenue 
through which the legacy of colonialism has continued to perpetuate corrupt 
practices particularly among the higher echelons of political and administrative 
bureaucracies. The coming of independence in some countries was identified with 
the continuation of the "African chief model" of administration from the colonial 
period. Colonial chiefs, and especially those found in British colonies, were 
expected to be authoritarian figures who could make quick, final decisions and 
keep order by commanding respect and even fear (Leonard, 1991; Nkrumah, 
1980). Unlike pre-colonial chiefs who had limited and controlled powers, the 
colonial chief enjoyed unsurpassed powers. According to Leonard (1991:28) 
chiefs, "were not notable for their respect for the niceties of law or due process, 
they were known instead for their decisiveness, courage, presence, and ability to 
hold a crowd." Although their role was not popular, it became well established due
64 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
to the support given it by the colonial government, from which it drew legitimacy. 
A closer look at African political leaders after independence reveals a strong 
semblance to this model. As Leonard (1991:29) puts it, contemporary African 
politicians and administrators appear to have embraced the power structure 
associated with the colonial chief, despite its unpopularity during the colonial era, 
and adhere to "an only slightly softened version" of the colonial chief s role. Like 
the colonial chief, these leaders are associated with authoritarianism and a near 
total lack of respect for the law and due process. A major consequence of such 
authoritarianism has been the lack of accountability that has been said to be 
partially responsible for the rampant corruption in Africa. Like the colonial chief, 
authoritarian leaders use their positions of power to amass illegal wealth. 
A final historical factor that must be considered in the analysis of the genesis and 
entrenchment of corruption in sub-Saharan African is the shaping of the constitutions 
that were to govern the newly emerging states. The attainment of self-rule was 
preceded by the drafting of new constitutions, under the guidance of the colonial 
governments, to provide the legal frameworks that would guide the operations of 
the new governments. While the colonialists may not be blamed for the way these 
laws have been interpreted and applied, it would be rather myopic to overlook their 
role in the drafting of such laws as a historical factor in the entrenchment of 
corruption. The constitutions authored under their guidance, for example, vested 
enormous (absolute) powers in the hands of a single office, institution or individual, 
usually the presidency. It appears that the outgoing strongmen oversaw the 
emergence of laws that provided a continuity to the kind of repressive practices 
they had subjected the colonised to, only this time using "a son of the soil" as their 
proxy. This resulted in the emergence of overly powerful states that were imbued 
with boundless economic and political power and reigned supreme over civil 
society. In such a scheme of things, (bureaucratic) corruption was imminent. 
Concentrated power created autocratic presidents who were above the law and 
not accountable to any institution. The failure by the new constitutions to cap the 
length of time one individual could be president compounded this situation further 
by allowing for the existence of "for life" presidents who engaged in corrupt 
practices with immunity from possible prosecution and often resorted to unconstitutional 
measures to shield their practices. These have tended to surround themselves 
with indispensable power brokers who are also not accountable to anyone. 
The president's men become trusted aides, wheeler-dealers, political schemers and 
hatchetmen for high-level corrupt deals that cost organisations, individuals and 
would be investors huge sums of money. They have been extended the same 
immunity enjoyed by the president himself. In addition, the existence of overlypowerful 
presidents is associated with the politicisation of bureaucracies making 
them autocratic, devoid of accountability, transparency and rule of law and
The Ccntrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 65 
irresponsible (Hope, 1997; Adedeji, 1991). Such conditions are conducive to the 
entrenchment of a corrupt culture (Prah, 1993), accompanied by practices such as 
the abuse of public office for private and personal gains, favouritism and nepotism. 
Overly powerful presidencies also lead to state capture of bureaucratic organisations 
(such as the civil service) and instruments of law and order, such as parliament 
and the judiciary (Hope, 1997; McCarthy, 1994). This translates the civil service 
into an extension of ruling parties; makes parliaments rubber stamp lame ducks that 
cannot act even in cases where humble evidence points to increased corruption and 
graft; interferes with the independence of the judiciary and its ability to prosecute 
and give deserving sentences (to those involved in corrupt practices) and provides 
appointments, promotions and the tenure for appointees at the pleasure of the head 
of state. A major consequence of the above situation is the lack of the rule of law 
and administrative predictability that renders it impossible to challenge illegal or 
irrational decisions, even in courts (Hope, 1997). 
The constitutions ushering most sub-Saharan nations into independence have 
also boosted corruption in the continent by creating political environments that 
cannot nurture the birth of a popular participatory democracy. Unfortunately, this 
type of democracy is a necessary requirement in combating corruption because it 
facilitates the monitoring and holding to account those in charge of the state and 
the treasury (Osoba, 1996). The same consti tutions have also failed to empower the 
press and civil society, yet these constitute important avenues through which 
corrupt governments can be exposed and eventually be held accountable for their 
practices. A final way through which constitutions negotiated with the patronage 
of out-going colonial governments aided the perpetration of corruption was by 
allowing for an expanded state role in economic activities (Hope, 1997). In most 
African states, the government participated extensively in economic decisionmaking 
and in economic activities through public enterprises often referred to as 
parastatals, especially during the period immediately after independence up to the 
early 1990s when most countries embraced the privatisation agenda. These dual 
roles of the state set the stage for (bureaucratic) corruption to thrive. The 
centralisation of economic decision-making, for example, culminated in an expanded 
bureaucracy vested with discretionary powers and hence corrupt practices 
such as demanding kickbacks before awarding government contracts, embezzlement 
and unlawful accumulation of wealth (Makumbe, 1994; Ayittey, 1992; 
Ouma, 1991). 
As al luded to earlier, colonisation is a process beginning with conquest followed 
by a period of domination that culminates in self-determination and the birth of a 
new phase of the same process referred to as neo-colonialism. The historical 
process of neo-colonialism represents an extension of the economic and/or 
strategic interests of the former colonial powers. Because most colonial powers
66 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
were determined to extend these interests at any cost, this created an environment 
that favoured the emergence of policies and actions that were conducive to the 
entrenchment of corruption. In the name of protecting economic and strategic 
interests, for example, international governments and donor organisations have 
acted to disburse aid to corrupt regimes that waste a considerable fraction of that 
money on bribes and kickbacks or divert it to private use. This practice, which is 
tantamount to subsidising corruption, has made most African political leaders to 
view aid as a reward for their cooperation in the fulfilment of the economic interests 
of their former masters. The financial support extended to the overiy corrupt 
regime of Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire for over 30 years by the United States 
government and other Western governments is instructive of this. In the same vein, 
the British government has continued to support corrupt regimes, including those 
in their former colonies such as Kenya. 
Economic and other interests of foreign governments and organisations have 
also aided the entrenchment of corruption in sub-Saharan Africa through the 
adoption of half-hearted and often unclear and inconsistent stances toward 
corruption itself and corruptregimes. The linking of aid to the control of corruption 
and good governance is a case in mind. There has been no consistency in .enforcing 
this policy. This appears to convey mixed signals to corrupt bureaucracies and to 
give them the courage to engage these governments and organisations in what 
amounts to hide-and-seek games. Inconsistent policies and practices, it may be 
argued, are responsible for the lack of commitment on the part of most African 
bureaucracies to stamp out corruption. This is evident through the failure or 
reluctance to prosecute those involved in corrupt practices, the formation of lame 
duck directorates of corruption, victimisation such as sacking, unnecessary 
transfers from strategic positions and/or organisations and the political harassment 
and intimidation of officers who refuse to succumb to corrupt practices and display 
a no-nonsense attitude toward corrupt practices and officials. 
The desire to protect own interests has also pushed former colonial powers to 
silently consent to the emergence of repressive laws and the systematic dismembering 
of constitutions that have occurred over the years in an attempt by African 
leaders to tighten their grip on their peoples. This has always occurred under the 
pretext that such laws did not threaten the interests of these powers. For long these 
governments and organisations, by either opting to ignore the existence of 
repressive laws or at times by supplying the armament utilised to enforce such laws, 
stood firmly on guard as their African proxies intensified their political repression 
by crushing the voices of dissent that could have constituted a foundation for the 
eradication of corrupt practices.
The Centrality of a Historical Perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa 67 
Summary and Conclusion 
This paper aims to demonstrate the necessity of a historical dimension to the 
analyses of the modem social problems that afflict sub-Saharan African countries 
today. Its basic argument is that any broad comprehension of the origins of virtually 
all social problems must encompass a historical dimension to their causation. The 
paper analyses the (social) problems of ethnicity and corruption to support this 
position. While acknowledging that the actions of African communities and 
governments (states) may be responsible for the persistent spread of social 
problems in the continent as depicted by most of the existing literature, the paper 
stresses the need to appreciate in totality the role played by historically-rooted 
factors if well-rounded explanations of the genesis and subsequent entrenchment 
of social problems are to be provided. 
To demonstrate the central place of history in the study of modern social 
problems, the paper utilises ethnicity and corruption as illustrative case studies. 
The two problems are cast within a historical context to underline the specific 
historical factors that are pertinent to their genesis and subsequent entrenchment 
and cannot be overlooked by any quest for a comprehensive explanation of the two 
social ills. In both cases, emphasis isplaced on the historical events of colonisation 
and neo-colonialism. The two are considered to have contributed variously to both 
the nascencc and continued entrenchment of the two problems. Thus, treating their 
role casually or ignoring them totally amounts to presenting half-baked and often 
misleading explanations of the social problems at issue. 
Concerning ethnicity, the paper, while agreeing that ethnicity in general 
predates colonialism, locates the genesis and permeation of negative ethnicity on 
the processes of the restructuring of boundaries (to facilitate European rule) and the 
discriminatory socioeconomic and political practices of colonial regimes and later 
to the post-colonial African ruling elite. These, it is concluded, constitute major 
historical factors that must be featured by any attempts at a comprehensive 
delineation of the causes of its beginnings and subsequent intensification (or 
spread). The analysis of corruption, on the other hand, premises the origins and 
spread of the pandemic on the colonial restructuring of indigenous African 
economies through the introduction of a capitalist mode of production, the 
introduction of compulsory in cash-only taxation, and the technique of divide and 
rule that was utilised to subdue and control African populations. The birth of the 
latter is associated with the birth of a corrupt administrative culture (especially the 
'African chief model'), the constitutional structures drafted with the help of 
outgoing colonial governments and the desire by the outgoing colonial powers to 
protect their economic and/or strategic interests in the former colonies.
68 Margaret M Munyae & Munyae M Mulinge 
To conclude, all the historical factors explicated by the two case studies, are 
considered to be central to the understanding of the two problems. Consequently, 
they must form apartof any attempts at accounting for the nascence and persistence 
of the two social ills. In light of the significant role played by historical factors in 
explaining the two problems discussed in this paper, it is proposed that the analyses 
of other modern social problems pertinent to sub-Saharan Africa must incorporate 
a historical dimension to their causation. This is particularly important considering 
the lasting legacy bequeathed on the continent by the social, economic, and 
political restructuring accompanying colonisation and by the effects of neocolonialism. 
The emphasis for a historical perspective, however, should not 
constitute a substitute for non-historical explanations of the (genesis and) entrenchment 
of modern social problems. Rather, it should supplement them. 
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