Journal of Social Development in Africa (2000), 15,1,5-14 
Community Project Funding in Malawi 
under the Malawi Social Action Fund 
(MASAF) Demand-Driven Approach: 
Potential for Perpetuating Imbalances in 
Development 
PAUL KISHINDO* 
ABSTRACT 
This paper gives an overview of (he kind of community development projects that 
the Malawi Social Action Fund (MASAF) has supported since its inception in July 
1996. The MASAF has tended to subscribe to a demand-driven approach in its 
evaluation of projects, thereby introducing an clement of competition in community 
development. This has led to imbalances in socio-economic infrastructure, 
between those districts whose communities have been unable to initiate their own 
projects, and those where there is more sophisticated "development-conscious" 
leadership. Ways in which more equitable and effective grassroots development 
can be implemented are presented in this paper, where the author believes that nongovernmental 
development agencies in particular, have a positive role to play. 
Introduction 
The United Nations defines community development as "processes by which the 
efforts of the people are united with those of governmental authorities to improve 
the economic, social and cultural conditions of communities, to integrate these 
communities into the life of the nation and to enable them to contribute fully to 
national progress" (United Nations 1963: 4). The two essential elements in 
community development, according to the United Nations, arc: (a) participation of 
the people in efforts to improve their living conditions with as much reliance as 
possible on their own initiatives; and (b) provision of technical and other services 
by governmental agencies in ways that encourage initiative, self-help and mutual 
help and make these more effective. The Malawi government adopted the United 
•Professor of Rural Sociology, University of Malawi, Chancellor College, P.O. Box 280, 
Zomba, Malawi
ml KLshindo 
'"' conception of community development at independence in 1964. Comilevclopmcnt 
is viewed as a partnership between government institutions 
II communities to improve the communities' economic, social and cultural 
|ins (Malawi Government 1988:125). The emphasis in practice has been on 
ion of economic and social infrastructure, based on the assumption that 
astructure would contribute to higher living standards. 
.Jnitcd Nations' conception of community development adopted by the 
[government recognises the fact that communities may not always have the 
[te needed to bring about improvements in their living standards and that 
•<c may have to be sought outside the community. This conception of 
liily development, however, does not acknowledge the role that can be 
y non-governmental agencies in helping communities improve their living 
, and makes it appear as if community development were an exclusive 
liip between government institutions and local communities. In Malawi, 
ternmcntal organisations such as ACTION AID, OXFAM and Save the 
Fund (USA) have played an important role in facilitating community 
in some parts of the country. 
[Malawi government has used community development as a strategy for 
Economic and social infrastructure such as rural roads, bridges, schools, 
hits, post offices and water schemes. The strategy has involved the 
;iion of community labour and government financial and technical re- 
«o execute specific projects. Two types of community development 
~an be identified: 
"immunity-initiated development projects requiring external assistllional, 
centrally planned projects requiring local community contriilii.
of (a) are classroom blocks, teachers' houses and bridges where local 
lies may ask government to provide construction materials such as 
«d iron sheets. Piped water schemes such as the Zomba Rural Piped Water 
lind Mpira Water Project which covers Ntcheu and Balaka districts arc 
rof (b). The community contribution consists essentially of unskilled and 
labour. The use of 'free' labour in these projects allows the govern- 
-duce project costs. For the Malawi government, community develop- 
* most feasible strategy for providing economic and social infrastructure 
jest proportion of the country's population, which is rural, given its 
mancial resources. 
[1996, community development projects were funded by the Office of the
Community Project Funding in Malawi 7 
President and Cabinet (OPC) through District Development Committees (DDCs). 
The DDCs were responsible for the purchase of all materials required for projects. 
They were accountable to OPC for the use of project funds. Since July 1996, 
financial assistance to community projects has been provided by the Malawi Social 
Action Fund (MAS AF), a fund specially created for this purpose and managed by 
a Board of Directors. Under the new arrangement, funds go directly to communities 
who have requested for them. This paper argues that although the MASAF 
approach to community development empowers local communities and provides 
useful experience in project management, there is the risk that some communities 
are left behind in the race for development, if deliberate efforts are not made to help 
them. 
Development Committees 
At the grassroots, "development" tends to be viewed in terms of physical infrastructure. 
School buildings, health units, roads and bridges are visible symbols of 
development. This definition of development is actually promoted by the country' s 
political leadership. It is not surprising, therefore, that the cultural aspect of 
community development is underplayed. 
There is a hierarchy of development committees. At the lowest level, there is 
the Village Development Committee (VDC). The VDC comprises of elected 
members and is presided over by a Group Village Headman (1). In large villages, 
this committee is presided over by a village headman. The VDC is supposed to 
initiate and coordinate community projects at the village level. At the next level, 
there is the Area Development Committee (ADC), consisting of elected members 
and Group Village Headmen. It is responsible for the whole area under the 
jurisdiction of a Traditional Authority (TA). The TA presides over the committee. 
The ADC's role is essentially that of reviewing project proposals from VDCs 
requiring financial assistance, before they are submitted to the District Development 
Committee (DDC). The DDC is chaired by the District Commissioner (DC) 
who is the representative of the central government in the district. Other members 
of the committee are TAs, local Members of Parliament (MPs), the clerk of the 
District Council, and district officials of political parties represented in parliament. 
Non-governmental organisations involved in grassroots development work serve 
as coopted members in the districts where they operate. Unlike VDCs and ADCs, 
most of the DDC members do not have a legitimate mandate to represent the 
(1) A Group Village Headman is responsible for a number of villages, each of which has its 
own village headman.
8 Paul Kishindo 
interests of grassroots communities. The DDC is essentially an administrative 
body (see for example, Kasmann and Chirwa 1997: -25). 
The actual evaluation of project proposals submitted to the DDC is made by the 
District Executive Committee (DEC), which consists of officials from ministries 
such as those of education, health, community services and water development. 
The DEC reports to the DDC, which in turn submits funding requests to the 
MASAF Management Unit. The approvals for project funding are made by the 
Project Steering Committee. 
The various local level development committees are, in effect, the result of 
efforts made by the Department of Community Development to promote local 
community participation in development decision-making, rather than spontaneous 
creations by the people themselves. Major decisions at the village level are 
traditionally made by the village headman, in consultation with advisers appointed 
by himself. The notion of elected standing development committees, therefore, 
appears alien to some rural communities. In these areas, the village councils rather 
than the VDCs, are the main players in community development work (Kasmann 
and Chirwa 1997: 25). 
The Malawi Social Action Fund (MASAF) 
The MASAF Project came into being in July 1996 with a US$56 million credit 
obtained from the International Development Agency (IDA) of the World Bank in 
May 1995. It is part of the government's Poverty Alleviation Programme. Its 
specific objectives are: 
(a) to provide additional resources for programmes targetted at the poor; 
(b) to promote a new development paradigm by involving communities in 
all stages of the project cycle; 
(c) to promote district level programmes targeted at the poorest communities 
as safety net operations; 
(d) to strengthen poverty monitoring and assessment systems (MASAF 
Management Unit 1997: 2). 
Two of MASAF's unique characteristics are: 
(a) it is demand-driven and funds are channelled directly into participating 
communities; 
(b) community participation is encouraged at all levels of project implementation.
Community Project Funding in Malawi 9 
MASAF has two components: 
(a) Community Sub-Projects: this is designed to fund community projects 
in direct response to proposals submitted by communities themselves. Such 
projects, however, have to be within the specified sectors of education, 
health, water, sanitation, transport and communication, and the funding 
limit of K1.5 million (Malawi Social Action Fund Quarterly Report, 
October- December 1996: 15). 
(b) Public Works Programmes: this is a safety net for vulnerable communities. 
Its main objective is to transfer cash incomes to poor people in return 
for labour in community infraslruclural projects. The range of activities has 
included construction, rehabilitation and maintenance of rural roads, construction 
of small-scale irrigation dams and valley tanks, afforestation and 
land conservation (MASAF Management Unit 1998: 1). 
Within the Community Sub-Project component, local communities identify the 
specific projects for which assistance is being sought, based on their own priorities. 
Once a project has been approved, the local community is required to contribute 
at least 20% of the total cost of the project, which can be in cash, labour, materials 
or a combination of them (Kutengule 1997: 77). 
Under the Public Works Programme, the initiative rests with the MASAF. The 
Project Steering Committee decides on the nature and location of the public works 
project. They are guided in their decisions by vulnerability mapping data from the 
Famine Early Warning Systems (FEWS) in the Ministry of Agriculture. A 
Vulnerability Assessment Map (VAM) ranks agro-ecological areas in the country 
on the basis of vulnerability to famine. Areas prone to erratic rainfall would rank 
high in terms of vulnerability, and it is such areas that arc targctlcd by the Public 
Works Programme. It is not clear how often, if atall, VAM is reviewed in order to 
take into account changing weather patterns. 
A question could be raised regarding the justification for using vulnerability to 
famine as the sole criterion for public works projects in a country where poverty 
is rampant. An important point to note is that the Public Works Programme pays 
workers from vulnerable communities, a daily wage rate for work which previously 
would be performed as part of their contribution to externally initiated 
development projects. The current daily rate is K 15.80 which is the statutory 
minimum for rural workers (MASAF Management Unit 1998:6). As a safety net, 
the Public Works Programme seems to be having limited impact: in 1997 only 3% 
of potential beneficiaries had benefitted from it (Tsoka 1997:25). It is possible that 
the situation may have improved since then.
10 PaulKishindo 
Community Development Projects 
The Community Sub-Project component seems to be more important as far as 
community development is concerned, because it reflects local needs and prioritics. 
As MAS AF funding is demand-driven, only those communities which make 
the effort to seek support will benefit. Seeking such support presupposes, however, 
that:
(a) the community recognises the existence of a common problem needing 
collective effort to resolve; 
(b)thecomrnunityisawarcoflhccxislcnceofMASAFasafundingagency; 
(c) the community is aware and understands the procedures for procuring 
MASAF funds. 
To ensure (b) and (c), MASAF embarked upon a publicity campaign using 
newspapers, posters and the radio. Seminars were also held for traditional and 
political leaders to sensitise them to MASAF activities and procedures for securing 
project funding. 
The major hurdle in community development is at the initial stage. Someone 
must recognise a problem affecting their community, or a deficiency in their living 
standards, and feel motivated enough to bring it to the attention of the relevant 
village authorities, lor a possible collective solution. Collective action will occur 
when people arc persuaded that there is indeed a shared problem and that its 
solution is for the common good. 
The recognition of a problem or a deficiency in the living conditions of a 
community, often presupposes awareness or experience of a better quality of life. 
Given the high rate of illiteracy, which stands at more than 50%, and poor 
communications, exposure to the outside world and higher standards of living 
tends to be limited in many rural communities. The existing living conditions, 
therefore, may appear to be the only ones possible. Previously, front line workers 
of the Department of Community Development were charged with the responsibility 
of helping communities to recognise their needs and how best to solve them; 
but the emphasis on community empowerment under the MASAF project seems 
to have undermined this role. 
Given the situation above, retired civil servants, teachers, business people and 
returned labour migrants have often served as initiators of ideas, as well as 
facilitators of technical and financial assistance for community projects, including 
those for which MASAF funding has been sought (Kasmann and Chirwal997:25). 
A new situation has arisen, whereby the effectiveness of an MP is measured in
Community Project Funding in Malawi 11 
terms of what the local press refer to as "development consciousness". A "development-
conscious" MP is one who initiates or facilitates local development 
projects (see for example, TheNation,29 September 1997: 4; UDF News, 11-13 
August 1998: 3; Tamvani, 12-13 September 1998: 1). The role of an MP as an 
initiator of development ideas, becomes critical in communities with few educated 
people or with experience of the world outside the confines of the village. Without 
other enlightened leadership, communities led by a "development- conscious" MP 
would benefit from MASAF, rather than those led by one who is not "development-
conscious" (c/Abito 1998:164). The uneven distribution of "developmentconscious" 
leadership could be a major factor in the perpetuation of inequalities in 
development. For example, by September 1997,45% of MASAF funded community 
projects were located in the Southern Region; 38% in the Central Region and 
17% in the Northern Region {Malawi Social Action Fund Monthly Digest, 
September 1997: 17). Almost 80% of community projects are in the education 
sector and they consist of classrooms, teachers' houses and school administration 
blocks (Tsoka 1997: 25). 
The preponderance of education projects may be a reflection of the importance 
that people attach to primary education in the wake of the government's free 
primary education policy inaugurated in October 1994; or the influence of 
headmasters and teachers as opinion leaders in the identification of community 
projects. 
In a country with poor health indicators like Malawi, it may be expected for 
health projects such as health units to feature prominently, yet they account for 
about 4% of MAS AF funded projects. This, however, should not be taken to mean 
that communities do not appreciate the need for health facilities: it has to do with 
government policy which stipulates that there should be no health units within 8km 
of one another (MASAF Management Unit 1998: 5)- 
In view of this policy, MASAF funds health projects for which there is prior 
commitment by government upon completion {Malawi Social Action Fund Quarterly 
Report, October-December 1996:6). This policy was apparently designed to 
keep the number of health units within limits, so the government can afford to 
provide the necessary human and material resources. The effect of this policy, 
however, is to deny some communities access to free medical treatment available 
at government health facilities, when the facilities within the 8km radius charge 
fees (c/Kishindo 1994: 208). 
District distribution of MASAF funded projects in 1996 and 1997 (2) revealed 
that Blantyre district in the Southern Region had the largest number of MASAF 
funded projects in the country, while Thyolo in the same region had the lowest 
{Malawi Social Action Fund Quarterly Report, October-December 1996: 12; 
MASAF Monthly Digest, September 1997: 17). This is attributed to two major
12 Paul Kishindo 
factors: 
(a) MPs representing rural constituencies in the area are very active in 
mobilising people for self-help projects; 
(b) a large proportion of the district's rural population has been exposed to 
better living conditions during their visits to Blantyre city, making it easy 
for them to appreciate the need for community improvement projects. 
The low level of community projects in Thyolo is attributed to a number of factors: 
(a) community disillusionment with development agencies based on past 
experience when promises of funding were not honoured; 
(b) reluctance of communities to make an upfront contribution; 
(c) the non-existence of Area Development Committees; 
(d) inactive political and traditional leaders who do not seem to appreciate 
the importance of self-help in community improvement (Malawi Social 
Action Fund Quarterly Report, October-December 1996; cf Tsoka 1997: 
22). 
The fundamental problem in Thyolo could be disillusionment with development 
agencies, including the government, who failed to honour theirpromises of support 
for community-initiated projects. Disillusionment with the way government 
assistance was distributed to communities and projects, was identified in 1987 as 
a major contributory factor to the decline of the self-help spirit in rural Malawi 
(Malawi Government 1988: 126). 
The feeling of having been cheated, could have made grassroots political leaders 
and chiefs lose interest in community development work, accounting for their 
reluctance to facilitate the formation of development committees. In these circumstances, 
MASAF appeared as one more unreliable development agency. Without 
the authority of chiefs, mobilisation of community resources including labour, 
becomes difficult if not impossible. 
It is possible that the situation in Thyolo and other districts with low levels of 
community projects, such asMwanzaandNkhata Bay, has changed since 1997 and 
that more development projects have been carried out (2). But if the 1996 and 1997 
trend continues, then Thyolo and those other "inactive" districts will continue to 
lag behind, negatively affecting their social infrastructure and ultimately their 
quality of life. 
(2) At the time of writing, 1998 and 1999 distribution figures were not readily available.
Community Project Funding in Malawi 13 
Concluding Remarks 
MAS AF's demand-driven approach to project funding introduces the element of 
competition in community development. A community can obtain funding for as 
many projects as it manages to complete. Communities with leadership that is able 
to initiate or support development institutions arc more likely to advance in terms 
of infrastructural development, than those who lack such leadership. The approach 
effectively penalises communities with poor leadership and/or lazy members. 
Ultimately, imbalances in the distribution of social and economic infrastructure 
between geographical areas and communities will widen. If the 1996 and 1997 
pattern persists, the gap between Blantyre, regarded as the most socially and 
economically developed district in the country and Thyolo, one of the most underserved 
in terms of social amenities, will continue to widen unless there is direct 
intervention by government or non-governmental organisations to redress the 
imbalance. 
The Ministry of Community Services, responsible for community development, 
with the assistance of other ministries and government agencies, such as 
District Administration and National Economic Council (NEC); should map the 
distribution of social infrastructure such as schools, health units, post offices, and 
water supply systems in relation to population distribution. Such a map would 
reveal which areas are under-served in terms of social services and infrastructure 
and would form the basis of intervention by government or non-governmental 
organisations. It would also provide MAS AF with a basis for prioritising funding 
requests from communities. On the basis of this map, deprived areas would receive 
priority consideration for project funding. 
In under-served areas which are unable to initiate their own development 
projects, it would become the responsibility of community development agents to 
help these communities recognise their problems and how best to solve them. Until 
such a time as "development-conscious" leadership at the grassroots becomes 
more widely distributed, such leadership may have to come from outside. Thus, 
there is arole for community development agents in thecontextof the new demanddriven 
approach to community project funding, to help communities recognise 
their needs, articulate them to relevant authorities and potential supporters, and 
organise themselves to implement solutions. 
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14 Paul Kishindo 
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