Journal of Social Development in Africa (2000), 15,1, 93-108 
The Persistence of the Family Farm and 
the Economy of Affection: The 
Cameroonian Case 
JILLY M. NGWAINMBI* 
ABSTRACT 
This case study attempts to account for the persistence of the economy of affection 
in Cameroon in light of the persistence of the family farm debate. The study 
demonstrates, like previous studies, that the economy of affection persists 
because of subjective values such as the farmers' desire to be independent; the 
farmers' viewofagricullureasawayof life; andfarmcrs' purpose and satisfaction 
in life derived from bonds and relations formed in the production process. In 
addition, the study clearly documents the importance of: 1) a sacred component to 
agriculture; 2) agricultural rituals which provide for social bonding and cooperation; 
and 3) a process of self-definition, self-determination, and selfactualization 
associated with food production. 
Introduction 
The development of a global capitalist economy and the emergence of transnational 
corporations raise questions about the role of the state and internal forces within 
each nation in the process of social change. Some have argued that the globalization 
of capitalism has resulted in an alteration of production patterns in the 
developing nations, transforming them into cash crop exporters controlled by 
multinational capital, thereby threatening food security (Bonanno et al. 1990). 
Despite the transformatory nature of capitalism, however, non-capitalist forms of 
production still persist globally. One such form is the family farm which continues 
to persist, not only in nations with less developed capitalist systems, but also in 
advanced capitalist societies. This persistence of the family farm or small 
holdings has been the focus of research and ongoing debate in the sociology of 
agriculture for the last decade. However, the focus of most of this research has 
been on advanced capitalist societies, based on a set of assumptions that may not 
•Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Fayetteville Slate University, 1200 
Murchison Road, Fayetteville, North Carolina 28301-4298.
94 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
necessary apply to less advanced capitalist societies. 
This paper examines the persistence of "the economy of affection" in Cameroon 
in light of reasons given for the persistence of the family farm in western, 
advanced capitalist economies. Since an attempt to explain farmers' behavior and 
farm practices is implicit in the persistence of the family farm debate, this paper 
utilizes a case study based on farmers' responses to a number of agricultural 
policies designed to promote commercial agriculture. Although the focus of the 
paper is not on the state and its role in the development of capitalist agriculture, 
one cannot explain the persistence of the economy of affection in Cameroon, 
without considering the active role the state plays in promoting the development 
of capitalist agriculture in Cameroon. The state is known to be active and 
instrumental in attracting and orienting both foreign and indigenous capital 
toward the course of rapid and export-oriented industrialization (Grahl 1983, 
Jenkins 1984). This explains why the case study is based on farmers' responses 
to agricultural policies designed to promote commercial agriculture. 
In Cameroon, a dual mode of production exists: a premature capitalist mode 
and a more entrenched mode of production referred to by some as "the economy 
of affection" (Hydcn 1980). By "the economy of affection", we are simply 
referring to an African version of the family farm. Since the economy of affection 
predominates Cameroonian agriculture and it operates on principles that go 
against the logic of capitalism, the introduction and promotion of capitalism in 
agriculture is primarily the task of the suite. 
How then do we explain the predominance of this economy of affection, 
despite the transformatory nature of capitalist forces and especially the active role 
of the state in the transformation process? 
A number of explanations have been advanced from research conducted 
mostly in western societies with advanced capitalist (in some cases post-capitalist) 
economies and democratic political regimes. We believe it is of great 
theoretical significance to utilize these explanatory postures in analyzing the logic 
of the economy of affection in Cameroon, a developing country with a nondemocratic 
political regime and a powerful state as the main catalyst for capitalist 
development, especially in the agricultural sector. Before turning to the case 
study, we want to first examine these explanatory postures in order to situate the 
Cameroonian case in the context of the theoretical debates. 
Theoretical Considerations 
A Marxist perspective in North American agricultural research has been neglected 
for decades because of the persistence of the family farm (Buttel et al.
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 95 
1990). In the past decade, however, researchers have come to question this, in their 
attempt to account for the persistence of the family farm. This phenomenon has 
been explained by some in terms of the particularities of agriculture and the 
barriers to rapid capitalist development in all areas of agriculture. The following 
barriers and particularities have been identified: 1) perishability of some products; 
2) non-identity between production and labor time; 3) payment of rents even if 
land is not put into productive use; 4) labor recruitment problems; 5) insufficient 
use of constant capital; and, 6) lower rate of profit (Mann & Dickinson 1978). 
The persistence of some forms like simple commodity production have been 
explained in terms of certain advantages they possess such as: 1) the capability of 
out-competing capitalist farms in the hostile context of competitive markets 
regarding production and agricultural commodities; 2) the ability to cope with 
high risk and cyclical demand for labor in most agricultural commodity systems; 
3) the absence of profit earning requirements (as for capitalist farms) necessary 
for reproducing their enterprises; and, 4) the ability to be more flexible than 
capitalists in reducing their consumption to the subsistence level to survive severe 
market downturns (Fricdmann 1980,1981). However, both Mann and Dickinson 
and Friedmann have emphasized the transformatory tendencies in both forms, i.e, 
the subsequent subordination of independent producers by non-farm capital. 
Others account for the slow process of capitalist transformations in agriculture 
in terms of emerging forms of the capitalist economy, especially political 
relations, competitive market structures and organization of credit institutions 
(McMichacl 1987). This perspective argues that agriculture tends to experience 
capitalist development less rapidly than other branches of industry. It is believed 
that with the forces of proletarianization and stale subsidized capital accumulation 
in agriculture, family farms would gradually be transformed, resulting in 
division between the social classes (Newby 1978, de Janvry 1980). Some have 
emphasized the penetration of agriculture by capitalist relations of production, 
similar in many ways to those in other branches of industry and that the pace and 
nature of this penetration vary widely, depending on the commodity system in 
question (Fricdland el al. 1981). 
Some theorists argue that due to the vital services small holdings provide to the 
industrial sector and the stale's strategy of decentralized economic development, 
such small holdings will continue to persist. In this context, while agricultural 
production takes place on farms organized along capitalist lines, part-time 
farming serves as a back-up alternative for the workers in industrial plants located 
in rural areas. In times of industrial contraction and high unemployment, displaced 
workers with small farms may turn temporarily to subsistence production 
until industrial conditions improve, hence forming a reserve labor force (Mottura 
& Puglicse 1980). The incorporation of agricultural and non-agricultural produc-
96 JiUy M Ngwainmbi 
tion spheres, in some cases, derives from the state's strategy of mediating the 
interests of theconflicting social classes in the emerging social orders of advanced 
societies such as the US and Italy (Bonanno 1987). The slate is also viewed as 
instrumental in maintaining non-profitable small holdings, in order to secure a 
labor reserve for the industrial sector (Bonanno 1987, Taylor 1979, Wenger & 
Buck 1988). 
Some studies have provided a synthesis, premised on the existence of contradictory 
class locations in which the family labor farmer, capitalist farmer, and 
agricultural wage labor all exist. Many dclours arc taken, such as tenancy, contract 
farming, part-time farming and debtors, to avoid proletarianization, i.e, cither 
being forced out of agriculture or becoming hired agricultural laborers. The 
existence of these contradictory classes is explained by formal and nco-Weberian 
substantive rational ity. It is argued that some farmers arc motivated by substantive 
rationality, i.e., the desire to be autonomous in their work, consequently they hold 
onto their farms and farming lifestyles (Mooncy 1986, 1988; Pfeffer 1983). 
Sub-culture has also been used to explain the persistence of small holdings. The 
argument is that families with German backgrounds, for example, lend to view 
farming as a way of life and therefore keeping the family farm intact is a cherished 
value (Salamon 1980, 1985; Salamon & Davis Brown 1986). Based on this 
argument, some have rejected capital penetration as upholding the "totality" of 
each sector (Hydcn 1980). Consequently, a limited state intervention in the 
agricultural sector has been proposed (Offe 1985; Bonanno & Calasanti 1988). 
In sum, the debate can be defined through four categories of explanatory 
postures. Small holdings persist due to: 1) certain temporary advantages and 
particularities they possess, emphasizing the transitory tendency of capitalist 
forms (dc Janvry 1980, Fricdland et al. 1981, Fricdmann 1980, 1981; Mann & 
Dickinson 1978, McMichael 1987, Ncwby 1978, 1983a, 1983b); 2) some vital 
services they provide to the industrial sector and the state's strategic function of 
mcdialing interests of conflicting social classes (Bonnano 1987, Mottura & 
Puglicsc 1980, Taylor 1979, Wcngcr & Buck 1988); 3) the farmers' desire to be 
autonomous (Mooney 1986,1988; PfclTcr 1983); and 4) the view that farming is 
away of life (Hyden 1980, Salamon 1980,1985; Salamon & Davis Brown 1986). 
A discussion of the farmers' behavior and farm practices is implicit in the above. 
We now turn to the analysis of the economy of affection in Cameroon in light 
of these theoretical accounts, with the hope of bringing to this debate, significant 
insights and a different perspective.
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 91 
State Capitalism and Capitalist Agriculture in Cameroon 
Before an analysis of the economy of affection, farmers' behavior and farm 
practices is presented; there are significant distinctions to be made between 
capitalism in western societies such as the US and capitalism in developing 
countries, such as Cameroon. In western societies, the capitalist system is already 
well-established and it is the key institution which determines the structuring of 
other institutions. Capitalism exists in free, democratic political systems which 
facilitate its smooth operation. But in developing countries such as Cameroon, 
where the economy of affection tends to dominate the capitalist mode of 
production and the political system is non-democratic; the capitalist system owes 
its existence and development to a powerful state apparatus. The requirements of 
foreign exchange relations and the state's needs for foreign currency in its 
international transactions, have forced the Cameroonian state to promote capitalism 
aggressively, especially in the agricultural sector through policies favoring 
export-oriented agriculture. 
Before the arrival of Europeans to the territory now known as Cameroon, 
agriculture consisted in the exclusive production of food crops for local consumption 
and it was primarily the domain of women. The history of capitalism and 
especially export-oriented agriculture in Cameroon dates back to the colonial era, 
during which cash crops such as coffee, cocoa, rubber, and cotton were introduced 
(Rudin 1938). Thesecrops served the interests of colonial administrators and later 
those of the indigenous governing elite following independence. The Germans, 
shortly after their arrival in Cameroon in 1884, found coffee growing wildly in 
some parts of the territory. After experimentation at the Victoria Botanical 
Gardens, the crop was distributed to farmers who were coerced into growing it. 
From then on, export-oriented agriculture was encouraged and promoted by some 
form of state policy. 
To encourage the production of export crops such as coffee, cocoa, cotton, and 
rubber; the government provides incentives in the form of agricultural credit, 
fertilizer, building equipment, free training undertaken by agricultural agents, and 
big prizes for the best farms offered to farmers during agricultural shows. The 
extent to which the average Cameroonian fanner responds to these incentives, 
depends on anumberof factors, the most important being the farmers' world view, 
deriving from traditional farming practices. 
To what extent then has capitalism penetrated Cameroon's economy, especially 
the agricultural sector? To the extent that the Cameroonian economy is 
articulated within the global capitalist system, through the active role of the 
Cameroonian state, it is capitalist. More realistically, however, it can be argued
98 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
that there is a dual mode of production: 1) one mode dominated by subjective 
rationality, referred to as the economy of affection, in which more than 70% of the 
population is engaged; and 2) a state capitalist mode driven by the needs and 
demands of the ruling elite, effected through aggressive development policies. 
This dualistic mode of production is derived from a modified version of Taylor's 
(1979) and Hyden's (1980) contributions to the articulation of the modes of 
production. Rather than talking of the modes of production at theproduction level, 
we prefer the notion of "the forms of social organization of production." In this 
sense, the global capitalist system is seen as penetrating diverse social formations 
in various ways and within these different social formations themselves, social 
relations of production need not be transformed to the same degree as in all regions 
and/or sectors of the economy (Foster-Cater 1978, Cardoso & Faletto 1979). 
Therefore, our analysis of the economy of affection, farmers' behavior and farm 
practices, will be guided by the impact of the following two forces originating 
from this dualism and farmers' responses to them: 1) formal, rational economic 
forces; and 2) subjective rational forces. 
The Case Study 
The interest in the economy of affection, farmers' behavior and farm practices in 
Cameroon was generated by a study conducted in 1990 of Cameroon's agricultural 
policies and their social and economic outcomes by this author. Through the 
analysis of policy documents and interviewing farmers, it was discovered that 
despite attractive econom ic and monetary incentives provided by the state in order 
to facilitate the development of capitalism in agriculture, most farmers had 
expressed little interest. Even those already engaged in the production of export 
crops were either practicing mixed cropping or had abandoned export agriculture 
completely and were concentrating their efforts on producing food crops exclusively. 
It became very clear from this study that the majority of farmers had abandoned 
export agriculture and turned to the production of food crops exclusively. In an 
effort to understand and explain this behavior, a sample of 101 farmers was 
selected from three villages in three provinces and interviewed in 1991. The 
choice of this sampling method was due to four main factors: 1) the need to focus 
on the target group of male coffee and cocoa farmers, concentrated essentially in 
three provinces; 2) the domination of export agriculture by males; 3) the fact that 
traditionally, females do not own land; and, 4) the exploratory nature of the study, 
where the findings were not necessarily intended to be generalized beyond the 
sample.
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 99 
Of the 101 farmers, 89% were males and only 11 % were females. Of the 11 
females that were interviewed, six were widows, three accepted to be interviewed 
because their husbands asked them to, and two reluctantly accepted to be 
interviewed because their husbands were away in the city. Although most of the 
farm work was done by these women, they tended to refer us to their husbands or 
some male member of the family for questions. Of the 101 respondents, 92% 
considered agriculture to be their main occupation. The majority of the respondents 
(81 %) reported producing forexport, local markcts,and family consumption. 
However, more than 95% said their main preoccupation was with food production, 
in order to provide food for their families; whereas production for export and 
local markets was undertaken to make money for non-food items and to provide 
for other needs. 
When asked which crops they considered to be most important, 74% of the 
respondents chose food crops, 22% chose cash crops, while 4% chose both. The 
reasons they gave for choosing food crops as the most important were that: 1) food 
is a principal source of life and its production links them to their ancestors and the 
"Supreme being," hence 86% said they concentrated most of their time and effort 
on food production; 2) food crops are a source of income (4%); and, 3) it provides 
a sense of self (10%). When asked to explain what they meant by saying that food 
production linked them to their ancestors and the "Supreme being", they alluded 
to the rituals and two sacred sacrifices offered before the plan ling season and after 
harvest. Although 78% of the respondents said the production of cash crops took 
more time and effort, they found the activity worthwhile as they could make up 
to 500,000frs CFA (USS3000) at the end of the crop season and with this money, 
they could realize a major project. This kind of project, such as building a house, 
would be very difficult to finance from the sale of food crops. 
Regarding what influenced their decisions most as to which crops to produce, 
52% of the respondents thought the need for money to buy non-food items did; 
•11 % of them thought that cooperatives did; and 23% thought government policy 
did; while 14% were undecided. But when asked about the crops they thought they 
had more freedom in making decisions about production, sales, prices, etc., 85% 
of them said food crops, 11 % said cash crops, while 4% said both. The majority 
of the respondents were dissatisfied with farming, and 85% of them attributed this 
dissatisfaction to government policy and interference. For example, one of the 
respondents said: 
"... Dah thing wonna di collam gobna go kill man... them 
say me a no get right for cut down da coffee for ma 
farm... I dong leave the thing for bush, I no go pass foot for day."
100 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
In essence, she was expressing rage at the law which forbids the destruction of 
coffee plants once planted and said she and her husband had decided to abandon 
the coffee farm. 
Regarding the most common means for selling crops, 60% of the respondents 
said they sold their crops exclusively through the cooperatives; 33% said they did 
it only through private individual buyers; while 7% said they sold their crops 
through the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) exclusively. In terms of 
what determined the prices of their produce most, 10% said themselves, 81 % said 
the government, 4% said private buyers, and 5% said market forces. The majority 
of the respondents (90%) said they had more freedom in making various farm 
decisions about food crops than they did about export crops. However, some 
concern was expressed about government intervention in setting very low prices 
for food crops. In most cities, it is the government corporation (MIDE VIV) which 
sets and enforces the prices of food crops to prevent food shortages and consequently 
urban unrest. This price policy has resulted in a decline in food supply to 
urban areas since 1985 as reported by 78% of the respondents. 
In sum, the results of the case study demonstrate that the majority of farmers 
(95%) are engaged in agriculture primarily to provide food for their families. 
About 81 % produce for exports, local markets and family consumption; 95% are 
engaged in agriculture to provide food for their families; 74% chose food crops 
as more important to them than export crops, because its production links them to 
their ancestors and the "Supreme being"; 90% said they had more freedom in 
making decisions about prices, sales and production of food crops than export 
crops; 85% expressed dissatisfaction with fanning because of government policy 
and interference; and 81 % said the government determined the prices of export 
crops. According to these findings, export-driven agricultural policies have 
generally tended to alienate export crop producers, forcing them to re-direct their 
resources to and concentrate their effort on the food sector. Although the sample 
taken for this case study is not representative of the Camcroonian agricultural 
population; the views expressed nonetheless, do reflect the general opinions of the 
average Camcroonian farmer. 
Theoretical Explanations and Implications of Findings 
Simple economic models would suggest that the farmers enthusiastically engaged 
in the production of export crops, especially coffee and cocoa, because they were 
interested in maximizing profit, i.e., making money from the rising world market 
prices for these products. In other words, the farmers' behavior is explained in 
terms of economic rationality. They engaged in the production of export crops in
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 101 
the 1970s and early 1980s, because the government offered them higher prices for 
their coffee and cocoa, and when prices started to decline in the 1990s, they 
decided to switch to the production of food crops as these were more profitable 
than cash crops. But a closer look at the situation, suggests alternative accounts 
revolving around the logic of the economy of affection. One of the most intriguing 
phenomena about Cameroonian agriculture is the farmers' tendency to operate on 
principles that go against what Weber (1978) referred to as formal rationality, that 
is: farmers' behavior and farm practices tend to be guided by subjective rationality.
Leis (1964) attempted to explain a similar phenomenon among the Ijaws of 
Nigeria: the switch from palm oil production, which was more profitable, to the 
production of illicit gin. Using Weber's theoretical approach in the "Protestant 
Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism", Leis argued that this switch could be explained 
by the desire of the Ijaws for freedom and independence. In other words, the 
explanation for the change in economic activity was to be found in the value that 
the Ijaw people attached to their independence. Formal rationality had little to do 
with the change in economic activity. 
Beus and Dunlap (1991) established a high correlation between the attitudes 
held by Washington State agricultural producers and behavior. They measured 
behavior in terms of the farm organization to which producers are affiliated. Allen 
and Bernhandt (1995) also found there to be a relation between production 
practices and world views, with specific attitudes related to agricultural production 
practices among farmers in Nebraska. These attitudes and world views are not 
consistent with formal rationality. They are subjective values which the farmers 
consider to be very important in determining their behavior and farm practices. In 
our case study, what factors accounted for the the persistence of the economy of 
affection, in the context of the kind of behavior and farm practices taking place? 
The switch from export to food crop production could be explained partially by 
non-profitability of coffee and cocoa production in the 1990s. In the 1990s, coffee 
and cocoa production did not yield as much profit as it did in the 1970s and 1980s. 
However, the production of these crops was still relatively more profitable than 
that of food crops. Therefore, non-profitability would be of marginal significance 
in accounting for the farmers' behavior. As the case study suggests, the majority 
of Cameroonian farmers operated on the basis of indigenous values; the most 
important being independence, sacredness associated with agriculture, and agricultural 
rituals. 
For most Cameroonian farmers, being free to do what they wish with their land, 
to produce the crops they choose, to sell their crops to whoever they want, to 
decide what to do with their products, and free to work on the farm when they feel 
like it, with no rigid timetables and requirements; are very important value
102 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
orientations. The production of coffee and cocoa, however, came with a number 
of constraints and requirements (which directly or indirectly infringed upon these 
value orientations), among which were: 1) once planted the farmer was required 
by law to never destroy the coffee plants; 2) to sell the coffee crop only through 
the government controlled cooperatives at prices set by the government; 3) to 
apply fertilizer supplied by the cooperatives at specified periods; and, 4) to expand 
and improve the coffee farm yearly, in order to continue to benefit from services 
offered by the cooperatives and the agricultural extension service. Requirements 
such as these were considered by the farmers to be an infringement upon their 
freedom and independence. However, because of the initial high returns from the 
production of these crops and the government's manipulative strategies, most 
farmers were attracted to this economic activity. 
As the case study demonstrates, agriculture is more than just an economic 
activity for most farmers. It is symbolic and it provides them with a sense of self, 
belonging, and identity. Agriculture gives life meaning and provides farmers with 
a feeling of accomplishment and independence. The meaning of life emerges from 
participation in the production process (Miller 1982, Veblen 1979). The government's 
engagement in the production process tends to disrupt this process of selfdefinition, 
self-actualization, and self-determination (Collins 1990). The farmers' 
world revolves around agriculture. Productive activities associated with the 
production of specific food crops such as corn, beans, yams and coco yams have 
created what Veblen (1979) referred to as habits of the mind, which in turn have 
produced certain cultural values, norms, indigenous beliefs, and customs guiding 
and directing the farmers' daily activities. The farmers can be referred to as "the 
industrious class" and the government and policy-makers as "the predatory class" 
(Veblen 1979). In Marx's terminology, the farmers came to the realization that, 
by producing export crops, they were alienated from the production activity, their 
product, their fellow farmers, and their human potential. Consequently, they 
decided to abandon this economic activity. 
Another explanation of the farmers' behavior, which emerged from the case 
study, is the farmers' sacred view of agriculture and land. Cameroonian farmers 
believe they are guardians and stewards of the land, entrusted to them by the 
"Supreme being." The land and agricultural activities are some of the ways in 
which the fanners address their concerns to the "Supreme being." The production 
of certain food crops is absolutely essential to maintaining a close relationship 
with one's ancestors and the "Supreme being." There are a number of rituals 
associated with agriculture and land, and these rituals are tied to the production 
of corn, beans, yams, and coco yams. Among these rituals, there are two of utmost 
importance: one performed prior to the planting season and the other performed 
after the harvest season. The former is performed to request a good crop and
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 103 
harvest. It is believed that a good harvest depends on whether or not the "Supreme 
being" and ancestors are satisfied with the village or tribe. The determination of 
this satisfaction is based on the proper stewardship of the land. The latter ritual 
deals with the fanners' desire to express their gratitude for the harvest, especially 
a good one. A bad harvest requires a ritualistic sacrifice of a greater magnitude, 
because it is believed that this is indicative of the dissatisfaction of the "Supreme 
being" with some mishandling of the land. 
The farmers believe that with the production of crops such as coffee and cocoa, 
certain principles and rituals associated with land stewardship are violated, since 
rituals revolve around the production of specific food rather than export crops. In 
producing these export crops, cooperation and group unity arc undermined 
because the farmers tend to be encouraged to compete and hence the organization 
of work groups is discouraged- This competition tends to result in the sale of land, 
including sacred pieces of land that are not supposed to be sold. Therefore, the 
farmers' behavior must be understood in terms of what Hydcn (1980) referred to 
as the "Economy of Affection," in which peasants tend to resist capital values and 
incentives. The farmers rely primarily on economic activities which fulfil their 
subsistence requirements and arc less responsive to market signals and indifferent 
or resistant to state policy. 
Discussion and Conclusions 
Our analysis of farmers' behavior and farm practices in Cameroon has identified 
the following key factors to account for the persistence of the economy of 
affection, certain behavior patterns, and farm practices associated with 
Camcroonian farmers: 1) economic incentives provided by the state; 2) the state 
and agricultural policy; and, 3) subjective values associated with agriculture. The 
analysis suggests that although capitalism is gradually permeating Cameroonian 
agriculture, Cameroonian farmers attribute more to agriculture than just economic 
activity. Some of the findings are consistent with those of previous studies 
which suggest that farmers' behavior and farm practices arc to be understood in 
terms of subjective values such as: 1) independence or what Mooney (1986) 
referred to as the farmers' desire to be "their own boss;" 2) the farmers' view of 
farming as a way oflifc (Pfcffcr 1989, Salamon 1980, 1985; Salamon & Davis 
Brown 1986); and 3) the view that the farmers' purpose and satisfaction in life are 
derived from the social bonds and rejations formed in the production process 
(Ross et al. 1986). However, some findings of the case study provide new insights 
to our understanding of thcpersistcnccof thcfamily, farmers' behaviors,and farm 
practices. The case study demonstrated that: 1) there is a sacred component to
104 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
agriculture; 2) there arc rituals which provide for social bonding; and 3) there is 
a process of self-definition, self-determination, and self-actualization associated 
with food production. These three forces determine and structure farmers' 
everyday life and social existence. Food production provides a special medium to 
and bond with one's ancestors and the "Supreme being." Consequently, agricultural 
policies driven by economic models which only assume farmers' responsiveness 
to economic incentives, without considering other subjective values 
such as those discussed above; lend to alienate farmers and are doomed to failure. 
The findings of this study further suggest that the notion of a global capitalist 
system as an analytical concept should be utilized cautiously, because it tends to 
mask and underestimate the role of internal social forces, such as the state and 
indigenous values, in determining the nature and direction of social change within 
developing nations. In Cameroon, the slate plays an active role in introducing, 
promoting and facilitating the development of capitalism in agriculture. However, 
this task is a difficult one due lo: 1) ihc farmer's deep-rooted attachment to 
the land and the rituals that accompany this attachment; 2) the fact that agricultural 
policies designed to promote capitalist agriculture tend instead to strengthen the 
farmer's bonds with the land and promote other subjective values associated with 
agriculture; and, 3) the fact that farmers view ihc state as a competitor and direct 
rival. 
Due lo the exploratory nature of this study and the limitations imposed by the 
sample, it is not possible to establish with some degree of certainty a causal 
relationship between farmers' behavior, values and state policy. Therefore, any 
inferences drawn from the findings must be treated with caution. Further research 
of an explanatory nature including more variables, such as family size, educational 
level, ethnic origin, level of urbanization, and available farm land; is 
certainly needed to be able to determine the exact role of subjective values in the 
persistence of the economy of affection, farmers' behavior and farm practices. 
This study also suggests that the farmers' behavior is indicative of considerable 
social outcomes to stale rural development policies that may not have been 
anticipated. A thorough investigation of these social outcomes is necessary lo 
provide policy-makers with information that will help them make informed policy 
choices. 
References 
Allen, J. C. & Bcrnhardt (1995) "Farming Practices and Adherence to an Alternative-
Conventional Agricultural Paradigm", in Rural Sociology, 60,2- 297- 
309.
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 105 
Berry, W. (1977) The Unsettling of America: Culture and Agriculture. New 
York: Avon Books. 
Beus, C. E. & Riley D. (1990) "Conventional Versus Alternative Agriculture: The 
Paradigmatic Roots of the Debate", in Rural Sociology, 55: 590-616. 
Bonanno, A. (1987) Small Farms: Persistence with Legitimation. Boulder Co.: 
Westview Press. 
Bonnano, A. (1989) "Agriculture and Dualistic Development: The Case of Italy", 
in Agriculture and Human Values, 6,1-2: 91-100. 
Bonanno, A. et al. (1990) "Agrarian Policy in the U.S. and EC: A Comparative 
Analysis", in A. Bonanno (ed) Agrarian Policies and Agricultural Systems. 
Buttel, F. H. & Goodman, D. (1989) "Class, State, Technology and International 
Food Regimes: An Introduction to Recent Trends in the Sociology and 
Political Economy of Agriculture", in Sociologia Ruralis, 29, 2. 
Buttel, F.H, Larson, O.F. & Gillespie, G.W. (1990) The Sociology of Agriculture. 
New York: Greenwood Press. 
Cardoso, F. H. & Falelto (1979) Dependency and Development in Latin 
America. Berkley: University of California Press. 
Collins, P. H. (1990) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, 
and the Politics of Empowerment. Cambridge: Unwin Hyman. 
de Garine, I. (1978) "Population, Production, and Culture in the Plain Societies 
of Northern Cameroon and Chad Anthropologist and Development Projects", 
in Current Anthropology, 1: 42-57. 
de Garine, I. & Koppert (1988) "Coping with Seasonal Fluctuations in Food 
Supply among Savanna Populations: The Massa and Mussey of Chad and 
Cameroon" in I. de Garine & G. A. Harrison (eds) Coping with Uncertainty 
in Food Supply. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 
de Janvry, A. (1985) "Social Differentiation in Agriculture and the Ideology of 
Neopopulism", in Rural Sociology of Advanced Societies: Critical Perspectives, 
Washington, DC. 
de Janvry, A. & Le Veen, P. (1986) "Historical Forces that have shaped World 
Agriculture: A Structural Perspective", in K. A. Dahlberg (ed) New Directions 
for Agriculture and Agricultural Research. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and 
Allanheld. 
Drengson, A. R. (1985) 'Two Philosophies of Agriculture: From Industrial 
Paradigms to Natural Patterns", in The Trumpeter, 3 (Spring): 17-22. 
Ferguson, A. & Horn, N. (1984) "Resource Guide: Women in Agriculture." 
Cameroon. 
Foster-Carter, A. (1978) "The Modes of Production Controversy", in New Left 
Review, 107: 47-77. 
Friedmann, H. (1980) "Household Production and the National Economy", in
106 Jilly M Ngwainmbi 
Journal of Peasant Studies, 7,2: 158-184. 
Friedmann H (1981) "The Family Farm in Advanced Capitalism: Outline 
of aTheory of Simple Commodity Production in Agriculture." Paper presented 
at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Toronto, 
GratffJS(1986) "Coffee in Cameroon in Economics of Coffee." Wegeningen, 
Netherlands. PUDOC, 226-251. 
Grahl, J. (1983) "Restructuring in Western European Industry , in Capital and 
GuyerSj! I. (1984) Family and Farm in Southern Cameroon. Boston, MA: 
African Studies Centre, Boston University. 
Havens A E & Ncwby.H. (1986) "Agriculture and the Slate", in A.E. Havens, 
G M* Hooks, P.H. Mooney & MJ. Pfcffcr (eds) Studies in the Transformation 
of U. S. Agriculture. Boulder, Co.:Wcstview Press. 
Henn J K (1978) "Peasants, Workers and Capital: The Political Economy of 
Labor and Incomes in Cameroon." Unpublished thesis, Hazard University, 
Cambridge, MA. _ _ _ , , . . 
Hooks G. M. (1983) "A New Deal for Farmers and Social Scientists: The Politics 
of Rural Sociology in the Depression Era", in Rural Sociology, 48: 386-408. 
Hyden, G. (1980) Uncaptured Peasantry. London: Heinemann. 
Jenkins, R. (1974) "Division over the International Division of Labor", in Capital 
and Class, 22. 
Leis, P. (1964) Palm Oil, Illicit Gin, and the Moral Order of the Ijaw", in 
American Anthropologist, 66. 
Long N. & Roberts, B. (1988) Mines, Peasants and Entrepreneurs: Regional 
Development in Central Highlands of Peru.Cambridge: Cambridge University 
Press. 
Majka, L. L. & Majka, T. J. (1982) Farm Workers, Agribusiness, and the State. 
Philadelphia: Temple University. 
Mann, S. & Dickinson, J. M. (1978) "Obstacles to the Establishment of a 
Mann, S., Dickinson, J. M. & Mills, C. Wright (1951) White Collar: The 
McMichacl, P. (1987) "Bringing Circulation back into Agricultural Political 
Capitalist Agriculture", in Journal of Peasant Studies, 5:466-481. 
American Middle Classes. New York: Oxford University Press. 
Economy: Analyzing the Antebellum Plantation in its World Economy Context", 
in Rural Sociology, 52 (Summer): 242-263. 
Mooney, H. P. (1988) My Own Boss. Boulder, Co: Westview Press. 
Mooney, H. P. (1987) "Sociology and the Farm Crisis", in Mid-American 
Review of Sociology, 12: 3-14. 
Mooney, H. P. (1986) "Farming, Rationality, and Craftship: Beyond X-Effi-
The Persistence of the Family Farm & The Economy of Affection 107 
ciency", in Agriculture and Human Values, 54-58. 
Motlura, G. & Pugliese, E. (1980) "Capitalism in Agriculture and Capitalist 
Agriculture: The Italian Case", in F. H. Butiel and H. Newby (eds) The Rural 
Sociology of Advanced Societies. Moniclair, NJ: Allanhcld, Osmun & Co. 
Mouzclis, P. N. (1976) "Capitalism and the Development of Agriculture", in 
Journal of Peasant Studies, 3: 483-492. 
Mouzclis, P. N. (1988) "Sociology of Development: Reflections on the Present 
Crisis", in Sociology, 22,1: 23-44. 
Moyano, E. (1985) "The State and Interest Groups in the Creation and Implementation 
of Agricultural Policy in Spain", in Agriculture and Human Values, 
Winter: 38-47. 
Mveng, E. (1963) Histoire du Cameroun. Presence Africainc, Paris. 
Ndzana, V.O. (1987) Agriculture, petrole et politique au Cameroun. Harmattan. 
Ndzana, V.O. & Couradc (1984) "Marginalite el condition sociale du proletariat 
urban en Afrique Noire", in Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 81, 83,19: 347- 
374. 
Ncwby, H. (1983a) "The Sociology of Agriculture: Toward a New Rural Sociology", 
in Annual Review of Sociology, 9: 67-81. 
Ncwby, H. (1983b) "European Social Theory and ihc Agrarian Question: Toward 
• a Sociology of Agriculture", in G. F. Summers (cd) Technology and Social 
Change in Rural Areas. Boulder, CO: Wcstview Press. 
Offe.C. (1985) Disorganized Capitalism: Contemporary Transformations of 
Work and Politics. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. 
Oudcn, D. & Jan, H.B. (1987) "In Search of Personal Mobility: Changing 
Interpersonal Relations in Two Bamilikc Chiefdoms, Cameroon", in Africa, 
57: 1-20. 
Pfcffer, J. M. (1989) "Values and Policy Conflict in West German Agriculture", 
in Agriculture and Human Values, Winter-Spring: 69. 
Ross, D. P. et al. (1986) From the Roots Up: Economic Development as if 
Community Mattered. Croton-on-Hudson, New York: The Bootstrap Press. 
Rudin, R. H. (1938) Germans in the Cameroons, 1884-1914: A Case Study in 
Modern Imperialism. New Haven: Yale University Press. 
Salamon, S.I (1980) "Ethnic Differences in Farm Family Land Transfers", in 
Rural Sociology, 45 (Summer): 290-308. 
Salamon, S. (1985) "Ethnic Communities and the Structure of Agriculture", in 
Rural Sociology, 50 (Fall): 323-340 . 
Salamon, S. & Davis-Brown, K. (1986) "Middle-Range Farmers Persisting 
through the Agricultural Crisis", in Rural Sociology, 51 (Winter) :503-512. 
Taylor, J.G. (1976) "Review of Prc-Capitalisi Modes of Production", in Critique 
of Anthropology, 3,4/5: 127-155 & 3,6: 56-69.
108 Jilly M Ngwalnmbi 
Taylor, J. G. (1979) From Modernization to Modes of Production: A Critique 
of the Sociologies of Development and Underdevelopment. Atlantic Highlands, 
N. J.: Humanities Press. 
Veblen, T. B. (1979) "The Theory of the Leisure Class." New York: Penguin. 
Webcr.W (1978) Economy and Society. Edited by G. Roth & C. Wittich, 
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 
Wengcr M.G. & Pcm Davidson Buck (1988) "Farms, Families, and Superexploitation: 
An Iniegrative Reappraisal" , in Rural Sociology, 53 (Winter): 
460-472.