Dipholo/TRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT Trends in participatory development KENNETH B. DIPHOL01 ABSTRACT Participatory development planning has increasingly gained centre stage in the development process in African countries. In advocating the involvement of community members in the process of development. participatory development as a movement has become so obsessed with the concept that it ispresented as a religious theory. Yetby virtue of its broad nature. participation in development means different things to different people and the term is, therefore wide open to misinter- pretation. insights into changing focus of theories and the scope and focus of participatory developmental development. together with the problems inherent in both approaches. It describes a case study to illustrate the divide between ''particip- ation" in practice and advocates pragmatism in developmental This article provides and what actually happens theory. Introduction THIS PAPER EXAMINES the scope and focus of participatory development. It assesses the extent to which participation in development can offer"' solutions to national problems, with particular reference to the probJem of poverty and outlines the framework for participation, its constraints and opportunities. At the early stages of decolonization and subsequent political independence, nearly all Third World countries initiated a form of development planning characterized by five-year planning, mostly limited to increasing production and incomes generally.Since then there has been a paradigm shift from the established, central development planning model towards participatory development. After examining the factors that have undennined conventional practices in development I Department of Adult Education, Universityof Botswana IOl'17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 59 planning, it suggests that overall improvements have been achieved, as shown in some of the usual indicators of economic growth and human wellbeing and indicates that things are probably less bad than they might have been without the development efforts of countries and international organizations. The third section presents the underlying aspects of the new vision of development planning. It attempts to delineate the meaning and rationale for participatory development. Following this it seeks to map out the way forward by outlining the dimensions of the alternative approach. The article concludes" by sketching the weaknesses and strengths of the new paradigm and assessing how it seeks to integrate the propositions development approaches. of the traditional and strategies Development theory at the crossroads The challenges to development as a process for increasing incomes alongside simultaneous poverty reduction are particularly fierce in the all-pervading phenomenon of increasing levels of poverty and dispari- ties in wealth. The United Nations Development Programme (2000) reports that the world's least developed countries, described as the poorest of the poor, are increasing in number despite 20 years of inter- national efforts to break them out of the vicious cycle of aid-dependency. According to this report, Senegal, Congo and Ghana meet criteria to be added to the list this year (2000) amidst the serious deterioration oftheir economies. Their distinctiveness lies in the profound poverty of their people despite disproportionate expenditure on infrastructure and other services. Worldpoverty still persists and is increasing at an unprecedented rate. According to the 1998UNDP Report there are 1.6billion people, or one quarter of the world population, who are worse off than they were 35 years ago. Underlying this mystery is the conventional approach to development, based on modernization theory. According to this theory, development is promoted by fast overall economic growth. This can only be achieved through capitalization for high productivity and through the application of science to production and services, such as 60 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT in the Green Revolution. The Green Revolution consists of the intro- ~uction of high-yielding varieties of seeds for basic crops, developed In research centres set up in Mexico and Philippines and then dissemi- nated to developing countries. of development Traditional paradigms of development There has never been consensus on what development means. A classical understanding is that it is a process for increasing per capita income and that aggregate growth in per capita income is a reflection of overall growth. An alternate view is that it is a state of increased welfare and human development. Yet another is that it is a structural change whereby traditional and backward Third World countries develop towards greater similarity with the Westernor, rather, the North-Western world (Martinussen 1997). Marxists choose to understand as implying the gaining of real national independence and self-centred progress. This school of thought is represented by Andre Gunder Frank, who argues that colonialism and imperialism impeded the independent development of the Third World. Gradually of development were adjusted to incorporate new aspects and the term came to embrace the concepts of capacity-building and development by people (Martinussen 1997). such conceptions development Capacity-building here means the capacity to make and implement decisions as well as to reject development assistance or chose not to develop. It embodies peoples' effective participation in decision-making. the term nowadays combines a series of competing Consequently, conceptions that draw their meaning and theoretical formation from different theories of development. Ithas thus cometo embraceeconomic conservation, growth, the elimination the elimination of dependency, national and individual security, popular participation, decentralization and so forth. of poverty and other social environmental ills, human development, Significantly, people seem to have mattered littleto earlydevelopment practitioners who had an illusion that they knew the solutions to all problems confronting humanity, that only their prescriptions were right and that the local people were not educated. As some theorists argued, VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 61 "Too much involvement ofthe masses in decision making would impede growth, because ordinary citizens lacked the foresight and imagination required to plan for the future (Martinussen 1997:232). This thinking was part of the dominant approach to development, representing the history of industrialization in the West as a blueprint for development throughout the world (Webster 1990). The origins of the approach relied heavily on model of the capital-intensive mining sector in which the application of local technology is not relevant to economic activity. This style of management was replicated in the other development sectors and still remains the most influential management style today. This style makes little contribution to the creation of direct employment, so a strategy to redistribute the proceeds from this sector to the wider society had to be worked out. On the basis of this, countries like Botswana, who rely heavily on minerals for revenue, focused on the provision of infrastructure and services to improve conditions in the rural areas. This set the tone for the development strategy in general, based largely on the trickle-down theory. While the provision of social services is indispensable to economic growth, it isnot necessarily a guarantee for human development. Between 1966 and 1980, for instance, Botswana experienced the "most rapid rate of growth of GNP per capita (8.3%) of any country in the world" (Harvey and Lewis 1990:1) due to the discovery of minerals. Despite this impressive achievement, both relative and absolute poverty remain a major problem. In 1973-1974 Rural Incomes Distribution Survey illustrated that 45 per cent of the population had incomes below the poverty datum line. In 1989-1990 the Household Income Expenditure Survey indicates that over 55 per cent of the population have incomes below the poverty datum line. Thus, poorer households increased between the period of the two studies, despite the rapid rate of growth. The Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis (I997) estimates that 47 per cent of the population lived below the poverty datum line during the period 1993-1994. Plans, projects and programmes formulated and designed with care to improvethe living standard of the people experienced problems during 82 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT For instance, specifically (ALDEP) engaged improvements in subsistence in fanning success in protecting Lands Development the Arable aimed at improving the production of agriculture, did not bring about though it outputs the incomes of poorer arable farmers and incomes fanners implementation. Programme poorer sustainable had some (The Botswana Considerable Institute efforts their outcomes for Development and resources were expended Policy Analysis ]997). under Programme have generally (ARAP), programmes, similar but been disappointing. such as ALDEP, Drought Relief and the Accelerated Rainfed among others, perpetuated dependence thus reducing the degree of community ] 998). The (Youngman a benchmark for a states, "A common and processes have along techno- on finding out what rural people Based Strategy for Rural Development, in Botswana, activities by government rural development and implemented programmes Programmes Arable on government participation Community shift failing has been that often been conceived cratic want" lines, with too little emphasis (M inistry of Finance and Development Planning] 997: 12-13). in rural development and Maruatona development approach such could Other as the Accelerated and destumping, tenninated. Most projects Programme weeding sequently and experienced largely completed was disproportionate communities programmes Rainfed Arable (ARAP), which offered a 100 per cent subsidy for ploughing, and were sub- could not be completed on time became that was to the resource capacity of the local it. facilities The infrastructure cost overruns. Completed to use and maintain and unsustainable. not be sustained under-utilized heavy large, flashy income, buildings Traditionally, than a state of human wellbeing. development was seen as a state of national economy It was associated with high of a quality. out prescriptions while communities were expected to swallow packages handed out. These (Shepherd 1997). labour is needed. rather national substandard development hook, communities All too often people do not count except when manual They are the passive and basic facilities professionals dished objects of development, The development the development line and sinker were declared of production. vehicles VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 63 This style of management has failed to enthuse the communities into accepting and identifYing themselves with development projects meant contributes for them. On the contrary, to, "an (unsustainable) syndrome of dependency on government" (Ministry of Finance and Development Planning 1997:I) In the worst case, such projects are branded "government rejected, neglected and vandalized on a regular basis. The extract below captures this position, the arrangement facilities", It is not uncommon that facilities and services are created and offered [my emphasis] to the people, who then fail to use them satisfactorily. Many drinking water supply schemes have been set up, but the women, the traditional water carriers, do not use the costly pumps instaIled by programme agency. Rural housing is often built which people refuse to live in... This happens when decision-makers of those affected (Mathur 1986:6). exclude the participation Towards a new vision of development When it became clear that most of the theories on which it was based were faulty and inappropriate to Third World conditions, there was widespread criticism ofthe traditional approach to development planning and widespread of development led to a search for a new paradigm. among planners. frustration These crises The alternative approach departs from the comforts of a modernization theory premised on the universal prescription of identical development packages to diverse regions with varying problems. This marks a shift in thinking in the area of development planning and administration. New thinking admits that development is not uniform but an adaptive process determined by locale (Webster 1990). It appreciates that regions are diverse both in resources and the problems that confront them. The new paradigm seeks to promote indigenous knowledge. It sustainability, embraces community participation, environmental It conceives the domestically-induced growth and good governance. development process not only as a process for the people but as a process by the people for their own sustained growth. It suggests that 64 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT challenge development of sustainable the fundamental is the transfonnation of communities themselves into dynamic and self-reliant entities, which, by virtue oftheir effective organization and development capacities and on the strength of their own intemal momentum, are capable of solving most of their development problems on their own on a continuing basis (Dipholo 1996). The World Summit for Social Development held in Copenhagen in 1995 stresses that people living in poverty must be empowered through organization and participation in all a'spects of political, economic and social life and in planning and-implementating policies that affect them (UNDP 1995). It makes specific reference to involving the poor themselves by elaborating the strategies to be taken to build on their own experiences, People-centred development People-centred development goal of development (Mathur 1986:14). reverses the old paradigm, arguing, "the is not to develop things but to develop man" livelihood systems and survival strategies. The involvement of the people entails allowing them to discoverthe possibilities of exercising choice and thereby becoming capable of their own development. Consequently, participatory managing development embodies a "process of enlarging peoples' choices" (Martinussen 1997:38). The opportunity to make choicesshould include the opportunity to choose not to develop, or to develop according to their own understanding of development. This is the direct opposite of the conventional practice, as is shown when villagers were asked to state their views about govemment officers duringa participatoryproject in Botswana. They observed that the officers "tell usthings likechildren" and, further, that "we can never ask or discuss things" (Prinsen et al. 1996:7) the knowledge The justification for participatory development is not an attempt to of development professionals. Expert invalidate knowledge proc~s.s, but development cannot be planned exclusively on the basis of OpInIOnsof or studies conducted by experts from outside. Local pe~ple may .not have the required technical expertise to undertake a partIcular project to the development is indispensable VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 65 and they will therefore need the input of experts from outside. But by the same token, outsiders may not necessarily have a better understanding of local problems than insiders and they, too, will need assistance from locals. Participation helps to develop a better compromise between what people want and what development agencies can offer. When initiated at the very early stage of planning, as it should be, participation provides planners with information that is otherwise hard to come by. Greater participation helps "to maximize the use of human capabilities and is thus a means of increasing levels of social and economic development (UNDP 1993: 22). Participation implies an increased role of the communities and a decreased role ofthe state, entailing a major exercise in democratization and the redistribution of political power. Yetstates are required to make available more resources which should be under the control of the cotnmunities themselves. Local people need through which to be empowered by strengthening local institutions is not confined sustained participation is guaranteed. Participation primarily to the involvement of local communities in development projects, but concerns the development of organizations in which local people can articulate their interests and defend what they treasure. The message of participation has been spread and continues to be spread. The growing canon ofJiterature on participation can be a source of confusion. The term is used as a propaganda tool by external funding agencies to victimize national governments by making it a conditionality criterion for financial support, thereby encouraging agents of change It is used as a to include superficial participation in their projects. catchword to justify funding proposals or to legitimize externally promulgated programmes. Sometimes of participation manipulate their audience to ensure a quick, rapid application of the concept without ensuring they genuinely understanding it. facilitators Problems with the participatory The difficulty is that, although participation is a practical concept, many parts of the developing world it lacks analytical adequate theoretical in tools and an framework. The irresistible urge to participate approach 66 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 Dipholo/TRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT clashes with inflexible systems and procedures that are an integral part ofthe old bureaucratic style of ~evelopment management. There will be those opposed to participatory development because it introduces a new order that will erode their former power base. under Thus, in order to empower the powerless, participatory development must facilitate the organization of disadvantaged members of society in structures their control on the understanding that genuine peoples' organizations have the ability to serve their own members' interests and this in turn legitimizes them (Martinussen 1997). Such organizations are also self-reliant, for their continued existence is not dependent on outside initiatives. The powerful arealreadywellorganized in strong institutions. Participatory development contends, in addition, that local institutions represent structures with which localcommunities identify their state of dysfunction. Thus, strengthening of existing structures takes precedence over the creation of new institutions, a move usually employed by agents of change. and control, despite involvement The basis for capacity-building in participation is less to do with individual than with the development of organizations in which local communities can face and challenge the powerful and articulate. Communities, such as the Chipko environmental movement in the Indian Himalayan foothills, have to protect their interests from well-established forces. The management of natural resourceshas taken centre stage as the basis for meaningful participation largely because natural resources constitute the backbone of survival strategies for many communities. Where the local communities are excluded fromthe management of such resources, especially wildlife, they tend to use them in an unsustainable way. Activities like poaching become widespread while the stripping of veld products reflects an irrational harvesting of resources with little regard for conservation. InZimbabwe communities were entrusted with the responsibility for wildlife and management. This gave them the opportun.ity ~o conservation appoint game scouts from among themselves. This was ef~ectlve In preserving wildlife and cultivating a sense of ownershiP ~nd It considerably reduced the incidence of poaching in areas wh.ereIt was implemented. If planners (development practitioners) and pohcymakers VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 67 then viable strategies of the people are valid, shrug off their biases long enough to realize that the experiences and perceptions for conservation can be worked out (Shepherd 1997). Participatory rural appraisal: the case of Botswana After 80 years as a British Protectorate, Botswana eventually got political independence in 1966.With a land mass of582,000 km2 and a population of 1,326,796 (1991 census) human settlements are both numerous and dispersed and most people live in rural settlements commonly called villages. This has necessitated the adoption of a strategy to provide villages with basic services such as potable water, health and primary schools and decentralization used to promote rural development. The government established local authorities (district and urban councils) to spearhead development at the district level, though many projects implemented in the districts are under the authority of the central govemment. At the village level, village development committees were established and made responsible for development in villages by preparing and implementing village development plans. These plans are first submitted to the responsible district council for approval and funding. Much of the identification of development activities takes place at the kgotla (a traditional village meeting-place for consultation with the community) where members of the community are consulted and involved. Past efforts in Botswana to involve the people in development were confined to consultation within the framework of information dissemination. In most cases communities were consulted and infonned about what the government had in store for them as development programmes were formulated by urban-based officials. Village communities could neither alter the contents of such programmes nor seriously debate them. For instance, during consultations on the 1975 Tribal Grazing Land Policy, an officer of the Rural Development Unit remarked, You should not persist in discussing a policy which has already been decided.Thesedecisionswere made two years ago... Whatever we may talk about here, these things should not be discussed at the .district level. These are very ticklish subjects and they must await 88 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT Cabinet and Presidential clearance. All discussions ofland devel- opment policy have been concluded. We have been given the green light to go ahead with the land policy as it is presented. We must give this land to the people who can afford to develop it and get on with it. (Picard 1987:248) This threatening remark typifies the participatory style understood by government In a government paper that announced the consultation process it was stated, officers. The purpose of the public information campaign must be made clear. It is not intended to steamroller public opinion. Most mem- bers of the public know nothing about land development policy. We have now reached a stage of deciding how to implement the grazing land policy ... (Republic of Botswana 1977:132) rural appraisal model When there was some attempt to involve the localpeople,those attempts were limited to the involvement of the dominant ethnic groups. This is illustrated by an incident during a kgotla meeting when one memberof the subordinate ethnic groups attempted to speak only to be "rudely pulled down by Bangwaketse" (dominant ethnic group) who said: "Sit down, you will bring bad luck" (Mompati and Prinsen2000: 630). Inthis way subordinate ethnic groups are denied participation. The participatory Participatory rural appraisal constitutes a family of approaches and methods that enables people to share, enhance and analyse their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan and act. participatory rural appraisal and develop criteria for It is a combination of several participatory approaches, participation. enabling to identify and define their own way to sustainable development based on actual felt needs and within the capacities of local institutions (Egerton PRA Field Handbook, 1999). local communities to streamline the roles of external PRA enables agencies It allows communities to identify their problems and opportunities and fo~u.l~te a community action plan (CAP), which representsdevelopmentactivities that can be called upon to provide assistance. seeks to systematize (PRA) communities VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 69 that need to be undertaken, with a clear division of roles among local institutions. PRA thus conscientizes underprivileged members of society about their role in their own development. Since PRA lays out criteria for participation, issues of gender, ethnicity, age, disability-and, of course, the degree to which agents of change enhance the capacity of these different groups to determine their own future-are given centre stage. Gender and PRA In many African societies women are not allowed to speak and it is taboo for them to demand to be heard. The new paradigm challenges this cultural barrier so as to integrate gender in development. This is a great challenge: African women have come to accept the old order as normal and they are themselves to a large extent obstacles to their own involvement. The criteria for participation set by PRA enables women to h~ve a voice and to influence the decision-making process on issues that significantly affect them as a specific social group. By appreciating and distinguishing between social groups, PRA challenges the common fallacy that conceives communities as homogeneous groups with similar development problems and priorities. In this context, PRA offsets the influence of culturaljudgments, as when male villagers identifYlandless males as the poorest of the poor, whereas women identifY widowed households as being worse off. PRA ensures that participation begins at the very lowest level by ensuring that there are real opportunities to participate. Sustainable participation takes place at all levels of the development process and this is what PRA ensures by being systematic. The Government of Botswana recognizes the validity of participatory development as a key to sustainable development. Consequently, in 1997a comprehensive rural development strategy known as Community Based Strategy for Rural Development or the Community-Based Programme was formulated. Subsequently, PRA was adopted as an extension model to impartknowledge of the techniques of a systematized participatory development approach. However, while the use of PRA as a set of qualitative research tools for participatory development is laudable, the approach has already be 70 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT torpedoed by the excessive speed of implementation. This is so as to cover as many communities as possible within a short space 'of time, convenient only to government officers who are eager to attend to other more important matters in their offices. As an illustration,recently the Ministry of Finance and Development organized a PRA seminar in the Southeast District with the objective of training district extension team members in the application of PRA. The whole training took only three days to cover all materials relating to PRA training and including practical exercises. Under normal circumstances whenthe ethics ofPRA are respected, training alone could not have taken less than two weeks (Egerton PRA Field Handbook, 1999). PRA evolves around learning and revisiting earlier objectives as a result of discovering new facts. The training is action-based, requiring practice inthe field: it should not be reduced to a simulation exercise based on the needto have all district extension team members in all districts trained inthe applicationofPRA in accordance with an inadequate, prearranged time-frame. development theories: growth with participation Looking to the future Integrating This part of the article takes a closer look at the proposed alternative approach to development with specific emphasis on the role of local communities in development. The core of this newvisionof development is that, although the earlier theories of modernization are limited intheir application to Third World conditions, they remain indispensable to the theory and practice of development. As a result, an alternative theory of development does not necessarily abandon the earlier, mainstream theories. Economic growth is clearly a desirablecondition in termsof increasing incomes and production. Yet, on its own, economic growth .is ~ot a sufficient condition for improved standard of living of the maJonty of the poor, as has been shown elsewhere in this article. Nevertheless economic growth is a necessary condition for human wellbein.g.T~us, while practice based on modernization theory has margmahz~d underprivileged members ofthe society who cannot board the tr~a~mlll of commercial ization modernization theory of developmentadmtDlstra- , VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 71 and strategies approaches of the traditional tion and management has contributed significantly to the creation of wealth. It is thus integral to development both past, present and future. This is why it is difficult to propose a wholly radical alternative approach. But with its focus on the role of local communities in development, the alternative approach to development boils down to the concept of sustainable development, enriched with a fundamental summary of the propos itions to development. Participatory development planning, as an alternative approach, of development in the Third World. While the practice of modernization cannot be detached from the proposed development theory and practice, it might be more meaningful if it is adapted, adjusted or better still, integrated into the specific conditions prevailing in the Third World so that development becomes a culturally-grounded process where objectives are not formulated on the exclusive conceptions of outsiders. Such development would give people a choice to, "retain those aspects of their culture, which they deem important and alter or abandon others, which they want to change" (Martinussen 1997: 45) force to Western prescriptions is a direct counter As an alternative approach, participatory development seeks to give the beneficiaries of development an opportunity to choose either not to develop or to develop, according to their capacity and the resources available to them. It seeks to reconcile public participation with economic progress beyond the framework established by existing official institutions. Within the participatory development framework specific are adapted to increased proposals for institutional rearrangement participation rather than control. This, is the basis for strengthening existing local institutions and groups or social movements such as the Chipko movement mentioned earlier. therefore, Since the new paradigm advocates a reduced role of the state, it inevitably gives a prominent role to the establishment and strengthening of autonomous local communities both as a means to promote human wellbeing and as an end in itself (Korten 1990, quoted in Martinussen 1997). Participation becomes a goal in itself, expressed in terms of empowerment of local people by strengthening their capacity, skills and knowledge. The distinguishing are participatory factors 72 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT transforming agriculture development, rather than participation in development. This is at the kernel of this presentation. Participatory development is underlined by participation as an overriding operational principle that underpins all development activities. Thus, participation must be intrinsicto projects' development rather than an activity that is undertaken at intervals to ignite interest from the locals. The rationalfarmer Efforts to transform the agricultural sector, that in many parts of the developing world still forms the backbone of the rural economy,should appreciate the coping and survival strategies oflocal communities.Since the majority of the rural population are reliant on "self-improvising agriculture" (Nelson and Wright,1997), efforts to develop them must reflect on what they currently do-their culture of doing things. Such development efforts within the framework of participatorydevelopment will be integrated with local technologies to release dormant forcesand resources that can be used in the overall development efforts. The new paradigm challenges the notion that local communities are irrational because they do not exploit opportunities availableto them inagriculture in increasing production. Instead it seeks them as rational agents in terms of their own circumstances and available options. Technology The adoption and application of modern technology in local conditions is a complex and intricate matter. In one instance farmers may reject such technology if they do not value it, yet in another they will readily adopt and apply it if it is of value to them and if they feel part of it. The adoption and application of technology by local farmers is largely dependent on their involvement inthe decision-makingprocess as much depends on its relevance and affordability. Otherwise, the impact of imposed technology is generally negative, as was the case with the Green Revolution and its repercussions relating to the small farmer.The poorest members of the farming community got even poorer as a result of their inability to cope with the commercialization of agric~lture. Monoculture increased diseases and pests and poor farmers faIled to raise the money to purchase pesticides. Their cropS were eventually destroyed and they were forced into servitude. VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 73 and technology (1993 :32) The science and socially appropriate research As Shiva puts it, "ecologically of the strategies could only evolve with the active participation of the Green peasantry" Revolution failed to improve agricultural production ofthe poorer farmers because it excluded them and their sustained options from its initial design. Consequently, and economic process could be achieved not through dependence on foreign expertise or costly imported agricultural inputs but rather with the abundant, under-utilized resources of the local peasants" (ibid.:46). she concludes that, "Social A similar trend in agricultural development is clearly discernible in Botswana. Extension workers condemn subsistence agriculture based on traditional cropping as naIve and unproductive and offer fanners incentives to discard these "primitive" methods of planting, such as mixed cropping and broadcasting of seeds. But, as it turns out, "the adoption of mixed and rotational cropping by local farmers is not just an irrational choice but rather a conscious choice based on knowledge derived from a long process of trial and observation" (Dipholo 1996:99). This method of fanning was adopted as a strategy to counter crop diseases and pests. Planting different crops in different seasons and different years causes large reductions in pest population (Shiva 1993). production Subsizided credit In a bid to improve arable agricultural in Botswana, professionals have always given centre stage to subsidized credit on the unexamined assumption that farmers lack credit to lift themselves out of poverty. Yet such credit programmes have regularly failed either to motive fanners or to increase agricultural production and were subsequently tenninated. Other programmes mentioned above, such as Arable Lands Development Programme, followed the same process: failed centralized prescriptions based on the assumption the professionals have supreme knowledge. All these point to the absence of a participatory mode of development in agriculture. Resistance to participatory approaches .The traditional approach to development planning and management well-entrenched. is It commands respect for reasons of accountability that 74 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO.1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT and the comforts of working from offices, what has come to be known as "rural development tourism" (Chambers] 993). For instance, urban officials travelling to rural areas on official assignments like to combine work with leisure. They enjoy visiting rural places that count among world-class tourist destinations like Chobe area (in Botswana) with its abundant wildlife; and doing so during the a convenient season such as winter, when there are few mosquitoes. When they are compelled to visit they chose those that lie are along the tarred roads to represent those that are remote and make the visit a day trip. Thus, approach has become part of the wider approach to development planning and management. less interesting places, the traditional (participatory To shift from what is an already well-established, strong, conventional approach to what is rather new and seemingly a challenge to existing power development) may be a receipe for anarchy. Bureaucrats are not entirely comfortable with the working methods for participation that entail frequent and long visits to remote areas and close interaction with those they have always perceived with outright contempt. Participatory development means giving away some of the authority that is most treasured by the development practitioners-the authority to decide for others. It means handing over the initiative to others, giving up their own holier than thou attitude. Above all, it calls for a total change in management styles, official and personal interaction as well as procedures. It requires development agencies to soften their hierarchy, to revise project management procedures and produce new training materials for project planning and implementation. It has always been asserted that non-governmental organizations . (NGOs) are the most relevant in spreading the ideals of participatory development since they are "closest" to the communities. Yet, it has been pointed out that NGOs are at risk of being co-opted by particular interests (Watkins 1995). Their reliance on external funding means that they account to their financiers rather than to the communities they are supposed to assist. NGOs have become bureaucratic as a result oftheir reliance on government funding, which also reduces their autonomy. While we promote participation through agencies that are believed to be participatory, we must avoid implying that they are, in fact, VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 75 yet to influence they continue participatory. For instance, Northern NGOs emphasize the practice of decentralization, the development process elsewhere by controlling funds and not disbursing them to Southern NGOs to spearhead local development. So far much of the training in the application of PRA is done with little follow-up monitoring. Once a training programme is formulated and completed, the trainers depart for good. and direct It entails a new interaction between communities Participation is a direct reversal of past procedure of delivering services. and development practitioners. It demands that the local communities change their perception of the professionals and view them as partners in business rather than as bosses who should be respected no matter what they say. This is a great challenge to the local communities, whose experience with development agencies is now part of their culture and is a recipe for holding them back from active participation. They are bound to view the new order with suspicion. Local communities also lack the resources for effective participation: they lack adequate information, appropriate contacts; money and time. They have good grounds for believing that whatever demands they present before the government, these will be ignored or refused. Thus, participatory development has the task of reversing the traditional client-provider relationship (Leurs 1996). individuals whose decisions Extension staff have always been viewed disdainfully by the government officers at the high level of decision-making. They are thought to be lacking in competence and not to be entrusted with policy issues. Invariably, extension workers also view decision-makers as very powerful Consequently, extension workers withdraw into their own shell, leaving the people to their Owndevices (Mathur 1986) in protest. If extension workers do not participate at the level of policymaking, they have no real incentives to involve people at the grassroots in implementation. Besides not being motivated to embrace participation, extension workers have always had endless clashes with local communities who view them as dispensable, arrogant and opinionated, as the following quote illustrates: be questioned. cannot 76 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT Their higher incomes, their life styles and their education set them apart in a very fundamental manner from the average villager.... They are relatively more closely identified with "town people" and government (Ministry of Finance and Development Planning 1983:8). This stigma detaches extension workers from local communities and creates a network of antagonism and suspicion. The new participatory development paradigm challenges decision-makers to let go their superior status and work with extension workerswho willthen be enticed to involve the local communities. This article suggests that the theory and practice of participatory development should not be presented as a dogma or biblicalproposition. It is therefore necessary to conceive of participation as a challenge that needs to be promoted in the face of competing processes. Efforts to promote participatory development must reflect the cultural context in which participation is to occur. Conclusion The aim of this article was to present a theoretical framework for participatory development as an alternative approach to centralized development planning and management. This paper has argued that modernization theory has greatly alienated the beneficiariesof develop- ment from the process of development itself and reduced the subjects of the development process to mere recipients (objects). Dependency and alienation resulted. theory is indispensable This article gives credit to modernization theory for its contribution to increased wealth. Modernization to development, but its application, especially in the Third World, where the majority of the people still rely on self-improvised subsistence agriculture, is an alternative approach. Local communities have, over generations, discovered how they can most appropriately allocate their scarce resources and achieve the highest possible efficiency under their conditions. As the basis for this knowledge should be strengthened by infusion of their survival, is limited. Participatory development VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 77 relevant, participatory development may build on the wealth of the poor. and locally-grounded innovations. adaptable Thus, Nonetheless, participatory development should not be seen as a panacea to all development problems in the Third World. The article notes that one major weakness is that it needs to penetrate established ~Iationships and ways of doing things. 1997. Whose Reality counts: Putting the First Last, London, References Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis 1997. Study on Poverty and Poverty Alleviation in Botswana, Gaborone Chambers, R 1983.Rural Development: Putting the First Last, London, Longman Chambers, R 1993. Challenging the Professions: Frontiersfor Rural Development, London, Intermediate Technology Publications - Intermediate Technology Publications Dipholo, K. 1996.Rural Development in Botswana: A Critical Analysis of the Approach and Strategies within the General Paradigm Shift in Rural Development, MSoc.Sc. thesis, University of Birmingham Harvey, C. and Lewis, S.R. 1990. Policy Choice and Development Performance in Botswana, Houndmills, Macmillan Leurs, R 1996. Current challenges facing participatory rural appraisal. Public Administration and Development 16 57-72 Martinussen,1. 1997. Society. State and Market. A Guide to Competing Theories of Development, London, Zed Books Mathur, H.M. 1986. Administering Development Constraints and Choices, London, Sage Publications Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Improving Extension Services in Botswana, Gaborone - Mompati, T. and Prinsen, G. 2000. Ethnicity development methods in Botswana: some participants are to be seen not heard. Development in Practice 10 5 625-637 1997. Community Based Strateg).for Rural Development, Gaborone and participatory in the Third World: 1983. Towards 78 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 DiphoiolTRENDS IN PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT N. and Wright, S. (eds.) of Botswana. and Lands Lynne Rienner in Botswana. A Model of Rural Appraisal Training Theory and Practice, London, of Finance and Development Planning 1997. National Development Plan 8 1997/98- 1997. Power and Participatory Intermediate Technology 1977. Report of Presidential Commission on Land Tenure, Ministry Nelson, Development: Publications 1999. Participatory Egerton University Manual. PRA Field Handbook. Nakuru Picard, L. 1987. The Poliltes of Development Success? Colorado, Prinsen, G. Maruatona, T. Mbaiwa, N. Youngman, F. Bar-on, N. Maudeni, T. Modie, T. and Mompati, T. 1996. PRA: ContractandCommilmentfor Village Development, Gaborone, Ministry of Finance and Development Planning Republic 2002/3, Ministry - of Local of Local Government Shepherd, A. 1997. Sustainable Rural Development, London, Macmillan Shiva, V. 1993.The Violence of the Green Revolution: Third World Agriculture, Ecology and Politics, London, Zed Books UNDP. 1993. Human Development Report, New York, Oxford University Press 1995. Human Development Report, New York, Oxford University Press _ 1998. Human Development Report, New York, Oxford University Press _ _ 2000. Human Development Report, New York, Oxford University Press Watkins, K 1995. The Oxfam Poverty Report, London, Oxfam Webster, A. 1990. introduction to Sociology of Development, Macmillan Youngman, from the past? Extension the case of Journal of Lifelong Education 17 4 236-246 Botswana. and participatory rural development: F. and Maruatona, T. 1998. A departure workers international VOL 17 NO 1 JANUARY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 79