:.

Mchomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbilTANZANIA REPORT

Phase II: Mutual Aid

focus group discussions,

in-depth interviews, docu-

triangulation

involving survey

observations were used to

ABSTRACT
The paper investigates the role of mutual aid in the provision of
social protection. Methodological
interviews,
mentary reviews and participant
collect data. Findings show that mutual aid groups of different
types have existed in different epochs during periods of peace,
prosperity and even during calamities. Some mutual aid groups are
organized on gender lines. These differences are also observed at
the level of age groups, educational attainment, marital status and
religious affiliation. Mutual aid groups in rural areas cover almost
all kinds of contingencies while those in urban areas cover specifi-
ed risks. Although mutual aid groups provide short-term protection
against soC(if11and economic risks, their capacity for protecting
members against long-term risks is impaired The paper concludes
by making suggestions for improving mutual aid groups so that they
may provide adequate protection against all risks as well as for
removing the inequities inherent

in the system.

Introduction
For well over a decade there has been a growing interest
among
scholars on the topic of mutual aid (Wasserman and Faust, 1994). This
interest has been driven by the importance of mutual aid in providing
multiple sources of support to individuals. Some studies in a number
of socio-cultural
the world show that mutual aid
ensures the chances of survival for individuals as well as increasing
the amount of welfare and enjoyment of life with the least waste of
energy (Kropotkin 1902, House 1981). Others show that mutual aid
based on neighbourhoods
can best handle immediate emergencies
(Murdock 1949, Sussman and Slater 1963, Sussman 1965, Litwark and
Szelenyi 1969).

settings throughout

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

45

for the transfer or flow of resources

In addition, studies by Lomnitz (1968), Aldous (1969) and Wasserman
and Faust (1994) show that membersofmutual
aid groups view their
actions as interdependent. Each individual in the mutual aid group has
ties to other individuals, each of whom in turn is tied to other people.
Mo\eover, the relational ties or linkages between actors are viewed as
channels
(material or non-
material). The linkages between individuals are due to their perceived
vulnerability to multiple risks ITomdifferent sources such as illness, old
age, death and bad weather. These shocks hit individuals in an unpre-
dictable manner or cannot be prevented. As a result, individuals take
precautionary strategies such as creating inf0f!nal exchange-based risk-
sharing mechanisms through extended families, mutual gift-giving and
crop-sharing arrangements.

In societies characterized by a great incidence of risks and severe
deprivation, a low degree of development of formal systems of social
protection, the limited coverage of public support, resource constraints
and the relative powerlessness of the poor and vulnerable,
such as
Tanzania, mutual aid is of great importance for the survival of mem-
bers. Indeed, Burgess and Stem (1991) view mutual aid in developing
countries as an indispensable mechanism for delivering support to the
poor and vulnerable. These arrangements are backed by value systems
and moral codes that emphasize the need for co-operation among
people living or coming from the same community (Platteau 199I).

Literature on this topic with particular reference to the relationships
between mutual aid and the provision of social protection in Tanzania
is generally lacking. The few studies that deal with mutual aid have
generally been limited to the definition, prevalence or characterization
of mutual aid groups (Lugalla and Mbwambo 1999). Moreover,
the
nature of mutual aid groups, membership, mutual aid structures, their
governance,
the contingencies covered and the benefits offered to
members, together with the extent of support given to members, remain
to be specified. The goal of this paper is to illuminate these features to
show that mutual aid arrangements have been providing much-needed
social protection against social and economic distress for members of

46

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002

Mchamvu, Tungazara and Maghimbi/TANZANIA REPORT

the community. Before going into detail, methodological
discussed in the next section.

issues will be

and study areas

Methodology
This is a descriptive study carried out in the month of February 200 I.
The purpose of using this study design was to get information-rich
cases in study communities but, at the same time, through focus group
discussions and in-depth interviews, explore and confirm information
on mutual aid activities. Secondly, it was intended to enable the research
team to understand the whole socioeconomic and cultural picture of
the individual members in various mutual aid groups under investi-
gation. Thirdly, the research team wanted to understand how various
mutual aid activities provide social protection to members in those
study areas.

The study was carried out in Mwanza, Oodoma, Oar es Salaam and
Kilimanjaro. The reasons for selecting these study sites included
portraying the existence of people engaged in different economic
activities namely, cattle-herding, farming and fishing and with different
kinds of mutual aid activities. For example, Oodoma was selected
because of its central position in the country and the existence of
pastoralists
in some
years. Mwanza has farmers, pastoralists and fishermen, besides being
the second largest city in the country and the centre of the Lake Zone
region, Kilimanjaro was selected because of the existence of farmers
and strong mutual aid activities. Oar es Salaam was chosen because it
is the largest city in the country, with various types of mutual aid
activities and inhabitants of various ethnical backgrounds.

and farmers and the area experiences drought

in-depth interviews,

The methods of data collection used included structured and semi-
structured interviews,
focus group discussions,
participant observation and documentary reviews. Survey interviews
were administered to a total of200 respondents selected by purposive
sampling. The research team initially visited village chairpersons and
introduced themselves and the purpose of the study. The team asked
the village chairperson to introduce the team to members of the com-

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

47

munity. After establishing a rapport with the community, adults aged
18years or above who were found to have mutual aid experience were
asked to participate in the study.

The study focuses on the experience of people in mutual aid acti-
vities. A total of four focus group discussions (FGDs) were, held in
each study site. FGDs were divided in two groups, namely, men and
women. Each of these groups was subdivided into groups of young
people (I 8-35 years), adults (36-59 years) and old people (60 years
or above). The size of FGDs ranged from 7 to 12 participants. The
criteria for selecting participants inthe FGDs included their membership
in a mutual aid group or activity, their residence in the study site and
their ability and willingness to participate in the discussion. Discus-
sions in the FGDs lasted between one and half and two hours.

Characteristics of respondents
A total of200 respondents were interviewed. Out of these, slightly over
half(54%) were men. Two in five (40%) of the respondents were 25-
34 years old while nearly a half(49%) were 45-54 years. Respondents
who were aged 15-24 years constituted 6.5% of the total study
population and only 4.5% consisted of people aged 55-64 Y7ars. The
education level of respondents varied considerably. Over half (54%)
of the respondents had primary school education and slightly over a
third (38%) had secondary education. Very few (5.5%) ofthe respond-
ents had adult education and the remaining 1% had post-secondary
education. Nearly three quarters (73%) of the respondents were
married while 13% were single, 13% were widowed and 1% were
divorced. Slightly over half(50.2%) of the respondents were Christians,
48.3% were Moslems and the remaining 1.5%% were traditional.

The nature of mutual aid groups (kiwi/I)
According to Kropotkin (I902) and Smith (1999), mutual aid of
various kinds have been practised in different epochs during periods
of peace, prosperity and even during periods of calamities. In modem
times it is common to fmd people jointly constructing roads and canals,
building health facilities and schools. Findings from all four study areas

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Mchomvu. Tungazara and MaghimbilTANZANIA REPORT

Table I: Membership size of mutual aid groups

For % of respondents
aid group
20
40
20
20

Nos. of people in your mutual

61+
30-60
11-29
5-10

indicate that some of the mutual aid groups have been in existence
long before the participants
in the study were born. For instance,
Bacheye, Basumba batale and Bagalu groups in Mwanza have been
operating in the study areas for some time, as reported by Mzee
Mabula who said, "My grandfather belonged to a Bacheye group when
I was born in 1939. He remained a member until he died five years ago."
In Kilimanjaro, particularly in Same and Mwanga, similar mutual aid
groups called makamba exist. Other mutual aid groups are of recent
origin. The Wacheza Mpira group, for example, was established in 1995
while Umoja wa Kanda ya Ziwa, Dodoma was established in December
1998. Similarly, Umoja wa Wanakaskazini, Dodoma (UWAKA) was
established in 1998. All the above testify that mutual aid was found all
over the study areas and this is still the case in these areas today .

.The size of mutual aid groups varies greatly. The smallest consists
of five or less people and the largest has 100 members. In some parts
of Same District ~uch as Mpinji, Kirangare, Bwambo and Mhero, for
example, about 80% of all households belong to a mutual aid society.
The typical mutual aid society, known as kiwili, consists of three male
heads of household and their wives (see Table 1).

Discussions

in various

focus group discussions

indicated that
medium-sized mutual aid groups are preferred for two reasons. First,
given the technology used and problems in organizing labour, a large
unit will hinder the efficient perf+>rmance of tasks. Secondly,
it is
easier to manage and control smali' or medium-sized groups. According
to Tischler (1994) large numbers threaten the nature of the group. In
addition, there are always fears tlJat the larger the size, the greater the

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

49

chance of resistance to socialization in group norms by some of the
members, thereby undermining the group's solidarity. This is disastrous
to social protection that is hinged upon mutuality and trust.
Findings from survey interviews in Mwanza, Dodoma, Dar es Salaam
and Kilimanjaro indicate that eight different types of mutual aid groups
existed, namely,
business, house-building, carpentry, cooking, wedding and funeral
activities. Nearly a third (31%) were involved in activities related to
funerals; 18% to weddings, 24.4% to business while 16% to farming
activities. Most of these groups were cbnyned to rural areas.

those dealing with farming,

livestock-keeping,

such as farming.

Women predominated in mutual aid groups dealing with business
and cooking. Men predominated involved in activities considered to
be physically demanding,
In study sites where
pastoralism is the main economic activity, all the respondents involved
in herding livestock were men. In groups involving house-building, 3%
of the respondents were men and only 1.6% were women. Nineteen per
cent of respondents dealing with wedding groups were men, while
16.5% were women. Men constituted 32% of respondents in groups
dealing with funerals while women constituted 29.7%. All this can be
explained by gendered division of labour, although this cannot be
generalized to all mutual aid activities. Inthe case of kiwi/i, for example,
both men and women participate in building stone terraces in Mamba
and Chome areas in Same District. Women collect stones and help in
moving soil as well as cook for members ofthe mutual aid group, men
break the stones and build the terraces.

When mutual aid groupings are analysed in relation to age groups,
a different picture emerges. Respondents aged 15-24 predominate in
groups dealing with business (65%), while 27.8% of the respondents
aged 55-64 years predominate ingroups dealing with farming. The level
of education attainment may explain the differences observed. Most
respondents aged 15-24 years have had primary school education and
are therefore better able to deal with business activities. Respondents
aged 55-64 years are seldom literate and therefore able to deal mainly
with farming. Respondents aged 45-54 years predominate in group
dealing with wedding ceremonies. This can be explained by the fact

50

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002

Mchomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbiiTANZANIA

REPORT

that this age-group has sons and daughters of marriageable
age and
therefore have to participate more than other age groups in wedding
ceremonies. Respondents
aged 25-34 years and those aged 55-64
years predominate in funerals groups. Energetic young people have to
dig the graves and perform the funeral ceremonies while elderly people
have to attend. In areas such as Mwanza old people are associated with
witchcraft. Ifthey fail to attend funerals they are suspected of bewitch-
ing the deceased person.

The education levels of respondents seems to influence their invol-
vement in mutual aid group activities. Respondents with no education
tend to be involved in group activities related to agriculture (37.5%),
business (38%) and funerals (37.5%), while those with post-secondary
education level tend to be involved in activities dealing with weddings
more than in other mutual aid group activities.

The religious affiliations of the respondents

also influences the
types of mutual aid activities they participate in. Respondents who are
traditional are involved more in agriculture (38%), weddings (24%)
and funerals (38%) than in other activities. Christians are involved in
business
in carpentry (3.6%) and cooking
(4.6%). The marital status of the respondents also influences the types
of mutual aid activities they participate in. Single respondents tend to
engage in agriculture (19%) and business (31%) and married respond-
ents in weddings (18.5%) and funerals (33%).

(27.6%) and Moslems

Reasons for participating
Members explain that
expectation
difficulty and in need of rescue. As noted by a participant
with male adults in Mwanza,

they participate

in group activities

in the
in
in a FGD

that,

in the future,

they may also find themselves

is important

to help each other, particularly when your
It
colleagues are in difficulties. This is because I, myself, might be
faced with a similar problem infuture. If I am they will also assist
me or bail me olit.

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

51

Other motives mentioned in the study sites include emotional comfort,
showing cohesion or integration and avoiding social exclusion.

Membership in a mutual aid group
The process of becoming a member in a mutual aid group is not hard.
Members make contact with someone who is already a member.
Findings from Mwanza, Dodoma, Dar es Salaam and Kilimanjaro
revealed that 75% of the respondents knew somebody who was already
a member in a mutual aid group. These included relatives
such as
sisters, uncles, brothers and aunts; friends and neighbours.

Over half the respondents said their mutual aid societies had no
newly-recruited members and only slightly over two in five said that
their mutual aid group actively recruited new members. Findings from
Mwanza and Dodoma indicated that there are regulations governing the
admission of new members in the mutual aid groups. Potential members
normally approach existing members and get acquainted with other
members, the group's activities and the terms of reference for mem-
bership. Thereafter the potential members submit an oral or written
(especially for burial societies) application for membership. The appli-
cant must have a referee who also acts as a guarantor from a member
within the mutual aid group. The mutual aid group leaders consider the
application. If found suitable, the potential members will be admitted
into the group. Potential members must also possess their own capital.
The guarantor acts as a character reference.

the person's

Apart from considering the behaviour of the potential recruit, other
qualities examined include:
attitude to work, non-
quarrelsome behaviour, a sound mind and the ability to keep secrets.
It goes without saying that in this kind of co-operation members wilJ
always avoid the less motivated and problematic person. In addition,
in urban-based mutual aid groups new members must pay membership
fees and regular members must pay monthly premiums. For example,
Umoja wa Kanda ya Ziwa, Dodoma has imposed a membership fee
ofTshs. 3000 payable before admission to the group. In addition, a
monthly contribution of Tshs. 1000 is required. Umoja wa Wanakas-
kazini, Dodoma admits people from Kilimanjaro and Arusha regions

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Mchomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbiiTANZANIA

REPORT

only. Widowed women from other regions whose husbands come from
Kilimanjaro and Arusha regions can be admitted and women from these
regions who are married to husbands
from other regions are also
allowed to join. In addition, a member pays admission fees and annual
contributions and must contribute money whenever burials occur. A
penalty is imposed or membership is frozen if this rule is broken.

of mutual aid groups

The structure and governance
Evidence from the study areas suggests that mutual aid groups consist
mainly of close friends, relatives and acquaintances coming from the
sa~e community. They are people who know each other well and who
have common interests.
In rural areas, these people have known each
other since childhood. The groups display a feeling of solidarity and
group identity, of intimate relationship,
together with the wish of
members to keep in close contact with one another and stay with one
another..

There are two types ofleadership in mutual aid groups. The first are
leaders who participate in group activities. Ninety-two per cent of the
respondents said their leaders occupied the' top place in the hierarchy
of their group. Eighty-four per cent of farmers, 57% of livestock-
keeping groups, 47% of housing construction groups and all business,
road construction, wedding and funeral groups were constituted in this
way. Most (88%) ofthe respondents said their leadership is permanent.
Of these, 50% said their mutual aid group has one leader: the remainder
have two leaders. When asked how the leaders of their mutual aid
groups came into power, 54% said they were already in office when
they joined these groups. The remaining 2 I% said their leaders were
elected. Participants in a FGD with men in Nyanghomangho Village,
Mwanza Rural District, also said that farming mutual aid groups
elected their leaders. At the apex there is Malamala, below whom is
the King. Next is the Mtemi then Mtwale and Lunashi or messager.
When there is farming activities, Mtwale informs the Mtemi and sends
the Lunashi

to inform members of the mutual aid group.

The second category of mutual aid groups consists of those in
which all members of the group were equal, with temporary leaders.

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

53

Leadership is bestowed on a member for a particular activity for the
course of that task. About 8% of the respondents in the study areas
mentioned this kind of mutual aid group.
Mutual aid groups have in-built democratic procedures based on
shared community values. As noted by a participant
in a FGD with
women aged 18-34 years in Buhongwa Village,

When there is an issue, all members of the group are informed of
the meeting and the time and the venue of the meeting. They all
discuss and deliberate the issue until they come to a consensus.
Once the decision is made, it binds all members.

Survey interview data shows that these members participate in the
planning and implementation of group activities. All respondents
in
farming groups participate in the planning and implementation oftheir
group activities, as do all members in livestock-keeping groups, funeral,
wedding, housing and road construction groups and 71 % of those in
business groups. When asked how members participate in governance
and administration, 42% said they participated in planning how to
execute the work, 58% said in decision-making and 100% said in at-
tending meetings.

relationship with local government

Constraints:
Despite the seemingly good governance at grassroots level, there are
a number of constraints in the relationship between mutual-aid groups
and local government. According to the Human Development Report,
Shinyanga Region, Tanzania (1998), the relationships between govern-
ment institutions
at the village level vary.
Whereas in some villages traditional
institutions have been incorpor-
ated into the formal structure of village government, in others they have
not. In some cases, the government is reported to have undermined the
institutions. In some cases communities are
operations of traditional
satisfied with some formal and informal institutions, but in others they
are not.

and other

institutions

The Shinyanga Human Development Report reveals that existing
institutional arrangements constrain the potential for good governance

54

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Mchomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbiiTANZANIA REPORT

structures are complex and overlap in
at village level. Government
functions. The government
is characterized by excessive red tape and
cumbersome procedures at all level of social service delivery. Indeed,
existing structures do not work to promote self-governance at grass-
roots level. The representatives of the people are unable to fulfil their
objectives promptly or effectively simply because the issues discussed
during full council meetings do not reflect the needs of people.

Indeed, mutual aid in Tanzania,

Contingencies covered
Kropotkin (1902) argues that the purpose of mutual aid is to ensure the
maintenance and further improvement ofthe welfare oftheir members.
Individuals who adhere to the principle of mutual aid have the best
chances of survival. Findings from the study sites show that a great
number of mutual aid groups or associations
are formed, covering
many contingencies.
like in other de-
veloping countries, is part of daily life. For example, the main purpose of
Umoja wa Kanda ya Ziwa, Dodoma mutual aid society is to help
members whenever they are faced with a death and during funerals.
The'purposes of Umoja wa Wanakaskazini, Dodoma are broader and
include strengthening co-operation among members, particularly in
matters concerning death, funerals, burials, illness and social services.
This society has even broader objectives,
and
preserving the rights of members and ensuring that members have
these broad objectives of Umoja wa
gainful employment.
Wanakaskazini, Dodoma appear in their constitution.

such as protecting

Indeed,

The objectives of most mutual aid groups(83.9%) and societies in
in times of
the four study areas centre around helping members
hardship as well as in times of celebration.
In case of hardship,
members come to the rescue of any other member who has fallen into
distress owing to an event considered to be a misfortune such as illness
or accident, death, crop damage by wild animals, destruction of a house
or fields by floods or fire. The labour or any other kind of help
provided under the scheme does not give rise to formal and immediate
payment.
of
reciprocal help at any future indeterminate time.

Instead, assistance

the promise

is offered

against

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

55

Getting loans through mutual aid groups is cited as another objective
(10.7%) and so is the include provision of credit and savings (2.6%)
and ensuring the success of the activity (2.8%).
The objectives of groups are related to the types of contingencies
covered. Discussions in FGDs with men in Buhongwa Village, Mwanza
Rural District, indicated that they covered contingencies such as court
fines, funerals, death and burials. One participant said:

If cattle be~onging.to a member of our group are stolen the
responsibility of our mutual aid group will be to sit down and
discuss how we can help by contributing either money or cattle.
In cases where a member needs to have his or her farm culti-
vated, the group willjointly do so. Also we help members who
have lost their dear relatives, sons or daughters through contri-
buting money, food and all activities related to burials.

Other mutual aid groups and societies cover similar contingencies,
including transporting the deceased person to his or her place of birth
and helping with funeral arrangements.

Mutual aid groups are dynamic in the types of contingencies

covered. Whereas they covered funerals, illnesses and weddings in the
past, currently mutual aid groups focus on providing credit and savings
services to members and help people threatened by hunger and funerals.

Benefits offered to members
Findings from survey interviews ih the study areas indicate that four
main types of benefit are offered to members. These include food,
capital, help with funerals and getting help at any time. Analysis of the
that provision of food was
types of benefits by gender
mentioned mostly by male respondents
(36.7%). More female
respondents (30. I%) than men (14.3%) cited the provisron of capital
as a benefit and it was mainly men who mentioned help with funerals.
In the case of the death of a member or the close relative of a
member,
financial benefits and assistance with all the necessary
preparations for burial ceremonies in the form of labour services such
as cooking, buying coffins and psychologicld assistance are provided,

indicates

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MChomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbilTANZANIA REPORT

as noted by a participant
in one of the FGDs conducted in Dodoma:
"We stay with those who have lost a relative so as to console them for
three days while at the same time helping them with their domestic
activities".
Data from UWAKA on the financial benefits offered to members faced
with a death in their family show that between 1998 and 1999 a total of
43 deaths occurred. UWAKA contributes money as buriai expenses
ranging from Tshs 45,900 to Tshs 670,000 depending on whether the
deceased is a baby or an adult.

Members of various mutual aid groups and societies get materia
assistance, such as helping sick members or thei
and non-material
relatives with transport
to health facilities, visiting a sick person wh(
is hospitalized and giving food. The amount of benefits provided varies
according to the magnitude of the crisis. As pointed out by one par-
ticipant in a FGD with men in Nyanghomangho Village, Mwanza Rural
District:

Weprovide assistance to a member according to the type of risk
if a member is
or amount requested by the victim. For example,
fined Tshs. 20,000 by a court, the 40 members of the mutual aid
group will be asked to contribute Tshs. 500 each. If he is
charged Tshs.l 00,000 each member will be required 10 contri-
bute Tshs. 2,500.

It is evident from the above that some members, particularly the richer
peasants, can get more benefits than others. Money accrued from
various group activities is also spent on purchasing farming equipment
to be distributed to members.

The capacity of mutual aid to provide social protection
In this section an attempt is made to assess the capacity of mutual aid
to provide adequate,social protection to members. Available evidence
from in-depth interviews and FGDs show that kiwili type of mutual aid
group has helped in the past ten years to bring about agrarian change
in the mountains of Same District. Single households without
the
or do so very
capital

to hire labour cannot build stone terraces,

VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

57

slowly. Ff;lI111ersin Mamba and Chome areas, Same District, however,
know that these terraces, which retain higher moisture and manure, are
very productive in this hilly terrain. The crop output and incomes have
improved in the past ten years for households that have been able to
build stone terraces through kiwili mutual aid societies. Peasants have
increased their incomes by growing high-value crops like onions, Irish
potatoes, ginger, wheat and beans as well as other crops, like maize and
cabbage, on their stone terraces. They have thus helped to increase
food security in these areas. This directly addresse~ the contingency
off amine, which is a constant menace to poor peasants in Tanzania.

FGDs with men in Nyanghomangho Village, Mwanza Rural District
and Mvumi Dodoma show that mutual aid support is adequate insofar
as a member does not go hungry because oflack of food. Sixty-six per
cent of respondents, consisting of71.~10 ofthe men and 61.4% of the
women, said the benefits accrued from this aid was adequate. The
reasons given for finding the benefit inadequate included the view that
many social problems still needed to be addressed (53%) and that it
depended on the weather (47%). During bad weather, members are
likely to be affected by famine.

Various studies have shown that mutual aid helps to build strong and
cohesive communities, fosters trust between citizens and helps develop
norms of solidarity and reciprocity that are essential to stable commun-
ities. Our findings lend support to these propositions by showing that
participants who were involved in mutual aid groups have developed
solidarity and a group identity. They were ready to help each other in
times of hardships as well as in times of happiness.

Conclusion
The study has shown that mutual aid still plays a big part in Tanzania.
Many people are involved in mutual aid activities of various types. They
staunchly maintain their mutual aid activities
to
reconstitute them where they have ceased to exist. Small and medium-
sized mutual aid groups predominate due to the resulting efficiency
and the ease of managing and controlling the groups.

and endeavour

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Mchomvu, Tungazara and MaghimbilTANZANIA REPORT

Members of mutual aid groups make joint decisions after long deli-
berations in matters of mutual interest, including issues related to the
social protection of members. Despite the seemingly good governance
at grass roots level, the study discerned constraints in the relationship
between mutual aid groups and local government
institutions. As far
as contingencies are concerned, the study shows that, with the excep-
tion of urban-based mutual aid groups, all risks are covered. The
benefits offered to members vary according to the type of risk and
amount of benefit. Mutual aid activities have enabled members to
survive various hardships, especially lack of food, ~Iothes and shelter.
They have a better chances of survival than non-members.

The above notwithstanding,

the efforts embodied in mutual aid are
of little importance simply because they cannot substantially and still
less permanently, alleviate the misery of most the people in Tanzania
who are in poverty. If these groups, however, were given the necessary
organizational and financial support they could provide much-needed
long-term social protection of members against all social and eco-
nomic contingencies.

As shown in the paper, mutual aid groups have a managerial and
organizational advantage, simply because members know each other
well and trust each other. They need only to be encouraged and guided
as to how best to orgal1ize community-based social security schemes,
using their own organizational structures. This requires, among other
things, the formulation of a national social security policy. In this way,
all community members can be attracted and protected against various
social and economic contingencies both sho~-term and long-term.

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