Phase II: Zunde raMarnbo and Burial Societies ABSTRACT In Phasell of this study the Zimbabwean team selected the Zunde raMambo and burial societies for an in-depth study. Four provincej were selected and key iriformants were interviewed from senior officials to members of these organizations at the grassroots. Zunde raMambo, which provide for the contingency offamine and chronic poverty, was useful in alleviating the plight of rural people but the scheme was not being implemented in all communities because of prf}blems such as lack offer.tile land, inputs and poor community mobilization. Communities need more land, seed andfertilizers community members should be encouraged to participate in the Zunde. Burial societies were quite common in urban areas although not in rural areas. Their effectiveness is compromised by the low monthly contributions at at time when the cost ofJimera Is has risen. resulting in Most of these societies operate without constitutions, suspecions of mismanagement or misappropriation offunds. The study recommends that burial societies develop constitutions to guide their operations. They should also increase their contributions in order to get maximum benefits and engage in income-generating projects to enhance the viability of their clubs. The non-governmental sector could be very useful in building the capacity of burial society committee members to discharge their duties effectively. and Aim and objectives of the study The aim ofthe study was to carry out an in-depth analysis of the Zunde raMambo and burial to analyse the structure, to of the schemes; investigate to identify the links that exist between formal and non-formal schemes and to suggest how these societies societies. The objectives capacity and functions of the study were: of these societies; can be strengthened. the contingencies addressed and viability 132 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba. Gumbo & NyamusaraiZIMBABWE REPORT social security Province. that and qualitative departments and ministries a rural phenomenon, Four provinces, the Zunde is primarily are found in all areas. is found in both rural and urban areas. while burial is Harare, East, Mashonaland West and Masvingo, were selected from relevant and members of the Zunde and data were gathered. Methodology Design Non-formal However, societies Mashonaland for the study and data were gathered from key informants government burial societies. Both quantitative Location The specific districts in Mash- onaland West, Mrewa in Mashonaland East and Masvingo and Mwenezi in Masvingo Study population A total of 17 Zunde projects were visited and 107 villagers on their experiences Most chiefs from the elected districts, Seven community were also interviewed. Three key informants, one from the Ministries of Health and Child Welfare and Public Service and two from Labour and respondents were women, as shown in Table III. covered were Hurungwe and Zvimba of the Zunde project, as shown in Table II. leaders, including interviewed Table II: Regional distribution of respondents Province Masvingo Mashonaland East Mashonaland West TOTAL Respondents for Zunde raMambo District Masvingo Mwenezi Mrewa Zvimba 20 21 37 29 107 % 18.7% 19.6% 34.6% 27.1% 100% Table III: Women as a proportion of respondents for Gender Women Total Zunde raMambo responden._t_s Nos. of 72 _._~---._-- - --_ ... _.-----~- 107 -----~----~----_. o_yo__ 67.3% 100% VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 133 also provided together with community funds and 20 committee members leaders selected 0 the basis on availability. As for the Social Welfare were interviewed, (chiefs and headmen), burial societies, 28 members, who included those from workplace-based benevolent information for the study. Snowballing was used to identify the members. Methods of data collection A number of complementary including a literature review, munity members and community informants Limitations of the methodology The team was not able to cover projects because ofthe unavailability study also made many rural areas inaccessible. in distant provinces mainly offueI. Heavy rains during the time of the instruments were utilized, com- for key for villagers, leaders and interview guides data-gathering interview schedules from government ministries and departments. and affordability of these services life for most people. of social services post-Independence of and measures were taken in Zimbabwe witnessed Social to enhance The expansion and contraction a marked The first decade of Independence services in quality improvement the provision was expanded levels of accessibility economic growth were achieved. This relative tranquillity and progress could not be sustained in the second decade of Independence when the macroeconomic reforms which have eroded most of the earlier gains in health and were introduced. As part of these reforms, and enforced education were introduced of decreasing declining real wages and rising food prices employment opportunities, that have characterized Zimbabwe of the twenty-first century. fees in the context at the beginning and modest user According to the Central Statistical Office (2000) Zimbabwe's took a nosedive has been poor and is on the decline. nomic performance national product 1.5% in 1998 and 1.2% in 1999. This downward increasing closures have also had an effect on the general welfare. Thousands workers poverty among the poor. Retrenchments from 8.2% in 1996, of the unemployed. have joined the ranks eco- The gross to 3.7% in 1997, spiral has unleashed and company of The Poverty 134 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENi IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT Assessment Survey found that 62% of the population live below the nutritional total consumption poverty line of 2$2132.33 per person annually (Ministry of Public Service and Social Welfare 1996). Many people therefore do not have adequate food. The inadequacy offormal social security systems Non-formal social security arrangements, such as burial societies and the Zunde raMambo have been said to be increasingly popular, They address the felt needs of their members and can cater for people the formal social security- existing outside formal employment-and sector. They also have potential for strengthening in order to enhance their viability and coverage. this would reduce the demand on public assistance and even pauper burials as the welfare of destitutes and the poor will be taken care of. Savings in these areas could then be invested in economic activities, which could bring about development. If the Zunde raMambo practice was strengthened, food security would be guaranteed and people in rural areas would not look to the State for their survival. Dependence on State schemes is no longer a reliable source of support. If successful, Zunde raMambo One of the pre-colonial community-level systems of social security was the Zunde raMambo practice. Zunde raMambo is a Shona phrase which means "the Chief's granary". The Zunde was a common field design'ated by a chieffor cultivating food crops by the community. The harvest was stored in a common granary under the direction of the chief. The primary aim of the Zunde was to ensure that a community had food reserves which could be used in times of food shortage (Mararike 2000). The food was also used to feed the chief's soldiers, subjects awaiting trial, the chief's advisors and those engaged in disputes within the community. Historically, Zunde raMambo was used not only to produce communal crops for'food security, but also as a social, economic and political rallying-point for the community. Food security was therefore guaranteed and the Zunde ensured protec- tion in the event of drought or poor harvests. The elderly, orphans, the VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 135 disabled and members of the community in general were the ben- eficiaries. Proceeds were also used to sponsor community ceremonies such as burials and similar gatherings where the villagers were the beneficiaries. Social security protection in the pre-colonial era was therefore relatively comprehensive, appropriate and effective as cov- erage included all members at various levels from the family to the community. With the advent of the colonial State and the introduction of a cash economy, traditional social support systems were gradually weakened. The Zunde raMambo practice also died out as the chiefs' authority was eroded and some of their powers and functions were usurped by the colonial regime. The Land Apportionment Act of 1930, which di- vided land unequally between the two racial groups, ensured that the indigenous people were relocated to small pieces of unproductive, infertile land. The Zunde therefore ceased to function although its continued existence would have made Africans self-reliant and able to compete with the white settlers. The revival oftheZunde The Zunde raMambo was reviewed in 1996 when some members of the Council of Chiefs approached the Nutrition Unit in the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare for assistance. The villagers were expected to own the programme and to guarantee its sustainability in order to reduce levels of malnutrition and decrease dependence on the State for food. The idea was then taken up by chiefs throughout the country. Mararike (2000) notes that a number of problems were adversely af- the lack of fecting the programmes, agricultural between government lack of control of assets such as land, departments and the chiefs' knowledge and organization. In addition there was a lack of proper understanding of the Zunde, as villagers now perceive authority to be vested with the district council, political parties and central government rather than the chief and a lack of motivation on the part of villagers to participate in the schemes. including a shortage of land, inputs, inadequate cooperation 136 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhmnbll, Gumbo & Ny.musarai ZIMBABWE REPORT Table IV: Distribution of Zunde raMambo 2 Province Mwenzi Masvingo Mash West Mash East 0 2 Total 0 by province and district Masvingo Zvimba 8 05005 00022 8 0 HurungweMrewa 0 0 ------ Total 10 5 2 17 per cent of the respondents Findings Table IV gives the distribution of the Zunde according to province and indicated that Zunde district.Sixty-two scheme had been initiated between 1996 and 2000. Half the community members said the idea was proposed by the chief and the rest said it originated from the Child Welfare Forum. In Masvingo and Mash- onaland provinces, community members associate the Zunde with the Child Welfare Forum and orphans because the latter found the scheme a viable way of dealing with AIDS orphans. Since the Forum is co- the Zunde in these ordinated by the Department of Social Welfare, provinces has become much more than a programme to ensure food security and to cushion people against poverty. In Mwenezi, for ex- ample, people refer to the Zunde as "a field for widows, the disabled and orphans". In Mashonaland West the Zunde is viewed mainly as a food security programme. Here the Nutrition Department of the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare takes a considerably more active role than the Department of Social Welfare in Zunde activities. The chiefs are viewed here by all as being at the centre of persuading and encouraging people to participate in the Zunde. Organization of the Zunde In all the areas visited, the Zunde raMambo has been decentralized to the village level and is therefore now being referred to as the "kraal- head's Zunde" even though the chief has his own Zunde. This decentralization has taken place over the years in view of the fact that people could no longer work on the chief's land as some of the chiefs live far away. Most villages consist of approximately 200 households VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN'AFRICA 137 under a kraal-head who is responsible for mobilizing them. He also monitors and assesses the activities of the Zunde. In all provinces a Zunde committee, whose members are elected by the villagers, assist the kraal-heads to run the affairs of the Zunde. Some of these committee members, particularly in Masvingo, belong to the Child Welfare Forum, while in Mashonaland West village com- munity and health workers are found in most committees. Committee members consist of the chairperson, (the kraal-head or headman) the vice chairperson, the secretary and a treasurer. The committees are responsible for drawing up guidelines for the project. The village head reports to the headman or directly to the chief. When communities harvest, committees record the produce and inform the chief. Part of the grain is kept by the kraal-head and the rest is given to the chief. The Zunde committees are responsible for identifying those in need and allocating relief. The chief is the overall coordinator of all the Zunde in his area and he deals with any problem that cannot be solved at lower levels. the modalities is that The study established that the committees maintain registers of those who attend. Fines ranging from 2$2.00 to 2$5.00 are imposed on absentees. The chiefs and kraal-heads point out that absenteeism is, as a result, low. Committees work out of the operations. The most common arrangement the committee identifies a day when people come together to work and each household sends a representative. The other arrangement is that each village is asked to participate in a specific activity, such as ploughing, weeding or harvesting. This is in place in Masvingo where there is only one piece of land for a number of villages. Functions ofZunde raMambo All the respondents view the Zunde as a field belonging to the chief, headman or kraal-head, on which people in a particular community come to work together in order to produce grain to be given to the needy. The older members of community emphasize that, in times past, travellers and those who were awaiting trial at the chief's homestead were fed from the produce of the Zunde but younger members aged 30 138 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhembli. Glnlbo & Nya/nusIIr&!ZIMBABWE REPORT and 40 see it as a community strategy which ensures that the destitute and the disabled have enough to eat. Table V shows the number of people who have benefited and Table VI shows how they benefited from the Zunde. Most people (72.9%) state that beneficiaries get money for basic needs such as food, clothes and school fees. This response came mainly from Masvingo and Mashonaland East where the Zunde is seen as a poverty alleviation strategy and '4unde committees sell part of the proceeds in order to meet the needs of community members. In Masvingo, for example, two Zunde had managed to buy school uniforms for some schoolchildren. In addition, community members get maize, beans and groundnuts; a function that has remained unchanged since times past. Only when the need for food had been satisfied do they sell grain, although, because of numbers of orphans, the sale of grain has become necessary. Some Zunde are paying school fees for orphans, as 38.3% of respond- ents indicated. This is the case in ChiefNeshuro's area, in one of the poorest areas in Masvingo, where the primary school fees for two children were paid for the whole year. Only 18.7% of the respondents Table V Number of people who have benefited from recipients Zunde raMambo In selected areas Category Elderly. orphans, disabled Elderly, orphans, widows, expectant mothers Orphans. elderly and other poor 2000 450 of recipients Area No.of Charumbira, Masvingo area Chirau. Mash West Mupambatye (Mrewa), Mash East Chitanga Significant membership 100 families Table VI: Functions of the Zunde raMambo Frequency Functions 57 Provision of maize 29 Provision of maize and beans 20 Provision of vegetables Provision of money for school 41 Provision of money for other basics like c1othes78 fees Poor families % 53.3% 27.1% 18.7% 38.3% 72.9% VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 139 stated that the Zunde provide vegetables for the needy although this is common in Masvingo where community leaders have made Zunde gardens specifically for growing vegetables for orphans. Contingencies covered by Zunde raM ambo The three provinces under study are prone to erratic rainfall and thus food shortages. Region IV and V in Masvingo are prone to droughts and, while Zvimba and Murewa are productive' areas, they produce insufficient food because of too much rain. Food shortage is therefore the most important contingency catered for by the Zunde. However, because ofthe increasing poverty and numbers of orphans, it has been transformed into a poverty-alleviation programme for needy community members, particularly children. Capacity and viability ofZunde raMambo scheme All respondents note that the concept of the Zunde was most welcome because it ensures that the community participates in identifying the needy and also collectively determines how to help them, with minimal assistance from outsiders. Because it is a project owned by the people, it could be a very effective way of dealing with these problems. The respondents said the advantages of the Zunde programme over other programmes is, firstly, that it originates in Zimbabwe and is not imposed on the people. Secondly, it deals with the practical problems that affect virtually all within a community. Thirdly, it is managed by the community and their leaders and there is no bureaucracy involved. The project is seen to be both appropriate and relevant and is under- stood by the people. However, its viability is threatened by various common factors. These are the inability of all chiefs to have Zunde projects in their areas, the lack of adequate and productive land, the lack of inputs and farming implements and corruption. Conflicts between political and traditional Not all the districts under study have Zunde projects. The key inform- ants and community leaders see this as a major problem because government had hoped that, after discussing the issue with the chiefs in 1996, most, if not all, provinces would have implemented the Zunde. is that conflicts This is attributed to two major reasons. The first between the political structures and the traditional structures have leaders 140 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT impacted adversely on development projects on the ground, After Independence the government created village and ward development committees controlled by councillors while the traditional structures still remained, even though they had been stripped of their power during colonization. Consequently, some of the councillors are said to be interfering with the work of the Zunde. Secondly, the issue ofland remains critical. Most chiefs do not have adequate land. They also feel powerless because land allocation is stilI in the hands of local government authorities, which are not very re- sponsive to the needs of the chiefs. The study established that on average, each Zunde has about two acres. As a kraal-head under Chief Neshuro said: There are six hundred people in this village. The majority have barely enough to eat because each year, they hardly produce anything. We have many orphans who are living on their own or with elderly grandparents. These people are supposed to benefit from the Zunde but they cannot because we do not have enough land. ._-'---'--'~-"------'---- Lack ofinputs Inputs such as seed and fertilizer were said to be unavailable by 57.7% of the respondents. Because the Zunde approach emphasizes self- reliance, community members are supposed to provide seeds and fertilizers. In 1996 government promised to donate initial packages but did not do so. In a few cases where community members had man- aged to contribute inputs crops, especially maize, have not done well because of too much rain. In addition, the price offertilizers and seeds have gone up by over 100 per cent. As a result, they are beyond the reach of the poor peasants. How can I be expected to contribute inputs when I do not even have enough for myfield? In previous years, we used manure as to make the landfertile but our livestock was destroyed during the drought years, We therefore have nothing. The government and donors should assist us. one respondent lamented. The situation is similar in all provinces. VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 141 East crops. erratic rainfall observed Erratic rainfal1 with For the past years the community has experienced more than usual rain falling around February. Of the three provinces, Masvingo was most affected and Mashonaland least, because of in that area. As a result, most of those Zunde which the type of soil were cultivated had no yields at all. The researchers that most It was clear that of the fields cultivated had unhealthy-looking the harvest would be small. Poor community mobilization and participation Only 23.4% of the respondents was poor. It is possible that when the Zunde exist, community were highly motivated and encouraged In Masvingo and Mashonaland East, for example, and, because from the need to assist orphans community has orphans in the ,family, everyone the Zunde. Community leaders pointed out that, although want to participate, ensured by keeping a register of participants, was satisfactory. indicate that community mobilization leaders to participate. came in the of a few did not that was to be expected. The level of participation, almost saw the importance the motivation everyone their members for example, did not have appropriate Crop security was among the problems In Zvimba the chief was using his own buildings. cited by 9.3% of the respond- storage was cited as grain had been stored at a storage This was ents. In cases where the Zunde had realized yields, a problem and in Masvingo, nearby school because the kraal-head places. viewed as an unsuitable arrangement. Corruption Corruption was mentioned by only 4.7% of the respondents. One case was mentioned ofa kraal-head in Masvingo who had given grain to his him to the chief and friends and relatives but his committee he was fined. Although corruption totally, people have found the system of distribution because, at both village and chief levels, who identifY those in need and determine Zunde yields The majority ofihe Zunde under study had operated for an average of two years only. This period coincided with the erratic weather patterns. cannot be ruled out transparent to be relatively it is the committee members how much they receive. reported 142 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & NyamusaraJZIMBABWE REPORT Table VII: Expected yields for 2001 Area Mupambatye area (Murewa) Mukurazhizha area (Murewa) Crop maize groundnuts rapoko maize rapoko peanuts No of bags 10 x 90kg 10 x 50kg 10 x 50kg 1 bucket 10 x 50kg 30 x 50kg they had not harvested much in spite of the labour that As a result, peopl~ put in. It was reported, however, that one headman in Hurungwe had harvested only five bags of beans which were exhausted within a month. Another harvested only two bags. The highest yields were 100 bags of maize harvested in Charumbira village in Masvingo. One Zunde in Neshuro area harvested the following; in 1998, three bags of maize and ten of groundnuts. In 1999 the yield increased to eight bags of maize and ten bags of groundnuts but there was no harvest in 2000, because of heavy rains. They were expecting low harvests in 200 1 for the same reason. In 1999, four bags of groundnuts were sold. Six schoolchildren had their fees paid for the whole year and six elderly persons were assisted. Expected yields in 200 I from some Zunde raMambo fields are shown in Table VII. Level of benefits Because of the low levels of yields, benefits were very low. For example, one family received a five-litre tin of maize which was able to provide a meal for only one or two days. Consequently, one Zunde to raise in ChiefNeshuro's area has started a coffin-making project income specifically for school fees for orphans. The project is fairly successful although it had its own problems. Linkages to formal social security programmes Because of its community base, the Zunde have linkages with other formal social security schemes/social protections. The first link is with programmes run by the Department of Social Welfare, such as the Social Development Fund, the Public Assistance programme and free food distribution. Key informants and community leaders point out that VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 143 the Zunde are still not able to cater for significant members of people. As a result, the majority of the needy are still being referred to the Department of Social Welfare for assistance. the Zunde raMambo Because of the food security and nutrition aspect, the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, through its nutrition department, is also working closely with community members. This was evident in Zvimba in Mashonaland West where the Ministry has nutrition gardens run by communities. The Department of Agricultural Extension Services is supposed to give technical advice to communities but this is not being done systematically. One organization had even promised to sell the Zunde produce on behalf of a community in Zvimba, but the officials disappeared with the grain and were never seen again. There are therefore a number of organizations directly linked to the Zunde. While the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare is supposed to coordinate the government initiatives, it appears that this is not being done. Ways of strengthening Those in the formal sector indirectly support the non-formal activities of people in the rural areas in the form of material, cash and moral assistance. Generally, formal social schemes in Zimbabwe have very limited benefits and most urban people maintain a rural home to retire to at the end oftheir working life. The participation of rural people in Zunde raMambo has the blessing of those in formal social schemes as they also stand to benefit from them, directly or indirectly. However, there are no formal and direct linkages between formal and non-formal arrangements. When the respondents were asked to propose ways of strengthening the Zunde raMambo they made the following proposals: The supply of inputs such as seed, fertilizer and pesticides by either government or donor agencies was needed. The research team sees this proposal, however, as negative as it encourages dependency. Community members should be encouraged to get the inputs through their own community efforts. Having a Zunde banking account: This would ensure transparency and preserve the security of the money raised after selling produce. 144 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba. GlMTlbo& Nyamuaaral ZIMBABWE REPORT crop production dependency. "1he to produce for Zunde projects the deserving cases as most communities are poor and cannot afford inputs are too small in each community. form, If, however, the Zunde concept the concept such as poultry, piggeries is for let alone for the Zunde project. This is envisaged that would not encourage Securing loans and capital to start Zunde projects: Starting capital, required their private fields, as a once-off grant Increasing the acreage of land designated as Zunde raMambo: pieces of land allocated enough to support Introducing Zunde raMambo in a different form (income-generating projects): In its present is liable tlilfailure due to droughts and floods. is widened to include commercial the .and beekeeping, projects money raised from such projects could be invested to: genl}rate income for a fund for the needy in the community. Boreholes and irrigation facilities: The planting of crops in the rainy season only limits the viability of the Zunde raMambo. The -construc- and irrigation facilities would ensure that, even in dry tion of boreholes seasons, Fencing offields members destroyed fenced off from animals. After harvesting the crops, the produce.needs to be properly Burial societies The development of burial societies In the face of increasing social local and aliens from neighbouring and Mozambiqueforrnedburial societies and assis~anceto members non-formal security generally bereavement. members. Cormack (1983) notes that burial urban living and have evolved serious deprivation and social they are security in the event of for some of the other social needs of their are a product of worker who faces and constructing storage facilities: Community have often been demoralized when their crops have been by cattle and other animals ..The Zunde projects need to be insecurity, black migrant workers, both such as Zambia, Malawi burial indigenous organizations, which provide mutual help societies. Hall (1987) defines in Zunde raM ambo fields can continue. in the event. of death or illness. Theyar,ea arrangement. He observes that stored so that the food does not quickly go bad. to aid the'migrant insecurity. seen to offer a measure of financial as local social countries and' also cater societies VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 145 'Jecords as quoted irrOOe'AfuqlOs vulnerable from the National Archives, aurial societies :ihdigenoospeople in the towns against when the erosion of traditional in Hall, been formed as early as 1919. These were the Sena labourers (1974) points out that by 1973 they were in Bulawayo and also probably an equal study in 1970, Cormack in Harare (Corrr.ack quoted evolved during the colonial the contingency social According1o buria\:sociooes;had Burial Sode~ ,arid the Gazaland Burial Society for migrant from Mozambique, Ndubiwa 248 regimeted burial societies nlWrtber thaLwere:notregistered. found that there'were many burial societies m'Hal\..t~1)\' in Zimbabwe etWID protect ofcleath.m}ci~ciatedproblems support'systems to destitution. Theincreas.trof:butiahocietCts.as a result ofHIV/AIDS The economic downturn has ':also been exacerbated crisis,;l'heiNatj.onalA:fD8iCo~ordination thatliltlere.ro perfonnthetraditional deceased can depart by the HIV/AIDS revealed AlDS every week in Zimbabwe, As are con- of burial burials have to be carried out rituals. Even those who die to the out by family and com- the their dependants in the proli feration rural home~ for burial, are :b.readwinners, relatives.., Tfre:buI'ial' is tarried rituals so that usually next Programme (1999) In another in peace. in rural to:the p'laceofburial intne; buriaL process lothebeteaved. Members of burial societies are USllall,-entitied to a coffin when they and food for the mourners. and also provide emotional areas, villagers fields. To burial both urban and rural are now very expensive in and feeding mourners. have weaken- individuals arrange- die asweH as,transport Mourneril.:artiCipate andpsycoorogicl1lsuppOtt observeda~ofmouvningby;:ootgoing-towork ensure that tbeygeta decintandrlignifted peoplehav.e joi'nedbUriaf terms of buying the'coffini.payiilg The 'indi\lidualimic,'\?aluel>that accompany modernization ed the.rohesiwnesSnftraditional now ,have to, taktllit upo.n ,themselves to. make the necessary ments for a decent burial. soeieties;-Burials for transport systems, support in'their social 1'16 dOlIRNAU'OF'S0ClAl DEVElOPUEN'T IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JUt .... 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusaral ZIMBABWE REPORT The structure of burial societies The structure of the 29 burial societies studied was more or less the same in all cases. Most have a chairperson, a scheme committee, con- sisting of a secretary, a treasurer and committee members and the members of the schemes. The office bearers are chosen by the general membership but no specific criterion is used during the selection process. All the members state that a person who is known and liked is likely to be chosen. This is seen as a disadvantage because some of those thus chosen were unable to discharge their duties efficiently. Some urban-based societies have branches in other suburbs., Most of the presidents (40%) have held this position for four years while 25% have held their office for more than 15 years. Most of the office bearers are men even though the membership comprise both men and women. Women and children are beneficiaries because the heads of household are men, except in cases where the woman is single, divorced or widowed. Membership composition Only 50% (l0) of the committee members were able to provide inform- ation on membership composition. Table VIII shows the composition of burial societies. Most societies have a membership of between 50-200 families. Given an average of four children per family, the estimated number of indivi- duals catered for by each burial society is between 300 and 1,200 people. TABLE VIII Membership Composition Range of families 5Q-1 00 families 101-150 families 151-200 families 201-250 families TOTAL Frequency 3 3 3 10 % 30% 30% .10% 30% 100% VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 147 covered by burial societies Functions of and contingencies The main contingency covered was death. When members and their beneficiaries die, the scheme pays out a certain amount of money, as stipulated in the rules of the society. Apart from these economic benefits, societies also offer emotional and psychological to the bereaved. This is viewed as important, particularly in urban areas where there is little community cohesion. A small percentage of re- spondents receive benefits such as mealie-meal and the payment of ambulance fees. One respondent belonged to a scheme which funded weddings, but this is an unusual case. support The second contingency covered is sickness, but only 46% of the societies provided this benefit, recognizing that many people get ill before they die and, during that period, families require both financial and moral support. Nevertheless, no stipulated amount of money is given out when someone was sick: members are encouraged to be generous and to visit the sick person regularly. Capacity and viability of burial societies The capacity and viability of burial societies will be considered in relation to the administration ofthe funds and the structures, the level of contributions, the benefits and the coverage. Out of 29 burial societies, only six benevolent funds are administered by individuals who have at least an 0 level educational qualification. This is viewed by most respondents some burial societies had as much as $50,000.00 dollars in their accounts, which inflation. was not being invested and thus not being protected against is offered to committee members. As a result some members believe that the funds are being mismanaged, although they cannot provide it. A number of members were said to have opted out of burial societies because of mismanagement and embezzlement, although the suspects had not been reported to the police. No training in bookkeeping and basic financial management limitation because as a major Another problem is the lack of transparency. Most members do not know how much money is in the bank account and complain that they never receive information about this. Office bearers point out that to provide members with regular quarterly statements involves too much 148 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT TABLE IX Membership Joining fees fee Joining Did not specify amount $0-$500.00 $501.00-$1,000.00 $1,001.00-$1,500.00 $1,501.00-$2,000.00 TOTAL Frequency Percentage ___ u "----------------------------- ~._------ n •.. d ._. .. . _ -- -~-- • .. ._ .. _ 6 2 4 --~-----~---------- ---------- 7 __ 1 -_.. 20 .._._--~.------ -------- • u 30% 10% 20% ...------- ----- .. u_ 35% _. ----- 5% 100% unpaid work. Some members rarely attend monthly briefing meetings and these meetings are not minuted. Some members complain that they do not have designated meeting places and, as a result, meetings are sometimes held in inappropriate places such as beer-halls. Workplace-based benevolent schemes are better organized than other burial societies because they have constitutions which clearly layout the terms of reference for office bearers. Their members have a good knowledge of how the scheme worked and, because they are all situ- ated at the same place, they can make inquiries if necessary. Level of contribution Members' contributions are a good indicator of whether the scheme is able to achieve its objectives. The study revealed that for both burial societies and work-based benevolent funds members paid joining fees. Table IX shows the level ofjoining fees paid by members. Most mem- bers pay ajoining fee ranging between Z$501.00 toZ$2,000.00 as well as monthly or annual subscription fees as shown in Table X. TABLE X: Monthly and yearly subscriptions Range $10.00-$50.00 per month $51.00-$100.00 per month $101.00-$150.00 per month $151.00-$200.00 per month $200.00-$300.00 per annum $301.00-$400.00 per annum $401.00-$500.00 per annum TOTAL Frequency Percentage 3 11 1 1 2 1 1 20 ---------~----------- 15 55 5 5 10 5 5 100% VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 149 TABLE XI Amount in the bank account Range Don't know $500.00 $5,000.00-$20,000.00 $20,001.00-$35,000.00 $35,001.00-$50,000.00 TOTAL ------- Frequency 2 1 6 --~------------, 5 6 20 ------~ ~~- - Percentage -- -- - -- ----_. 10% 5% 30% 25% --------- 30% .-- ----.--.---- --'----'--- 100% - from burial societies point out that their Virtually all respondents monthly fees are very low, given the number of beneficiaries. While they recognize that the subscriptions needed to be increased in order for them to benefit meanmgfully, most members cannot afford to pay more and some had friends who had pulled out of the scheme because they could not pay the subscriptions. Only in one case did a retired policeman join a burial society, in addition to his funeral insurance. than burial Workplace benevolent societies because their members contribute higher rates and they therefore have a stronger capacity to meet their members' needs. schemes seemed to fare better The study established that the societies do have money in their banks but the amounts are viewed by respondents as insignificant. These are shown in Table XI. On average, both burial societies and benevolent funds payout between Z$500.00 and Z$ I0,000 when a member or other beneficiary dies. Some burial societies specify that the money must be for the coffin and transport (if the person is buried in his or her rural home). The benevolent funds tend to be flexible and the bereaved family can decide how to spend the money. In addition to financial benefits, members of burial societies contribute food such as meal ie-meal and vegetables. A few provide cement for building the graves. note that All respondents the amounts being paid out are not adequate, given the fact that funeral costs have gone up significantly over the past six years. An ordinary coffin, which about ten years previously cost Z$200.00, now costs up to Z$2,000 dollars. Transport costs for the corpse have soared. Coupled with this problem was the 150 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba. Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT of petrol, forcing some people to buy expensive current unavailability black market petrol. Feeding mourners In spite of their contributions, is also proving to be expensive many members lunch and supper, but, without because a funeral takes on average three days, during which time food for the mourners found it is required. difficult food, the to provide breakfast, is poorly attended. This problem is more acute in the urban than funeral rural areas, where to ensure from other members of the community. While all respond- assistance ents noted that support to each other, as to fulfil their obligations fully they would have to spend most of their time attending they should provide moral and psychological they feJt that the task was becoming community measures and visiting the sick. very daunting, in place are put funerals their objectives. Bunat The extend of coverage to achieve societies funds all cater for the members, ents noted that this was adequate grandchildren should be covered, not have the capacity to provide societies also has a bearing on the capacity of burial and benevolent and children. Respond- and, although some felt that their societies did their spouses coverage they realized that for all family members. The capacity of the burial society to realize its objectives is com- by the level of contributions, promised structures which were not innovative, conditions. Virtually all burial societies which yield very low returns. the benefits and administrative given the existing economic funds are in savings accounts, Questions of viability and sustainability was quite clear that the burial societies way of providing even though external resulting from the HIV/AIDS pandemic this assistance factors have is definitely led to this development; It are CrItical to the study. are an effective and sustainable families Two major the high death rate not adequate. and economic problems. some kind of assistance when to bereaved One chairperson of a society pointed out that they would have a maximum of two members to the satisfaction 1990, whom the society was able to assist This situation strain financially and emotionally. The situation has changed dramatically and members in the past, around dying in a year of the bereaved. are feeling the because is worsened VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 151 many members are almost destitute when they die and burial societies cannot provide much assistance to family members. in spite of knowing that The country's economic problems also affect burial societies. Given a situation in which more than 60% of the people are poor and unable to meet their basic needs, it is not surprising that some members are dropping out of the scheme, they would require some assistance on bereavement. Retrenchments are -also having a negative effect because ofloss of income. The workplace used to provide some form of security for many workers who would expect the company to assist with funeral costs. Nowadays, if they lose their job, they have to go back to their rural homes where community mech- anisms exist. Those who choose to remain in towns must turn to other mutual aid groups such as the church, friends and kin. Linkages with formal and non-formal schemes No burial society has links with any formal organization. Workplace benevolent funds operate along parallel lines within their organizations and do not co-operate with each other, although some of the members belong to more than one burial society as a way of enhancing their access to funeral assistance. The societies operate differently. None has obtained financial or other assistance from either the government or non-governmental organizations. Not all the members favour outside assistance, as they believe that it would compromise their indepen- dence. Ways of strengthening burial societies Burial societies are meeting a need that is not being met by formal social security systems. In order for them to be more effective the following suggestions were made by respondents: • Burial societies must have clearly written constitutions which pro- vide a clear framework for operation. Office-bearers need to be trained in basic management skills so that they know how to keep records and conduct meetings. Non-governmental organizations could strengthen the capacity of these office bearers . • The level of contributions is very low in relation to the cost of funerals. Contributions need to be increased in line with inflation rates. This cannot be done, however, without improving the earning 152 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ ZIMBABWE REPORT capacity of people. Communities therefore need to engage in in- come-generating projects . • Burial societies need to be given information on HlV/AIDS so that they can educate their members on the needed for behavioural change and the prevention of infection . • Burial societies could enter into contracts with well-established funeral companies so that less expensive transport can be provided to their members who have to rely on the exorbitant charges of private transport companies. Conclusion It is evident from the currently high and increasing levels of poverty and unemployment that the potential of formal social security schemes to increase their coverage is very low. The study has shown that non- formal social security arrangements are an important source of social protection for most people. What is also evident is that, in spite of the popularity and wider coverage of non-formal social security schemes, these arrangements have not received meaningful and sufficient support from either central government or the donor community. The Zunde raMambo project has suffered from a lack of inputs, such as seed and fertilizer, which has compromised its sustainability and the food security situation of the community. One ministry or agency must play the role of co-ordinating and supervising this project. As for burial societies, they are playing a very important role although they are constrained by a lack of administrative skills and the inability of their members are therefore only able to get minimal benefits. to afford higher contributions. Members In spite ofthese constraints, burial societies and the Zunde have the capacity to extend coverage to grass roots communities and individuals and to meet both their immediate and future needs. Addressing the constraints would make a positive impact on social security in Zimba- bwe. VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 153 Recommendations The following recommendations arise from the study: Zunde raMambo ° Either government or donor agencies should provide inputs such as seed, fertilizer and pesticides on a once-off basis, thus allowing communities to become self-reliant by making the Zunde sustainable. idea, both at government and at community level, agriculture on its own may not be a reliable social security measure. It should diversifY into other income-generating projects . ° Diversification. Though the Zunde is a very popular •0 The acreage of land must be increased. ° Complementary infrastructure and services must be provided, such as fencing fields and installing boreholes and irrigation to ensure that, even in dry seasons, crop production is sustained. ° Formal arrangements such as monitoring and evaluation mechanisms must be put in place to guide the operations of the Zunde. Burial societies Burial societies need to have clearly written constitutions which provide a clear framework for operation. ° Non-governmental organizations and local authorities can assist by training office bearers in basic management skills. ° Burial societies need to be given the capacity to engage in income- and generating projects so that they can raise their contributions improve their benefits. Burial societies need to be encouraged to enter into contracts with funeral undertakers so that they can benefit from their expertise and fmancial capacity. ° Members should be informed about HIV/AIDS in order to ensure their longevity and the viability oftheir societies. 154 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA VOL 17 NO 2 JULY 2002 Dhemba, Gumbo & Nyamusara/ZIMBABWE REPORT in Zimbabwe, Gweru, Mambo Press in Africa In Kaseke, E.(ed.), Social Security Systems References Benda-Beckmann, F. von, and Kirsch, R. 1999. Informal social security systems in southern Africa and approaches to strengthen them through policy measures. In: Journal of Social Development in rlfi'ica 14 221-38 Central Statistical Office, 2000. Quarterly Digest of Statistics, Harare Chinake, H. 2000. Savings Clubs as a Strategy for Enhancing Women:S Socio-economic Status: A Study of Club Members in Nyameni-Ma- rondera, Unpublished BSW dissertation, Harare, School of Social Work Clarke, D. 1977. 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