The fourth chapter deals with the repertoireand origin of the music. Daniel Kaehambahas composed some of it, but much of it isadapted from records, even to phonetic repro-duction of foreign texts. The compositions aremostly topical songs, often with highly symbolicmeanings which are not understandable to theoutsider.The musical instruments themselves are des-cribed in the fifth chapter. The pennywhistle(called kwela-flote in German) is adapted byexpanding the mouth hole and putting the lipover part of the labium (sounding hole) whenplaying. The guitar is adapted by removingthe number five string. Daniel Kaehamba usesa variety of tunings, with secret names forthem so they cannot be copied by someoneelse. In addition to rattles, the one-stringedbass is often used. This is a rather large boxwith a pole on one side of it. A string isstretched from the top of the pole to the box,and it is plucked when playing the instrument.Chapter Six contains specific notes aboutthe material on the record, including the ChewaKwanongoma College of Music, BulawayoUniversity of Indianatexts and English translations made by DanielKaehamba himself. The fifteen songs are mostlytopical, dealing with love and troubles. Oneis in praise of President Banda. Eight songsare in Chewa (one of which is mixed withShona), two are in English and three are Zulu,learned phonetically. Several types of musicare given Š Sinjonjo, Double-step (Simanje-manje), Twist, Limbika, Shake-Shake andLumba (Rhumba). The songs are placed onthe record in the order they were recorded, butnone of the 1967 recordings are included.The strummed guitar and the string bassare heard in all of the songs. The songs havethe strong pulsing beat which is so popular inurban African music today, but there is littlesyncopation. The one-stringed bass has somelively and interesting bass lines in some of thesongs. Just listening to the record does notgive a clear idea of why Kubik considered thisgroup particularly interesting or important. Theacademic interest of the book overshadows themusical interest of the record.O. E. AXELSSONJ. KAEMMERIndians in Uganda and Rhodesia: Some Comparative Perspectives on a Minority in AfricaBy H. H. Patel Denver, University of Denver, 1973, Center on International Race Relations Studiesin Race and Nations, 5, i, 35 pp. US$2,00.The author has written a thought-provoking,but admittedly preliminary, inquiry which hepresents in two main parts. The first portiondraws a community profile, concerned inter aliawith early history, segregation and discrimina-tion, and land and trade policies; the seconddiscusses Indian political activity. He avoidsfirm conclusions, but remarks that 'the largelyapolitical Indian usually has been galvanisedinto political action for his own interests' Šexcept in his response to developing Africannationalism. He comments also that Indians inRhodesia enjoy what many perceive of as beinga precarious existence.The fundamental issue the paper raises iswhether or not a broad community profile canbe drawn to cover Indian experience in Ugandaand Rhodesia. I believed that this could be doneuntil I read Patel's study; for it demonstratesthat the variable factors are so numerous thatno cohesive form can be achieved because thecircumstances in which the two communitiesdeveloped have been so completely different.It is the early years which are crucial, andtoo little weight is given to them in this paper.Indians penetrated into Uganda when theBritish were weak, whereas they entered Rho-desia under the cover of Chartered Companystrength. The British in Uganda had to allythemselves with segments of society in Bugandaand then negotiate with neighbouring politicalunits, a situation which led to the preservationof African rights through a series of agreements.The 1900 Uganda Agreement, by which Bu-ganda maintained a separate identity until theremoval of the Kabaka four years after the126ftProtectorate became independent, was mostsignificant as it conditioned the process ofsocial, political, religious and economic changethroughout the Protectorate in the colonialperiod. In Rhodesia, the Chartered Companyfirst overawed the Shona, then took Matabele-land by force and finally crushed effective Afri-can opposition for decades in the course ofsuppressing the 1896 risings. The British inUganda remained responsive therefore to Afri-can wishes while the Chartered Company andits successor governments could ignore themuntil the late 1950s.The British depended upon Indians econo-mically just as they depended upon Africanspolitically. Both Alidina Visram and BoustedRidley and Company pushed up into Bugandafrom their bases in Zanzibar but, whereas theEuropean firm found it difficult to recruit andthen maintain a suitable manager, its Indiancompetitor had no difficulty in obtaining skilledagents. It was, therefore, to Alidina Visram'sshops that the British turned to supply thebeads, brasswire and cloth required to maintainofficials at eleven out-stations in the early1900s. These and other Indian subordinateswere well-placed to participate in the economicdevelopment of Buganda, and then Uganda,following the completion of the Mombasa-Kisumu railway and the improvement of Lakeshipping. The Chartered Company on the otherhand could turn to European merchants in theearly years whose companies did not face com-petition from 'passenger' Indians.Passenger Indians could not penetrate intoRhodesia in significant numbers until theGerman East Africa Line provided passagesfrom Bombay to Beira, trans-shipping atZanzibar, by 1894 and before the railwayreached Umtali in 1898 by which time theyfaced a hostile reception. This stemmed fromthe European response to the influx of 'free'Indians in 1891, which had led to an anti-Indian press campaign in 1892 and an attemptto place Indians in African urban locations in1893 and 1894, as well as to official hesitationin granting licences to Indians.Indians in Rhodesia existed on sufferancebut those in Uganda could flourish, subject toa discrimination exercised by the colonialregime almost as stringently against Europeancivilians as against them.There is equal divergence in their politicalposition, although common roots exist in theirstatus as British subjects. Rhodesia enjoyeda partially elected Legislative Council from1899 and, since the constitution was theoretic-ally colour-blind, any distinctly Indian politicalvoice has been smothered since that time.Uganda moved to a partially nominated Legis-lative Council in 1920, when the British weremotivated by economic reasons to create orexpand such bodies and when they were sus-ceptible to pressure on the Colonial Officethrough the Indian Office because of the mass-nationalist upsurge in British India itself.Uganda's Indians thus exercised a distinct poli-tical voice until British strategic interestschanged and British India achieved independ-ence, whereupon the Uganda Legislative Coun-cil began to resemble a proto-parliament to theimmediate economic disadvantage of Indians,as Patel has shown, and ultimately to that ofEuropean officials and civilians.Although broad comparative perspectivescannot be achieved, the author's paper demon-strates that significant progress can be made inmore limited areas, particularly regarding thecircumstances in which Indians protested andbecame politicised and, possibly, regarding theprerequisites for their movement onto the land.It is to be hoped that Patel will expand onthese themes.The author evinces an underlying concernfor the future which G. W. Shepherd trans-mutes in his Foreward into advocacy of an endto Rhodesian Indian neutrality. Shepherd mightconsider the recent history of Ismailis inUganda and Tanzania which suggests that,whatever Indians do, they are lost.Simon Eraser UniversityP. STIGGER127