Zambezia (1079), VII (ii.i.ESSAY REVIEWEDUCATION PLANNING FOR ZIMBABWE:THE PROBLEM OF UNRELIABLE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVESPLANS FOR THE education system of Zimbabwe involve apparently irrecon-cilable differences of opinion between those who favour modification ofthe colonial education system and those who seek the creation of an entirelynew system. It must be assumed that both parties have the common aim ofsecuring the establishment of an education system that will assist with thecreation of a usefully energetic, sensitively intelligent and proudly unitedsociety. A basic issue, therefore, is the extent to which the views of therespective parties are valid in the context of national welfare.The basic premise of conservative opinion is that much in the existingeducation system is worth preserving whereas the revolutionaries feel thatthe existing system is without merit of any kind. As the premises of thetwo parties are to a great extent based on different interpretations of thehistory of the colonial system of education it is important to consider thevalidity of their respective historical perspectives.In the ideological context the historical analysis of colonial educationsystems gives rise to irreconcilably different views. With reference tocolonial East Africa W. T. S. Gould, for example, observes that on theone hand it is felt that by means offormal education in schools the social resources of each colonialarea became mobilized to generate change that benefited bothsociety at large and the individual who was able to find a placein school. A pool of educated and skilled people was one necessarycondition for development as measured by the normal indices ofWestern experience. Schools could be viewed in these terms asone of the benefits of the colonial presence.1Critics of this view, Gould continues, point out thatschools served the colonial system by providing a pool of itsservants and inculcating a value system of hierarchical controland exploitation that is implicit in colonialism. The gap betweenthese two schools of thought would appear to be unbridgeable.2Two different historical perspectives on the history of the colonial educationsystem in this country which contrast with each other in much the samemanner as that described by Gould have been presented for Zimbabwe.On the one hand, four professors in the Faculty of Education of the1 W. T. S. Gould, 'Patterns of school provision in colonial East Africa', UnivcrsiteNational* du Zaire Campus de Lubumbashi: Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, VIII, NumeroSpecial: L'Enseignement en Afrique Noire (Lubumbashi, Presses Universitaires duZaire, 1976), 131. I am grateful to Prof. R. S. Roberts for this reference.2 Ibid.215216ESSAY REVIEWUniversity of Rhodesia, have produced the 'Report of an Investigation intothe Possibilities for Educational Development in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe aftera Political Settlement';3 this private report was made in response to certainsuggestions from the Ministry of Education and subsequently legislation has,in important respects, followed the plan of the four professors. On theother hand Nathan Shamuyarira on behalf of the Patriotic Front has presenteda policy statement in 'Education and Social Transformation in Zimbabwe'/1The report of the four professors in its historical perspectives focuseson 'firm traditions . . . which can be expected to provide a basis fordevelopment in the future'.5 Three of these traditions which receive specialattention are the utilization of schools to promote community developmentschemes, the maintenance of high standards of education at secondary andtertiary levels, and harmony between the State and religious bodies in theirjoint involvement in educational affairs. It is asserted that the 'most importantamong these traditions is almost certainly that of community development'/1The origin of this tradition is attributed to a Native Department official,H. S. Keigwin, whose policy on African education gave rise totwo fundamental principles ... in the first place, a small educa-tional advance by large numbers of African people was to be'infinitely preferred to any scheme for the advancement of thefew'; and in the second place, the emphasis of education shouldbe placed on such agricultural and industrial instruction as wouldenable African people to develop a more satisfying and productiveway of life in the tribal reserves.7It is alleged that the policy of Keigwin received the endorsement of thePhelps-Stokes Commission in 1924 and was adopted by the first Directorof Native Education, Harold Jowitt, for extension 'to all schools for Africansin the territory'.8 The four professors then outline the history of communitydevelopment schemes in African education up to recent times.9The account of community development schemes by the four professorscontains a number of weaknesses arising from factual errors as well asuncritical acceptance of the principles- of policy attributed to Keigwin.Taking the factual errors first, it should have been mentioned that thePhelps-Stokes Commission was an American-sponsored enquiry and hadplayed an important part in the formulation of policy on community develop-ment in the territory long before this was endorsed in the report of 1924.Indeed, a leading member of the Phelps-Stokes Commission, C. T. Loram3 N. D. Atkinson (Convenor), P. G. S. Gilbert, Elizabeth Hendrikz and S. F. WOrbell, 'Report of an Investigation into the Possibilities for Educational Developmentin Rhodesia-Zimbabwe after a Political Settlement' (Salisbury, privately, mimeo, 1978).The four professors emphasize that their suggestions were made as a' result of theirinvestigations as private individuals and the views expressed do not represent thoseof the University of Rhodesia or its Education Faculty. Had the Government comeup with these proposals they would naturally have been subject to widespread criticismon the ground that they represented partizan views.* N. Shamuyarira, 'Education and social transformation in Zimbabwe' Development Dialogue 1978 : 2 (Ovre Slottsgaten, Dag Hammarskjold Centre 1978)= Atkinson et at., 'Report of an Investigation'3. 'e Ibid.v Ibid.e Ibid., 3-4.s Ibid., 4-5.R. J. CHALLISS 217had published The Education of the South African Native in 1917, whichhad received widespread attention amongst all concerned with African affairsin the southern half of the continent.10 Loram had been greatly influencedby the ideas of American specialists on the education of Blacks, notablyBooker T. Washington, who from before the turn of the century hadpromoted rurally-orientated community development schemes for BlackAmericans, partly with a view to reducing tension between Blacks andWhites in the industrializing sectors of the American economy." Early in1921 the Chairman of the Phelps-Stokes Commission, Thomas (esse loncs,whose ideas were similar to those of Washington, visited Southern Rhodesinwhere Native Department schemes under the direction of Keigwin weremodified in accordance with Phelps-Stokeism.12 At the same time theImperial Government and the Administrator of Southern Rhodesia, SirFrancis Percy Drummond Chaplin, were anxious to promote Phelps-Stokeii.nias quickly as possible for it was feared that with the advent of ResponsibleGovernment European settlers might scotch plans for African communitydevelopment. Loram was therefore personally called upon to propagatePhelps-Stokeism in the territory where, by 1923, many missionaries wereconverted to the new policy in African education. All this is not mentionedby the four professors who give the misleading impression that Phelps-Stokeism and the influence of Loram were asserted in the territory onlyafter the advent of Responsible Government.10 C. T. Loram, The Education of the South African Native (New York, Long-mans, Green, 1917); for examples of the reception of this book see reviews in Journalof the African Society (1917), LXVI, 85-7; T. F. Victor Buxton, 'Education of theAfrican', Journal of the African Society (1918), LXVII, 212-22.11 For an account of the part played by Washington in Black American educationgenerally, see A. Conway, The History of the Negro in the United States (London,The Historical Association, General Series Pamphlet No. 67, 1968), 18-20; for anaccount of American influences on Loram see K. J. King, Pan-Africanism and Education(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1971), passim; R. D. Heyman, 'C. T. Loram: South Africanliberal in race relations', The International Journal of African Historical Studies (1972),V, 41-50. I am grateful to Prof. R. S. Roberts for these last two references.12 Unless otherwise stated these and other observations on African education historythat follow in this article are based on R. J. Challiss, 'African Education in SouthernRhodesia, 1890-1923', (Salisbury, unpubl. Mss, 1978), which contrasts with N. D.Atkinson, Teaching Rhodesians: A History of Educational Policy in Rhodesia (London,Longmans, 1972), which is cited as the historical authority in the Report of the fourprofessors. In the account by Atkinson, no mention is made of the influence exertedby Phelps-Stokeists before the advent of Responsible Government and the part playedby Loram is overlooked entirely. Atkinson also fails to mention that for some yearsbefore the advent of Responsible Government there were serious disputes betweenprofessionally qualified officials of the Government Department of Education andofficials of the Native Department which centred upon whether Phelps-Stokeist com-munity development schemes should be encouraged at the expense of provision ofthird-class (kraal) schools and improvements in African teacher-training. Similaromissions are made in two other published accounts of local education history: F.Parker, African Development and Education in Southern Rhodesia (Columbus, OhioState Univ. Press, International Education Monograph No. 2, Kappa Delta PhiPublication, 1960), and R. C. Bone, African Education: The Period to 1927 (Salisbury,Univ. College of Rhodesia, Faculty of Education Occasional Paper No. 9, 1970).These omissions largely explain why views expressed by the author of this essay differfrom those presented by the four professors.218 ESSAY REVIEWAs for uncritical acceptance by the four professors of the two principlesof policy attributed to Keigwin, this is a matter of the utmost significanceas far as their advocacy of community development in the future is concerned.For, the wide acceptance of the new policy in the 1920s was indeed success-ful in the inhibition of 'the advancement of the few'. For example, beforePhilps-Stokeism prevailed in the territory, good progress was made in thefield of African teacher training at certain leading mission stations. As aresult of Phelps-Stokeism this progress was arrested because limited missionand State finances and resources were swallowed up by agricultural andindustrial training schemes instead of being utilized for the expansion andimprovement of teacher-training facilities.Phelps-Stokcism also had an adverse effect on the growth-rate ofAfrican education. During the First World War and for a few years after-wards, attendances at Mission schools increased rapidly, albeit mainly insingle-teacher kraal schools where only a very elementary education was givenin the vernacular.13 This alarmed the Native Department, chiefly for securityreasons. The Native Department therefore welcomed Phelps-Stokeism whicheschewed kraal schools in favour of more centralized ones where largernumbers of better qualified teachers could cater more cffectivly for industrialand agricultural training. With a smaller number of schools, of course, closerEuropean surveillance was possible and there was no danger of subversivepropaganda against colonial rule, as there might be in remotely situatedkraal schools.Concentration on the establishment of centralized schools and neglectof African teacher-training appears to have meant that the growth-rate ofAfrican education slowed down in the late 1920s, and for a while in theearly 1930s numbers at schools actually declined. In addition to the factthat schools were fewer and further between, the arrested growth-rate mayalso have had something to do with the nature of the Phelps-Stokeist curri-culum. Not all Africans can have wished to train as agriculturalists andthey strongly resented industrial training of a simplified kind that wasintended to promote improvements in traditional African craftsmanshipinstead of the acquisition of technical skills of a Western industrialized13 The sole text cited as a reference on the history of education in the Reportof the four professors is Atkinson, Teaching Rhodesians, 91, where it is erroneouslyasserted that under Government regulations on kraal schools 'The only stipulationconcerning the curriculum was that 'a sufficient number of pupils are taught tospeak and understand the English language'. In fact, under the regulations only themore sophisticated First and Second-class mission schools had to give instruction inEnglish, but this was not required in Third-class (kraal) schools at all, British SouthAfrica Company, Government Gazette, 21 June 1907, Government Notice No. 133 of20 June 1907, Order "D", Schools for Natives, Sections 1-8, passim. This error resultsin further confusion later on (see, for example, the citation of Native Departmentcriticism of African teachers in kraal schools on the ground that they could not speakEnglish, Teaching Rhodesians, 95). For further examples of such errors that resultin unreliable interpretations in Teaching Rhodesians, see R. J. Challis, 'The originsof the educational system of Southern Rhodesia', Rhodesian History (1973), IV, 57-77,and Vicarious Rhodesians: Problems Affecting the Selection of Rhodesian Rhode'sScholars 1904-1923 (Salisbury, The Central African Historical Association LocalSeries 33, 1977), 9, fn. 102.R. J. CHALLISS 219kind. Instead of promoting 'a small educational advance by large numbersof African people', as the four professors would have us believe, Phelps-Stokeism appears to have had the opposite effects.14The complexities of the situation that gave rise to Phelps-Slokeism inSouthern Rhodesia can only be touched upon briefly in this essay. Indeed,only in relatively recent times has the importance of the subject beenrecognized.15 It is apparent, however, that a deeper understanding thanthat displayed by the tour professors is needed to ensure that history doesnot repeat itself where contemporary community development schemes areconcerned. What seems to be clear enough is that under Phelps-Stokeism.instead of investment in such things as agricultural equipment, improvedcommunications and irrigation schemes, too much reliance was placed uponschools alone for the promotion of African economic and social development.It is also clear that Phelps-Stokeism was for the most part a genuine attemptto promote African welfare by adopting the policy of separate racial develop-ment in order to safeguard African rather than European interests. Ironically,this meant that African advancement towards self-sufficiency and sell-determination was probably far more effectively retarded than might havebeen the case if European settlers had from the outset been allowed toadopt frankly exploitative policies that might at least have brought theAfrican more quickly into the modern, cash economy.'Ł» A common view, at least amongst certain European authorities on local Africaneducation history, is that until the late 1930s, Africans were generally opposed toformal education. Parker, African Development, x, for example, asserts that 'untilabout 1940 many Africans were loath to accept Western Culture and schooling. Butthat pattern has changed. In the last dozen years African progress has acceleratedfrom an orderly trot to a breathless gallop.'In 1970 a Government publication (R. Taylor, African Education, The HistoricalDevelopment and Organization of the System (Salisbury, Ministry of Information,Immigration and Tourism, 1970), 4) also adopted this view: 'It was unfortunatethat the difficulties of the war years 1939-45 should have imposed restrictions onexpansion at a time when the African was awakening to the benefits of education.Prior to about 1938, the problem had been to induce parents to allow their childrento attend school, for they preferred that the children should help with household tasks,herd the cattle, or hoe the lands.'Atkinson, Teaching Rhodesians, 116, mentions the 'sharp rise in the number ofAfrican pupils, which coincided with the early years of the Second World War, andattributes this largely 'to a tendency for many more pupils to stay on for work in theupper standards'. He also asserts that 'demands for African secondary education werealready appearing with remarkable frequency,' ibid., 118.For purposes of European propaganda, it is perhaps convenient to assume thatAfricans for long resisted formal education, and only made relatively sudden demandsfor it in the late 1930s. What is overlooked, however, is that before the advent ofPhelps-Stokeism the growth-rate of African education was relatively rapid. Indeed,African demands for high standards of education had always been strong. It was noteducation but Phelps-Stokeism which Africans resisted in the 1920s and early 19,'iOs.is For consideration of important aspects of community development schemesthat still require investigation, see M. C. Steele, 'Some problems of government inRhodesia', Rhodesian History (1970), I, 83-6, and 'Community Development in Rhode-sia, ibid. (1973), IV, 105-12.22O ESSAY REVIEWThe four professors also assert that, 'A second important tradition inthe Rhodesian educational experience is that of maintaining high standards ofachievement at the upper secondary and higher levels'.16 Their Report statesrather tentatively that before the advent of Responsible Government:Tt would apppear that there was already some recognition, thoughfrom a distinctly European point of view, of the significance ofmaintaining high educational standards in a situation in whichpeople of different race and culture lived and worked in increasingproximity to each other.'7Surely the racially competitive aspect of the situation should have beenexpressed in stronger terms. Simply from perusal of debates in the LegislativeCouncil from the turn of the century onwards it is clear that Europeansettlers became increasingly anxious to ensure that their children receivedthe 'best possible' education in order to secure continued European domin-ance in the territory. IS Indeed, by 1923 prolonged failure by the B.S.A.Company Administration to satisfy European settlers' desires for an efficientEuropean education system had considerably intensified the opposition ofmany European settlers to African advancement.The Report of the four professors rather simply suggests that thetradition of high standards was mainly the result of recommendations madeby the Commissions of Enquiry into European education of 1928 and 1936.iaClose examination of the evidence reveals, however, that these recommend-ations reflected long-felt needs and suggested the best ways of meetingthem now that the facilities and finances were available for such action.Important aspects of the situation appear to have been that Europeans couldonly secure superior education facilities for their children by means of theexploitation of cheap African labour, particularly in the European systemof schools, the allocation annually of a lion's share of public revenues toEuropean education (even though these funds for long came largely fromAfrican taxation), and, in the 1920s, the grant of Imperial loans for theprovision of European school facilities. The Report of the four professorsmakes no mention of these considerations.Neglect of the part played by the exploitation of cheap African labourwould seem to be a serious defect in any scheme for the modification ofthe colonial system. Certainly, it is hard to disagree with the view impliedin the Report of the four professors that a precipitant lowering of standardsin order to let schools cater more equitably for all sectors of society shouldbe avoided. Even so, important reasons why high standards were madepossible for the exclusive benefit of a small, privileged group of peoplein the country should be frankly recognized in education plans for Zimbabwe.Only then is it likely that sincere efforts will be made to create an educationsystem which gives equal opportunities for all to benefit from 'high standardsof upper secondary and higher education'.i6 Atkinson et aL, "Report of an Investigation' 5" Ibid.is Unless otherwise stated these, and the observations on European education thatfollow in this article are based on R. J. ChaLliss, The European Education System inSouthern Rhodesia 1890-1930 (Salisbury, Supplement to Zambezia, 1980 in press).»s Atkinson et al., 'Report of an Investigation', 5-6.R. J. CHALL1SS 221In conclusion to their historical outline the four professors state thatthe 'third important educational tradition has been the maintenance ofclose co-operation between government and the various church and mission-ary authorities'.20 Rhodes is given credit for initiating this tradition whichwas reflected in legislationpassed in 1899, authorising public financial assistance to denomina-tional schools and the 'right of entry' of denominational clergy toteach the children of their own persuasion in state-maintainedschools . . . Since then, the principle of a partnership betweenchurch and state in the public provision of education has beenconsistently maintained, though there has been some modificationin the terms of the 'right of entry' under the Federation Act No. 15of 1956, sec. 28, and a considerable reduction in missionaryresponsibility for primary education, as a result of the Plan forEducation of 1956.21The impression given here of virtually complete harmony betweenreligious bodies and what were often reactionary Governments is misleading.Later in the Report the four professors mention that religious bodies tookthe initiative in educational change and progress. Missionaries, for example,led the way in African teacher training, agricultural training and secondaryeducation.22 Perhaps it might have been mentioned by the professors thatin some of these instances missionary initiatives were at odds with Govern-ment policy, or to be more precise, policy of the Department of NativeAffairs. For example, Phelps-Stokeism, which was favoured by the NativeDepartment, was resisted by certain missionaries who felt that greaterattention should be paid to African teacher training. In this connection,what happened from the 1930s onwards would seem to have been ofspecial significance. Progress in African teacher-training, which had beenchecked by Phelps-Stokeism in the 1920s, was revived in the 1930s. Atthe same time, African demands for technical training instead of simpleindustrial training became harder to deny by those who still clung toPhelps-Stokeist notions of simplified vocational training for Africans. Certainmissionaries also realized that opportunities for Africans to receive secondaryeducation should no longer be withheld.A great deal of research into what happened in the 1930s and laterstill remains to be done before a satisfactory account of events can be given.It seems to be safe enough to say, however, that by the time that Africaneducation was placed under the authority of a somewhat repressively inclinedNative Department in the mid-1950s, missionaries were becoming increasing-ly aware of needs to pay more attention to African aspirations that hadbeen thwarted by Phelps-Stokeism. It would appear, therefore, that thestage was now set for an era of struggle rather than co-operation betweenmissionaries and Government authorities.Perhaps the most important aspect of Church - State relationships wasthat many missionaries, long before it became clear that decolonization wasinevitable, strove to ensure that the Imperial Government and its agencies20 Ibid., 7.2' Ibid.22 Ibid., 50-1.222 ESSAY REVIEWin the territory treated Africans justly. Missionaries like Arthur ShearlyCripps did this in a somewhat counter-productive manner by means of openconfrontation with the State.23 Others, however, seem to have appreciatedthe need to avoid public controversy, and so they relied on persuasion andinfluence exerted behind the scenes. 24 It might be said, therefore, that forall their natural human weaknesses, missionaries have often acted as theconscience of the State, and hopefully they will continue to be a force forthe good in Zimbabwe.Clearly, the historical perspectives of the four professors, characterizedas they are by superficiality and factual errors, undermine their case forevolutionary educational change in Zimbabwe. This is a pity for there is agreat deal in their Report which seems to be of value. Of course, localhistorical perspectives are by no means the sole basis of their suggestions.In addition to consultations with individuals and groups representative ofa wide range of public opinion,25 the Report is informed by comparativeeducational studies.26 Obviously, the four professors themselves are alsoprofessionally well qualified to appreciate what is feasible in the context ofuniversally valued principles of educational theory and practice. Spaceallows for only a summary of what appear to be the salient features ofthe multi-faceted recommendations made by the four professors.To facilitate the creation of 'a non-racial meritocracy' in the contextof a free-enterprise system of government, the four professors suggest that*e existing education system should be modified and expanded on the basisthat all institutions eliminate racial discrimination and that high standardsot education are maintained.27 At the same time, the professors recommendcertain innovations intended to provide basic educational opportunities forHistorl &o7 rm7ily'JfT-- °;TRa?Ser ??<* J. Weller, (eds), Themes in the Christian5th Bishop of Mashonaland (Bulawayo, Books of Rhodesia, 1973)- and reviews of thelatter two books by M. G. Steele, Rhodesian History (1973) IV 113 lTand A IChennells, Zambezia (1974), III, ii, 132-4. (^^>), ", 11 j la, and A. j.24 Certainly missionaries have often co-operated with the State insss" Md.Ž 37*54 'ReP°rt °f ^ InvestiSation>' Appendix B, ii-iv." Ibid., passim.R. J. CHALLISS 223those who are not immediately catered for in conventional ways.28 Afundamental problem apparently envisaged by the four professors is that highstandards are necessary to sustain economic progress vital to the welfareof the nation generally, but if these standards are to be maintained, thenprogress towards the realization of universal and compulsory education willbe very slow.29 Only properly trained teachers and adequately apppointedfacilities will ensure the maintenance of standards.In view of natural difficulties arising from the integration of pupilswith widely different home backgrounds, even amongst members of thesame race, the professors feel that the education system should continue toconsider the often sharply contrasting cultural needs of pupils and that multi-racial integration should therefore be implemented only gradually.30 Atthe same time the curriculum of all schools should pay special attention toAfrican studies and 'encourage understanding and tolerance of differentracial groups'.31 As there is 'no realistic alternative', English is recommendedwherever practicable as a common medium of instruction, but all childrenshould learn 'the main local African language (i.e. Shona or Sindebele)'.3*Modification and expansion of the existing education system suggestedby the four professors mainly involves the conversion to and creation of'high fee-paying' and 'low fee-paying' schools.33 Pupils should be drawnfrom the immediate neighbourhood of each school, but in the absence of localschools of these kinds, pupils should attend boarding institutions on aregional basis.34 For the secondary level, pupils should pass aptitude testsand be accepted only on the understanding that they will complete coursesof at least four years at schools where the emphasis is placed on either theacademic or technical side.35 To cater for special manpower requirements,chiefly in commerce and industry, it is recommended that expansion shouldbe concentrated upon the junior secondary stage and proceed from thereto the provision of universal primary education. 3G Private schools, whichare similar in many ways to English Public Schools, should continue toreceive State assistance and similar encouragement should be given to'community' schools established by enterprising individuals and managedby private trusts.37 Pre-school and special education centres for infants andhandicapped children should remain largely in the hands of local authoritiesand private charitable organizations, but the State should monitor theseinstitutions closely and encourage expansion by means of greater financialassistance.38With regard for post-school and adult education the four profes-sors advocate retention of university autonomy and the co-ordination andexpansion of State and voluntary training schemes generally.39 At theUniversity a guiding principle should be the maintenance of 'academicsa Ibid., 31-4.29 Ibid., 12-18.30 Ibid., 19-20.31 Ibid., 58.32 Ibid.33 Ibid., 25-7.34 Ibid.35 Ibid., 27-8.36 Ibid., 12-18.37 Ibid., 50-3.38 Ibid., 20-3, 47-50.39 Ibid., 31-4, 42-6.224 ESSAY REVIEWexcellence'; therefore, student entry should remain as it is, namely afterthe completion of sixth-form studies.40 Increased numbers in receipt ofhigher education, however, should be achieved by the University's recognitionof associate status for institutions where entrance qualifications are notuniform.41 At the University greater attention to research is advocated,closely integrated with national development needs.42 Great expansion inteacher and technological-training facilities is also advocated, with specialassistance in the latter aspect from local as well as internationally-basedcommercial and industrial bodies.43 In addition to centrally monitored on-the-job training, expansion should include existing facilities like theBulawayo and Salisbury Polytechnics.44 Reliance upon expatriate teachersand expertise should generally be minimized in favour of locally trainedpersonnel firmly committed to the national interest.45Innovatory suggestions by the four professors include increased numbersof bursaries to assist promising pupils who might not otherwise be able toattend school,46 the establishment of regional adult education centres 'inorder to meet the needs of particular localities',47 and a combination of non-formal and semi-formal methods of instruction to cater for those outsidethe conventional system of education.48 Co-ordination between existingGovernment, University and other agencies for rural development, whichincludes utilization of facilities provided by Protected Villages and theprovision of free schooling, should generally be directed towards communitydevelopment.49 Co-ordination is advocated as well between the Government,the University and the racially unified teaching force in the share of region-ally based curriculum development centres.50A full review of the suggestions made by the professors does not fallwithin the scope of this paper. It is necessary, however, to make a fewgeneral observations on their suggestions in order to appreciate the implica-tions of their unsatisfactory historical perspectives. When the Report wasmade in 1978 it was criticized on the grounds that a scheme for gradualchange instead of rapid 'Africanization [might] perpetuate inequality'.31Indeed, some feared 'the emergence of a small black bourgeoisie filling thepositions of those Europeans who leave the country, leaving the vast majorityof the population no better off than before'.52 Certainly, the four professorsdisplay greater concern for sustained economic progress than for the deeplyrooted social injustices that were chiefly responsible for the advent of warm the territory.Failure by the four professors to fully appreciate the nature of problemsand injustices arising from the colonial era would seem to be partially res-ponsible for what appears to be one of the most unfortunate consequences*o Ibid., 45.Ł*> Ibid., 44.oz Ibid., 44.«3 Ibid., 45-7.44 Ibid., 34, 45-7.ts Ibid., 54-5.46 Ibid., 15.47 Ibid., 32.48 Ibid., 31-4.49 Ibid.so Ibid., 35-8.^^S^^^^ war is over?' TheIbid., 7.R. J. CHALLISS 225of the implementation of their scheme in the territory. That is, the transfer offormer Government schools into the hands of semi-autonomous bodies. ItI should be stressed that not all of the suggestions made by the four professorshave been adopted by the Government. The suggestion of neighbourhood high-fee and low-fee paying schools has been introduced, but other suggestions,notably increased numbers of bursaries to assist promising but needy pupils,the introduction of an Afrocentric curriculum, and provision for non-formaland semi-formal methods of instruction for those outside the conventionalschool system, have not yet been introduced. A different concept of com-, munity school provision from the one advocated by the four professors has1 also been encouraged under the Government of National Unity. What has> been done in connection with the creation of high-fee paying, low-fee payingand community schools is of special significance, partly because it reveals that'Ł' the suggestions made by the four professors failed to make those in powersufficiently appreciative of how the creation of relatively well-equippedGovernment schools for Europeans was made possible during the coloniali era, and also because high-fee paying and community schools have givenI rise to considerable criticism from certain quarters in Zimbabwe.Under the new Education Act (No. 8 of 1978, promulgated 2 Feb.i 1979), parents of pupils in formerly exclusively European Government/' schools have been given a chance to choose whether these schoolsI should become high-fee paying, low-fee paying or community schools. Manyparents have opted for community schools. When the four professors recom-i mended these schools in their Report they referred specifically to institutionsthat had already been established in African townships which cater forchildren who cannot find places in Government schools.53 The newer con-cept of community schools, however, which the four professors- did notsuggest in their Report, is intended to cater for special cultural and^ religious communities. The new concept of community school was justifiedby the Rhodesian Front M.P. and Co-Minister of Education, Rowan Cronje,as follows: 'The importance of the religious and cultural association, groupidentification, and the relevance of these factors to the education systemand the upbringing of a child have been recognized in many parts of theworld.'54 Atkinson, one of the four professors, had the following response=3 Atkinson et al., 'Report of an Investigation', 53.54 T. Dumbutshena, 'Experiments in education, class of "79" ', Illustrated LifeRhodesia (15 Feb. 1979), XI, xxiv, 8; the new concept of community schools is verysimilar to the Afrikaner concept of Christian National Education which comprisedparental control of schools, especially the choice of teachers, and emphasis upon DutchReformed Church religious teaching, instruction in the Dutch language, and theinculcation of Afrikaner national consciousness, particularly in history lessons. Schoolsof this kind received Government assistance in Southern Rhodesia during the Pioneerdecade. Subsequently, these early schools were absorbed by the Government systemof undenominational public schools. Christian National Schools, however, operatedin opposition to the Government system of schools in Southern Rhodesia until 1922,chiefly because the Government schools provided inadequate scope for Afrikanerlanguage needs. Agreement was reached between the Government and the ChristianNational Schools movement when sufficient Afrikaans language instruction was intro-duced in Government schools. For an account of these and other events and difficultiesaffecting the Christian National Schools movement in Southern Rhodesia, see R. J.Challiss, 'Afrikaner Education in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1923' (Salisbury, upubl.Mss, 1977). This account reveals that a number of factual errors are to be foundin the brief account given of Afrikaner education in Atkinson, Teaching Rhodesians, 61.226 ESSAY REVIEWto this new concept of community school: 'The more rigorously they preservetheir culture, the richer the nation. We do not want regimentation m oursystem'.55 ft has been argued, however,that community schools will engender parochialism which willnot be in the national interest . . . The Board of Governors whowill run community schools are vested with wide-ranging powers.They have full control over the admission of pupils and they canobject to the appointment of a particular teacher. In exercisingthese powers, some critics ask what is to stop the Board from beingracialistic . .' . Since teachers at community schools will be paidby the Government, a question that arises is whether the taxpayersshould subsidise cultural or religious exclusivity .5<3Dr Joseph Gopo, who was then the ZANU Secretary for Education and isa lecturer in Biochemistry at the University of Rhodesia, was reported asopposing concepts of community schools altogether, because 'communityschools will encourage racism. He sees nothing to stop various tribal groupsfrom establishing their own schools, for example. And he believes that if acommunity wishes to establish its own school, it should not expect or receivegovernment subsidy.'57 An M.P., the Revd Farayi Muzorewa, whose ownchildren attend one of the new types of community school, deplores thefact that the Government has allowed the governing body to purchase whatwas formerly Government school property for well below its real value andthe very purpose of the school which appears to be the continuation of'racialistic practices' by Europeans who predominate amongst parents.58As fees charged at the new kind of community school are likely to behigher than those charged at neighbourhood high-fee paying schools, theremay be European parents who hope that this will minimize enrolment byAfrican pupils. African parents have often been prepared to make specialfinancial sacrifices in order to send their children to the best schools avail-able, however, and this may mean that if community schools prove to haveadvantages over others, Africans will be specially attracted to the communityschools irrespective of higher fees. Another advantage of community schools,in the eyes of racially prejudiced parents, appears to be the fact that theyare not subject to zoning regulations. Where formerly exclusive EuropeanGovernment schools may find themselves in zones which might embracepredominantly African, Coloured or Asian residential areas, the Europeanparents might decide to opt for community-school status instead of becoming5 3 Dumbutshena, 'Experiments in education', 8; Atkinson has recently qualifiedhis initial response to the new concept of community schools:Certain aspects of the legislation Š notably the arrangements for com-munity schools ŠŁ have not been altogether clarified at the time of writing,and seem likely to arouse considerable controversy, both on educational andnon-educational grounds. It is necessary to seek much closer definition of a'community' in terms of the Act, and to examine the extent to which schoolsare likely to be economically viable under the control of particular local com-munities. It is also necessary to consider if the concept of community schoolsmight not be abused, in order to erect barriers between children of differentracial groups, 'Changing the school structure: The experience of ZimbabweRhodesia' Zambezia: The Education Supplement (1979) (Salisbury Univ ofRhodesia, 1979), 8.se Dumbutshena, 'Experiments in education', 8.57 Ibid., 9.58 The Herald (4 July 1979), 'School scandal Š M.P.'.R. J. CHALLISS 227a high-fee paying school. In this way it is possible that Europeans fromrelatively far afield might be attracted to the school where fees are toohigh for local parents who are not Europeans. Here again, African parentswho can afford to send their children to these schools, even as boarders,will probably do so if they think that it is worth the extra expense oneducational grounds or perhaps even for social prestige.As for high-fee paying schools, which were suggested by the fourprofessors-, these have been criticized on the ground that they arc solely forthe children of those who own or lease residential property in the neighbour-hood concerned.59 This, it is feared, 'will inevitably conspire to limit blackintake' in predominantly European residential areas.1.60 Gopo feels that unlessall three types of Government schools, high-fee paying, low-fee paying andfree, are made available in all areas, the children of domestic servants 'inaffluent suburbs' will have to go to free schools envisaged mainly for ruralareas.61 Gopo consequently 'foresees the continuation of the unhappysituation in which families are broken up'.62 The Revd Farayi Muzorewaalso deplored the exclusion of the children of domestic servants from neigh-bourhood schools63 and, in view of the shortage of school places generally,the exclusion of these children would be hard to justify if the locally situatedschools have vacant places in their classrooms. It should also be rememberedthat the relatively well-appointed schools in formerly exclusively Europeanareas were to a large extent the result of colonial exploitation of cheapAfrican labour.In response to the introduction of the zoning system by the Government,one of the four professors was reported as follows:Professor Atkinson applauds the introduction of the zoningsystem in respect of high-fee paying schools. 'In opting for theneighbourhood school, I believe the Government has been parti-cularly right,' he says, 'these schools, which are related to aparticular local community through zoning or some other method,serve the special educational interests of that community and to alarge extent mirror its socio-economic character.' He also believesthese schools will remove race as a divisive factor and provide asound base on which to build understanding and harmony betweenchildren and parents or different racial groups . . . Experience inother parts of the world has shown that social and class back-ground is an important factor in determining educational perform-ance. Thus we cannot expect policy makers to eliminate the realityof class differentials in our society. What they can do, however,is to minimise the effects of these differences on educational oppor-tunities. Professor Atkinson says he is not unduly worried aboutsocio-economic divisions, provided the quality of tuition is spreadevenly. All schools should have the essential facilities Š libraries,adequate supplies of scientific and technical equipment and highlyqualified teachers, he says.64S3 Dumbutshena, 'Experiments in education', 8.so Ibid.61 Ibid., 9.62 Ibid.63 The Herald (4 July 1979), 'School scandal Š M.P.'.6d Dumbutshena, 'Experiments in education', 8-9.228 ESSAY REVIEWCertainly, the transition from colonial racial discrimination to an independentmultiracial democracy cannot be regarded as a simple process. Whateverthe pros and cons of the gradual introduction of multiracial schooling recom-mended by the four professors may be, it should be stressed that the situationin Zimbabwe Rhodesia is at present unusually difficult. The question tobe asked is whether the hopes expressed by Atkinson for an even spreadof facilities in schools will be realized. The way in which the original ideaof community schools has been transformed into a completely differentconcept does "not augur well for such hopes.Perhaps the most telling criticism that has been levelled at the sugges-tions of the four professors is on community development. In 1978 ProfessorT. O. Ranger, for example, is reported to have observed that schemes forspecial education courses in tribal areas advocated by the four professors'would effectively mean a policy of separate development. The authors werebeing unrealistic about the chances of such a system being accepted undera new regime.'63 Clearly, enthusiasm by the four professors in this respectcan be attributed to their superficial understanding of the community deve-lopment 'tradition' and failure to point out that separate developmentenvisaged by Phelps-Stokeists was impractical and largely unsuccessful inits purposes.66With references to post-U.D.I. Government proposals for the utilizationof certain schools for community development purposes, the four professorsgive special consideration to junior secondary schools with 'a pre-vocationalflavour, strongly linked to the agricultural or industrial needs of particularcommunities'. 67 Criticism of African schools of this kind, established inthe 1970s, to the effect that they simply provided 'a "second-class" type ofsecondary education' is cited by the four professors, but lightly dismissed.68African sensitivity about differentiated educational provision that dis-criminates between the races might have been more seriously consideredhad the professors possessed a deeper understanding of the communitydevelopment 'tradition'. All that the professors assert is that 'it seems evidentthat some progress has been achieved in developing new community basedapproaches to secondary education', and, quoting a former Secretary forAfrican Education (a European), as an authority in the matter, it is claimedthat the African junior secondary schools, known as F2 schools, 'can inculcatea sense of commitment to rural life if positive measures are taken to bringss O'Leary, 'What kind of system . . .?', 7.66 If community development schemes of the past had been soundly conceived,as the four professors appear to suggest was the case, then a logical implication oftheir line of reasoning would appear to be that wide-spread underdevelopment,particularly in the tribal areas, was the result of African racial inadequacies of somekind. Certainly, in a previous publication, one of the four professors appears to havedisplayed a somewhat patronizing attitude towards African aspirations generally; seereview by R. J. Challiss of N. D. Atkinson, Educational Co-operation in the Common-wealth: An Historical Study (Univ. of Rhodesia, Education Occasional Paper No 11974) in Zambezia (1974), III, ii, 134-6. * 'Atkinson et al., 'Report of an Investigation', 4-5Ibid., 5.R. J. CHALL1SS 229this about'.69 The only modification of the F2 school system suggested bythe four professors is that it is 'equally desirable for many European pupils'who might be unsuited to a conventional secondary school education.70Clearer understanding of Phelps-Stokeism, therefore, might have persuadedthe four professors to treat criticism of F2 schools more seriously. It wouldalso have been pertinent to note that special 'Farm and Trade' school schemesfor Europeans were also experimented with unsuccessfully in the territorysome fifty years ago.The suggestions of the four professors appear to be seriously flawedby their unsatisfactory historical perspectives. This should not, of course,imply that the case for evolutionary change must be dismissed. It does,however, appear to be a cause for concern in the Faculty of Education. Ofrelevance here are observations made by the four professors that research'must always be looked upon as one of the most important contributionsof a university to any educational system'71 and the University shouldmaintain 'its detachment from political policy and from any form of sectionalinterest'.72 In both of these respects the four professors have revealedFaculty weaknesses by coming out strongly in favour of narrowly conceivedinterpretations of history to suppport proposals for an education systembased on free enterprise principles. The fact that the territory has neverexperienced the free enterprise system, save in the case of a small sectorof the populace, should in itself suggest the need for more widely basededucational proposals. The partizan approach of the four professors wouldalso appear to have undermined the case that they make for preservation ofthe University's autonomy in order to maintain high standards of 'academicexcellence'.7369 Ibid.; the quotation is from M. G. Mills, Junior Secondary and SecondaryF(2) Schools in Rhodesia (Salisbury, Univ. of Rhodesia, Faculty of Education, 1974),69, who briefly cites the community development schemes of Jowitt as the precedentfor schemes that he advocates in his paper on F(2) schools. Mills joined the AfricanEducation Department in 1939 after an education in South Africa and at MertonCollege, Oxford; in 1966 he became Secretary for Education and after his retirementfrom the Ministry he held a Research Fellowship in the Education Faculty of theUniversity, personal interview, 2 April 1975. Whilst the experience of senior civilservants, like Mills, must be of value for research purposes, the extent to which thecivil service is non-political after many years of U.D.I, is questionable, and thusthrows some doubt on the objectivity of such research in the Faculty of Education.A feature of the work of the Education Faculty is its close relationship with theMinistry of Education. Close co-operation between the Education Faculty and theMinistry, is, of course, reflected by the production of the Report of the four professorsitself. The nature of the close relationships established can also be found in reportsby the Ministry; see, especially, Rhodesia, Annual Report of The Secretary for AfricanEducation for the Year Ended 31st December 1975 (Sessional Papers, Cmd. R.R.7,1976), 1, where the Secretary (A. J. Smith) acknowledges 'with gratitude the unstintedassistance and friendly co-operation of the Principal and staff of the University ofRhodesia'; and various articles in The Bulletin of the Institute of Education, especially(1979), XV, 89-95: A. J. Smith, 'Address to NEA in Gwelo: Wednesday 8 August1979'; Smith, a recipient of the Rhodesia Front regime's Independence Decoration,was involved mainly in European education until 1964, and in 1972 he becameSecretary of African Education, Prominent Rhodesian Personalities 1978 (Salisbury,Cover Publicity Services, 1977), 207-8.70 Atkinson et al., 'Report of an Investigation', 5.71 Ibid., 41.72 Ibid., 36.73 Ibid., 42.23O ESSAY REVIEWIt is appropriate to conclude this assessment with observations madeby the great South African liberal historian, Professor C. W. de Kiewiet, ondangers affecting certain universities in his own country:The degeneration of scholarship into partisanship is a familiarphenomenon. It appears in many universities in many lands. Butno university can serve its true purpose if the forces within itgenerate and exact a unifomity of thought and expression inessential things. This is the danger of any university which isdevoted to one race, or one faith or one economic or socialpattern.74Turning now to the revolutionary change advocated by Shamuyarira,we see that it is based on the Marxist assumption that all institutions thatevolved during the colonial period, specially educational ones, were determin-ed by 'the economic base of ... colonial capitalism'.73 It is therefore claimedthat the colonial education system contributed largely towards shaping 'theminds of young boys and girls at an impressionable age' and this meansthat one of the main purposes 'of a new and dynamic education systemand programme' in Zimbabwe will be 'to decolonize the minds' of thepeople.76 The historical analysis which follows this declared objective be-gins with an assessment of what Shamuyarira calls the 'Missionary attackon African culture'.77Nobody can deny that many early missionaries had an arrogant dis-regard for the value of anything that was non-Christian.78 Shamuyariraimplies, however, that missionaries were simply the agents of 'colonialcapitalism' who allowed themselves to be used by Rhodes 'for contacting,pacifying and misleading the African chiefs' ana then 'combined' with thesettler Government 'in undermining and destroying the basis of Africanculture and traditions'.79 Such a simplified view of events assumes thatthe thought processes of missionaries eighty years ago were influenced inmuch the same way as those of Shamuyarira today. Just as Shamuyarirathinks that African flavoured Marxist socialism should replace the Europeancolonial stystem, so, he assumes, did missionaries think that Christianflavoured capitalist exploitation should replace the traditional African way?} '"?Ł /he conspiracy theory espoused by Shamuyarira is a distortedhistorical perspective which, ironically, arises from much the same kindJf Pfi.allty that PromPted the four professors to make claims for almostperfect harmony between State and religious bodies.A second major assertion made by Shamuyarira about the colonialeducation system is that its 'central objective ... was to produce adequateand cheap labour power for the plantations, the mines and the growing?eSsi9F6),27 °f *""* African MUery (London>75 Shamuyarira, 'Education and social transformation' 17s Ibid., 1-2. '77 Ibid., 2.(ed.), Christianity South of the Zambezi:'2 (Gwelo Mal'pr« 1977^^ RPeuden Aitssronary Attitudes to Shona Culture 1890-1923TfSaHsbury The' C^nt^iAfrica Historical Association, Local Series 27, 1970). ^aHSDury, Ine Central7s Shamuyarira, 'Education and social transformation', 2.R. J. CHALLISS 23Tmanufacturing industries'.80 This, again, is an over-simplification, for thevarious European parties concerned with African education throughout thecolonial period have always been influenced by a variety of motives. Oftenthese motives have had little or nothing to do with purely economic andpolitical interests of the kind mentioned by Shamuyarira.Naturally enough, missionaries were largely concerned with religiousaspects of educational provision. In order to spread the Gospel widely, andstimulated too by interdenominational rivalries, single-teacher kraal schoolstended to proliferate, specially in the first few decades of European settle-ment. This certainly promoted mass literacy in the vernacular, but washardly likely to assist with the provision of European labour needs. Whatfollowed under Phelps-Stokeism has already been mentioned. Shamuyarira,however, does not mention this at all and seems to be unaware of the factthat Phelps-Stokeism was directed towards separate African economic andsocial development. For long, Europeans relied heavily upon migrant labourfrom outside the territory. Generally, a number of sometimes conflictingEuropean interests and motives influenced African education and this meansthat it is necessary to modify the simple claim made by Shamuyarira that it'was harnessed to produce . . . cheap labour by providing quite substantialprimary education', but secondary education was, presumably for the samereason, 'deliberately and persistently suppressed'.81Although Shamuyarira does not mention Phelps-Stokeism at all, hecertainly displays a keener awareness than the four professors of problemsthat inevitably flowed from prolonged suppression of African secondaryeducation, technical training and mass literacy programmes. These aspectsof the situation, in conjunction with job-reservation for Europeans, quicklyresulted in widespread unemployment amongst African school leavers andserious dislocation generally between inadequate educational provision for arapidly increasing population and economic needs in the territory.82 Thefrustrations of Africans long before they were aggravated by the RhodesianFront, are of great importance where an understanding of contemporarydifficulties in the territory are concerned.The third main aspect of colonial education considered by Shamuyarirais the theory that the manufacturing boom after the Second World War,coupled with 'shortages of raw materials in Europe and Britain's need toconserve dollar earnings [which] created continuing demand for Rhodesiancommodities', was mainly responsible for African education reforms favouredby the Prime Minister, Garfield Todd, in 1955.83 Shamuyarira argues thatbecause local as well as 'the 105 multinational companies that have investedin the manufacturing industry want a higher level of skill from their labourforce',6* Todd specially favoured improvements in the standard of Africanprimary education and provision for African technical and commercialtraining at the secondary school level.85 Very little was to be done however,in the way of expansion in academic secondary education for Africans.86 Hereso Ibid., 3.si Ibid.32 Ibid., 3-5.83 Ibid., 5.84 Ibid.ss Ibid., 6.se Ibid.232 ESSAY REVIEWagain, Shamuyarira presents a conspiracy theory and he suggests' that it canbe linked to the previous one because Todd happened also to be a mis-sionary.87Shamuyarira completes his historical survey with an elaboration uponthe conspiracy theme. After describing how 'the Rhodesian Front reversedthe programme of the Todd plan and returned to the old philosophy oflaying stress on industrial training',88 Shamuyarira goes on to say:Neither the Todd nor the Smith plan would ever meet the require-ments of a good education system for Zimbabwe, but we shouldpoint out again that imperialism preferred the Todd plan becauseit wanted high level and skilled labour power to utilize the techno-logy of the new machinery, and even to manage local branches ofmultinational corporations. The willingness of imperialism to workwith the local Africans, and even to give them a semblance ofcontrol in the local factories, was clear in the 1950s. Because of thegrowing threat from the liberation movements, imperialism is nowproducing new strategies and tactics to try and hoodwink theleaders of the liberation movements, but the aim is unchanged.69Clearly, the readiness displayed by Shamuyarira to see almost everythingthat happened in the history of colonial education in terms of sinister con-spiracies is as unsatisfactory as the somewhat roseate picture presented bythe four professors. In a general consideration of the uses made of historyin the context of decolonization, G. Kitson Clark has perhaps given themost valuable indication of dangers that might arise from Shamuyarira'sapproach to the subject:The desire to condemn does not always, probably does not normally,spring from an abstract desire for justice. Francis Bacon said that'Revenge is a kind of wild justice'. Very often the desire for humanjustice is in essence a sombre and heavily moralized desire forrevenge. The demand for justice at the bar of history is no exceptionto this. The motive behind it is very often the fact that those whofeel it to be their duty to recount and stigmatize what they considerto have been the misdeeds of the past do so because in some waythey identify themselves with the victims of those misdeeds andsome other still existing group or historic personality with thosewho perpetrated them. Thereby hatred is sustained and increased.90Unlike the four professors, Shamuyarira does not present a clear schemefor the practical implementation of aims mentioned in his paper. He simplyasserts that policy in this respect must await the assumption of absolutepower by the Patriotic Front.91 Aims mentioned by Shamuyarira include theestablishment of a 'centralized ministry which will give fair opportunityto all citizens to receive the education they are capable of, the introductionof universal compulsory education, and the nationalization of all privateeducational institutions which will be 'opened to all Zimbabweans'.9287 Ibid., 5.es Ibid., 6.BO Ibid., 6-7.«> G. Kitson Clark, The Critical Historian (London, Heinemann, 1967), 207.»< Shamuyarira, 'Education and social transformation', 12.»2 Ibid., 7-8.R. J. CHALLISS 233Apparently Shamuyarira envisages rapid realization of these aims. Indeed,he describes how the revolutionary destruction of the existing system 'rootand branch' has already begun: 'It started on 29th April 1966, when thefirst shots were fired at Sinoia in the national liberation war that is con-tinuing and deepening. The war itself has become a vast school for the re-education and reorientation of Zimbabweans.'93 In addition to the 'politicaleducation' given to the people by cadres in the field,94 cadres themselves, aswell as their followers, are in receipt of a practical education in the useof modern weaponry and equipment.95As for what will happen should the Patriotic Front assume absolutepower, the basic structure of schools, colleges and university will be'Ł» retained.95 Priority, however, will be given to the establishment of secondaryand technical institutions, with emphasis 'on science and mathematics,' which are underscored in African schools at present.'97 Apparently theservices of all existing teachers in the territory will be retained.98 Presumably,these teachers will have to be kept under careful surveillance to ensure con-i formity with State aims. It can also be presumed that many teachers willbe drawn from cadres already formed, many of whom are college and< university graduates.99 Cadres also include those who have received practicaland ideological training at vocationally oriented colleges established by thePatriotic Front in Mozambique and elsewhere.100 Generally, curricula willbe Afrocentric and the main objectives in all institutions will be 'to trans-form the thinking of Zimbabweans as quickly as possible through a vigorous1 education policy aimed at producing a New Man who is productive, skilled,self-reliant, co-operative, and a confident participant in all aspects of thenational life'.101 It is assumed that the revolutionary Government will receivemajority support, IO2 and presumably this will justify the programme ofmass conformity. Whites and the Church bodies will be tolerated in the> country so long as they do not claim any special privileges'03 or disseminateideas that 'cut clean across the doctrine and ideology of the State'.104Not all socialist inspired proposals for Zimbabwean education are( so uncompromisingly doctrinaire as those presented by Shamuyarira. Oneset of proposals, by Dr B. T. G. Chidzero, which considers colonial educationhistory relatively briefly, has perspectives that differ from those of Shamu-yarira and also suggests a different approach to the problem of establishinga socialist education system in Zimbabwe. Another set of proposals, by FrE. W. Rogers, unlike other contributions to the Zimbabwean education issue,relies almost entirely upon a comparative education approach, with little or, no reference to local education history. It seems to be useful, therefore, to93 Ibid., 9.B4 Ibid.S3 Ibid., 11.»6 Ibid., 7.97 Ibid., 8.98 Ibid.»9 Ibid., 12-14.100 Ibid.101 Ibid.102 Ibid., 8.103 Ibid., 7.>O4 Ibid., 8.234 ESSAY REV!EW., ., . c ^o£1ic in the assessment of the validity ofconsider these two sets of P^P^^J^y and the extent to whichhistorical perspectives on the subject^neny irreconcilable.£VO1 DrcKefo TSKS SthtchaUen.e of Independence revealsfhistorical dSSK, Uke Shamuyarira, he is unaware of the partin aChdzero lms that pool probeen the case. Unlike Shamuyarira, however, Chidzero claims that pool pro-gress is not so much the result of sinister conspiracies between the Govern-ment, missionaries and other parties but simply the fact that deliberatelyneglectful Governments were for long content to leave the brunt of thework' to missionaries who received 'only paltry government hand-outs .'<"Like the four professors, however, Chidzero has taken the trouble toassemble a great deal of statistical evidence for a careful analysis of thenature and extent of practical difficulties affecting educational provisionin the country. Chidzero therefore presents the mam problem affectingAfrican education in its historical perspective as follows:It has been estimated that 'to permit every African child whocompletes primary schooling to go on to a four-year secondarycourse would require 400 additional 600-pupil secondary schools,with an extra 800 graduate and 10,800 non-graduate teachers forwhose training 53 additional teacher training colleges would berequired' . . . This is an apocalyptic picture and is in itself a tellingindictment of the present system, with years of deliberate neglectbehind it. Indeed, until relatively recently the Rhodesian Govern-ment virtually ignored African education which for a long timeit left almost entirely to missionary efforts and to voluntaryorganizations.108As for suggestions made by Chidzero for Zimbabwean education, theseare naturally made with special emphasis upon the need to seek the removalof social injustices and class divisions of the colonial system. Chidzerotherefore eschews proposals based on the 'theory of equal opportunities'with meritocratic ends in view.'09 In practice Chidzero argues that thiskind of approach gives rise only to 'the illusion of equality' and leads 'tothe rationalization of the elite system, of which education is the hand-maid.110 Even though 'inequalities can and will to some extent be levelledoff or down' the fundamental inequalities of this approach, with 'its basicindividualism and therefore actual or potential exploitation of the massesby the elitist political and economic machine, and its basically capitalistios B.T.G. Chidzero, Education and the Challenge of Independence (Geneva,International University Exchange Fund, mimeo, 1977), 13-22.106 Ibid., 6.107 Ibid., 14.108 Ibid., 13.109 Ibid., 27-8.no Ibid., 28.R. J. CHALLISS 235temper, constitute together the basis for revolt by the masses'.1" On theother hand, although the socialist approach, with its aim 'to eliminate pro-gressively inequalities of rewards and status and to promote mass culture1for the creation of 'the man of the people and of the society' is of 'superiormoral and socialist value', it will involve authoritarianism, 'at least duringthe early phase of transformation' and therefore also 'carries with it possiblerisks of revolt and inefficiencies'."2Chidzero therefore suggests that instead of 'copying other systems ormodels . . . what is critical is the need to tailor the socio-economic system . . .to its fundamental situation or realities, given agreed objectives and generalprinciples'."3 What is needed is 'a new or another development ... analternative to approaches based either on the maximization of the productionof goods ... or else based on regimentation'."4 Although Chidzero, likeShamuyarira, feels that the removal of racial discrimination should 'be quickand resolute', like the four professors, he appreciates thatIt is more than likely that in practice the exercise will take timeto accomplish, given the many differences which derive fromlanguage, cultural background, geographical inequalities in theavailability of educational facilities in general, as well as the likelycontinuance of de facto residential groupings by race or economic'class' and their practical implications for schooling.115Like the four professors, Chidzero appreciates that for practical reasons'non-racial, compulsory and free education up to the end of lower secondary'education cannot be achieved overnight.116 Chidzero, however, is not somuch concerned with the preservation of what are perhaps unusually highstandards, as the professors appear to be, but by the time and cost involvedin providing adequate facilities and staff. For these reasons, therefore, hefeels that 'it would be imperative to move by steps over a period oftime'.117 Like the professors too, Chidzero feels that special efforts shouldbe made to inculcate deeper understanding amongst pupils of their immediatesocial environment, but unlike Shamuyarira he eschews 'partisan indoctrina-tion'.'18 Chidzero, however, sees as a main purpose here the inculcation ofincreased awareness 'of duty to society as well as to oneself',119 whereas thefour professors lay stress on inter-racial 'tolerance and understanding'.120Chidzero also eschews differentiated kinds of schools and instead suggestsprogressive incorporation of practical training in all schools in order toeliminate 'snobbish attitudes' and inculcate the idea of 'service in a freesociety of equals'.121 Of special significance is the suggestion thatnational service, in the economic sense, should be built into thei Ibid.12 Ibid., 29.13 Ibid., 29-30.is Ibid., 33.»Ł* Ibid., 30.is Ibid., 34.17 Ibid."s Ibid., 36."s Ibid.)2o Atkinson et al., 'Report of an Investigation', 58.'2i Chidzero, Education and the Challenge of Independence, 34.236 ESSAY REVIEWeducation structure so that at one point or another of the ladderstudents or pupils put in a given period of service of agriculturalwork, office work, teaching, etc. Š before completing theireducation.122Generally Chidzero, in his desire for an education system that willsatisfy 'the imperative of socialist equality and economic efficiency'123 differsfundamentally from the four professors who propose a meritocratic systemfor a society based on principles of free enterprise. Even so, both approachescontain evolutionary as well as revolutionary, or at least, innovatory elementswhich suggest that differences between them need not necessarily be un-bridgeable. Indeed, with wider historical perspectives, a synthesis mightwell ensure that Zimbabwean education benefits from a rich multiculturalheritage and will at the same time promote stability by means of close atten-tion to social justice.The fourth set of proposals, Education for Socio-Economic Reality inZimbabwe, by Fr E. W. Rogers, S. J., 1SM needs to be considered chieflybecause it raises the question of whether or not local historical perspectivesare of any use at all in plans for the future. Before this question can beconsidered, however, the reasoning and proposals made by Fr Rogers mustbe outlined.In his justification for the establishment of an entirely revolutionaryeducation system in Zimbabwe, Rogers claims that other planners havetended to make proposals 'without an overall look at the social, politicaland economic circumstances of the country'.123 With special .reference tothe proposals made by the four professors, Rogers doubts if Zimbabwe willever be able to afford the establishment of a sophisticated primary andsecondary education system for all of the kind which at present is enjoyedlargely by Europeans.125 Rogers also feels that even if such an aim wasrealistic, it would be unsuitable for what he considers to be a typical ThirdWorld country like Zimbabwe.127Rogers is particularly concerned about large numbers who will notbe catered for adequately by the essentially conventional kind of Westerneducation system advocated by the four professors.128 With reference toKenya, and specially to the education schemes of Julius Nyerere in Tanzania,Rogers points out that as the majority of pupils can only hope to receivea primary education, they require something that is complete in itself.129Similarly, secondary education should not be geared towards the productionof students at universities and colleges:Thus the primary and secondary schools must prepare people forlife in the villages and rural areas of the country. The only justifica-tion for secondary and higher education is that the few who obtain122 Ibid., 36.<23 Ibid., 34.124 E. W. Rogers, Education for Socio-Economic Reality in Zimbabwe (Gwelo,Mambo Press, Mambo Occasional Papers, Socio-Economic Series No. 13, 1979).125 Ibid., 5.las Ibid,lav Ibid.i2s Ibid.'29 Ibid., 6-21.R. J. CHALLISS 237places in these systems will be seen as those who have somethingto offer to the community rather than seeking further advancementfor themselves.130Before presenting his plan, Rogers discusses the question of whethereducation is an obstacle to development.131 A basic problem here is thatconventional Western educational provision tends to stimulate the demandfor more and more facilities and also aspirations which cannot be fulfilledin terms of employment and other opportunities in Third World countries.13*Hence, the creation of large numbers of under-employed, unemployed anddiscontented people.133 Generally, limited resources are swallowed up bythe provision of educational facilities which largely fail to serve any practicalsocial and economic purposes.134 Consequently, 'as long as educational ex-pansion exceeds the expansion of jobs the interaction between the educationaland political systems tends towards destabilization'.133 To avoid this 'viciouscircle', Rogers considers needs for completely novel education systems inThird World countries generally, and in Zimbabwe in particular.138In view of declining rates of employment increase Š a trend which,Rogers feels, will not be greatly improved after the removal of sanctions Šthe following bleak picture of the local scene is presented:The subsistence economy of the Tribal Trust Lands, comprisingalmost half of the land area, provides under-employment for overhalf of the African population of the country. However, a greatamount of this land has been worked out and under the presentsystem, will not provide opportunity for more jobs in agriculture.The drift of the school leaver is therefore, rather more towards themoney economy in the urban areas where there are at presentless and less opportunities for employment. With the enormousdrop in the primary school system of Rhodesia and also the severeproblems primary school leavers have in obtaining jobs, it wouldseem that, economically, the present education system does not givevalue for money. This may also be applied to the secondary schoolsystem to a lesser degree.137Judging from the performance of other Third World countries, Rogersdoes not think that an education system geared towards industrialization inZimbabwe will ever do much more than serve the needs of 'a small elitewho enjoy a high standard of living'.138 Greater emphasis, therefore, shouldbe placed on the needs of the masses, with the general 'quality of life' ratherthan increases in the G.N.P.:'Quality of life' is concerned with harmonious relations betweenpeople, an adequate standard of food, clothing, housing and130 Ibid., 10.131 Ibid., 12.132 Ibid., 14-16.133 Ibid.«34 Ibid.I3S Ibid., 16.i3e Ibid., passim.137 Ibid., 19.138 Ibid., 20238 ESSAY REVIEWrecreation but not with the pursuit of riches, at others' expense. Thesystem of education that we have at present tends to have problemssimilar to those outlined in the Kenyan situation where so many ofour young people leave the rural areas looking for work in thetowns as they have been 'educated'. Is there a way that we canmake rural education more relevant to its environment and alsoprovide economic incentives for the youngsters to stay in and deve-lop their own areas?139The answer, Rogers feels, lies in the creation 'on a non-racial basis' of anentirely new education system for Zimbabwe:1. The primary school system, a system complete in itself butleaving the way open for a limited number to proceed to highereducation.2. The secondary school system being a unit complete in itself butagain, like the primary school system, leaving a possibility ofhigher education for a limited few who can make a valuablecontribution for the many.'40As primary-school leavers are at present only at the age of thirteenor fourteen years, which is too young for employment, Rogers suggests thatthe entrance age should be raised to eight or nine, depending on whetherseven or eight year long courses are adopted.141 The primary curriculumshould include 'minimum learning needs' which comprise the following:1. A positive attitude towards cooperation with one's family, fellowstudents and the community to work towards national develop-ment.2. Functional literacy and numeracy which should be sufficient toread a national newspaper, a manufacturer's instruction sheet orinformation on agriculture and health ... to write a legibleletter and handle common computations such as measurementof land and buildings, calculation of agricultural input costs, etc.3. An elementary understanding of the processes of nature,especially in the area in which the student lives.4. Functional knowledge and skills for raising a family and operat-ing a household which includes health, nutrition, shopping, useof money, making of clothes.5. Functional knowledge and skills for earning a living, including. . . skills required for a particular local occupation . . . alsoknowledge of a variety of locally useful common skills specifi-cally for agriculture in a rural area.6. Knowledge and skills for civic participation which include aknowledge of national and local history . . . governmentstructure and functions, taxes and public spending, the principlesol voting and the aims and functions of cooperatives andvoluntary organisations.139 Ibid.MO Ibid., 22-3.i"i Ibid., 23.R. J. CHALLISSThe second area is that of basic human needs and this comprises:1. Food: how to grow, and to preserve food . . . how to cook and. :the nutritional value of various foods. :2. Health: preventive and remedial health care, hygiene and firstaid. :3. Clothing: the making, care and maintenance of the normal cloth-ing that a person and his family will need. :4. Shelter: the building and maintenance of domestic structuresand other structures necessary to the environment in which thepupil lives.5. Motivation: this area is concerned with music, culture, literature,dancing and traditional and national cultural pursuits.142As for secondary and higher education, this should be 'worked outwith close reference to manpower needs . . . [in] a vocationally orientatedsociety'.143 Although Rogers feels that the academic side, the arts and socialsciences, and social and cultural pursuits should not be ignored, the emphasisis clearly on what is considered to be immediately practicable and sociallydesirable:An important part of the secondary vocationally orientated systemis that of 'on the job' training which is coming more into voguein certain educational systems outside this country. This is a sortof apprenticeship system in which school pupils have to work infactories, offices or in services for a realistic period of time duringtheir school years. This pattern should also extend into the tertiaryeducation system whether at university or technical colleges.144The suggestions by Rogers have been presented at some length forunlike those of Shamuyarira and to a lesser extent Chidzero, they representa definite plan of action for the provision of an education system that seeksto realize socialist aims. Rogers, therefore, provides a sharp contrast withthe plan suggested by the four professors. In his attempt to take 'an overalllook at the social, political and economic circumstances of the country',Rogers has given special consideration to the aspirations and problems ofthe mass of the people and in doing so he has compensated for what thefour professors, who tend to see things from an elitist standpoint, have largelyoverlooked. Certainly, for the masses, doomed as many of them seem to beby the plan of the four professors to many years of continued deprivationfrom the full benefits of formal educational provision, it must be smallcomfort to know that high standards will be enjoyed by the fortunate few.On the other hand, the somewhat restricted nature of educational provisionenvisaged by Rogers, and particularly the late age of entry to primaryschools, is unlikely to inspire educated parents with confidence in therevolutionary system. Indeed, unless a socialist Government is establishedwith widespread popular support, the proposals by Rogers are likely torequire regimentation of much the same kind that seems to be advocatedby Shamuyarira and which is criticized by Chidzero. The 'reality' of thesituation, it seems, is that if the aspirations of the few are to be ignored,then they will probably leave the country in order to secure what theywe ibid., 23-4;*« ibid., 24-9,"4 Ibid., 25,SAO ESSAY REVIEWconsider to be a sound education for their children elsewhere. Should thishappen on a large scale, then the socialist road to the achievement of eventhe most meagre 'quality of life' will at best be an arduous one.The possibility of the exodus of a large proportion of the educatedfew raises the question of the validity of heavy reliance by Rogers on thecomparative education approach. For expertise generally, as Chidzeroappreciates, the few are necessary, specially in Zimbabwe where a relativelysophisticated economy has been established over the years.143 Comparisonwith Third World countries in general, and particularly Kenya and Tanzania,by Rogers, despite careful analysis of statistics, tends to overlook the factthat Zimbabwe is in many ways unique in Africa."*6 As the Report of thefour professors suggests, a good answer to the exodus of relatively largenumbers of well trained and educated local people will probably not befound in the utilization of expatriate skills and expertise. As for the assertionmade by Rogers, again based upon local as well as foreign evidence, thateven when sanctions are dropped, Zimbabwe cannot expect rapid economicprogress,147 this is essentially speculation. Certainly it would be dangerousto expect too much economic progress too quickly, but, unless an uncom-promisingly doctrinaire socialist Government is installed and confrontationwith South Africa arises, the future may not be as bleak as Rogers imagines.Generally, the somewhat radical suggestions of Rogers, appear tobe impracticable. Even so, they should perhaps not be dismissed lightly onthis account. In view of the unique difficulties affecting education planningin Africa generally, a radical plan of some kind would appear to be necessarysooner or later.148 On the one hand, a major problem is- that, unlike thehistorical situation in most industrialized countries, educational provisionon a relatively wide scale and at sophisticated levels has already been madein Zimbabwe, and this has stimulated demands for universal primary andsecondary education, particularly amongs-t rapidly increasing numbers ofyoung people.'49 On the other hand, again unlike the past in most industria-lized countries, Zimbabwe already has universal suffrage which means thatwidespread education is necessary for the creation of a responsible electorate.The problem in Zimbabwe, therefore, is much more difficult than it everwas in most industrialized countries in the triple contexts of educationprovision for immediate economic needs, the expectations of a rapidly in-i«s Chidzero, Education and the Challenge of Independence, 33, 39.>« Atkinson, 'Changing the school structure: The experience of Zimbabwe Rho-desia,' 1-8.<Ł*' Rogers. Education for Socio-Economic Reality, 17-22.'is Rogers feels that this is an urgent necessity and he hopes that the contributionwhich he has made to the debate on education plans for Zimbabwe will stimulatefresh thinking on the subject, personal interview, 15 November 1979.149 In this review little or no mention has been made of problems arising from therapid rate of population increase in Zimbabwe; this has been a deliberate omission, forit is felt by the author that structural problems affecting African education provisionand its nature over the years are as much at the root of problems affecting educationtoday as are population difficulties. All too often, the rapid rate of population increaseis cited as an excuse for inaction or inability to provide facilities, but the structuralbasis of African education provision is not seriously questioned.R. J. CHALLISS 241creasing population and the creation of a responsible electorate.'50 In viewof these three imperatives, it would appear that plans must somehow incor-porate free enterprise aims to sustain economic progress as well as socialistaims to remove injustices arising from colonial exploitation.It is not the place here to engage in a lengthy consideration of thevarious proposals and strategies suggested for Zimbabwean education. Themain concern is that three of the sets of proposals considered in this essaypossess certain common weaknesses in their historical perspectives and afourth set of proposals only considers what has happened in very recentyears. Certainly, great changes have taken place in recent times which havealready had revolutionary effects in the territory. If it is agreed, however,that the local colonial experience has been in many ways a unique one, thenit cannot be ignored in efforts to understand the full significance of recentevents or in an apppreciation of what is indeed of value or not in thecontemporary situation. Generally, it seems to be fair to say that weaknessesin the historical perspectives of the four sets of proposals that have beenconsidered in this paper have relegated many of the suggestions that theyoffer to the realm of mere opinion rather than firm convictions of eitheran ideological or any other kind.In conclusion, it is apparent that there are elements in all four setsof proposals that have been considered which are of value in the searchfor the best possible kind of education system for Zimbabwe. However, aclear answer cannot be given to the question of whether evolutionary andrevolutionary approaches are irreconcilable or not. Unless misrepresentationand superficiality are removed from historical perspectives, it seems to beunlikely that an answer to the question will be forthcoming. In this respect,it seems to be appropriate to quote once more from de Kiewiet:My admiration for the great British Universities is high, yet it hasalways been qualified because not till after the Second World Warwas a proper effort made to realize the late Victorian promise of anera of vigorous and creative imperial studies . . . failure to investthe study of the British Empire and Commonwealth with thestature, the intellectual excitement, the diversity and the imagina-tiveness which it deserved, is related to the inattentiveness, themisunderstanding and the error with which the affairs of theEmpire and Commonwealth have sometimes been conducted. Inno field is this statement more meaningful than in Africa.'51University of Rhodesia R. J. CHAIXISS'so A well-known critic of Rhodesian Front Government education policies, pastand present, Mr Ken Mew, D.F.C, who is the Principal of Ranche House Collegein Salisbury, apparently endorses the view that local problems require completely freshthinking by all who are involved with educational planning. Mew has asserted thata major problem affecting education policies in Third World countries is that they'have slavishly followed the Western system of education, which was never designedfor conditions in emerging countries'. In Zimbabwe, therefore, Mew feels that thereis an urgent need to ensure that 'new ideas' are introduced so that the present systemcan be transformed into 'an entirely new system', The Herald (4 Apr. 1979), 'Mewcritical of education system'; for further reference to what appear to be the particularlyvaluable suggestions for Zimbabwean education made by Mew, see The Sunday Mail(16 Feb. 1979), 'Mew wants revolution in education5, and The Herald (29 Jan. 1979),'Ranche House College Š a review'.<5i De Kiewiet, The Anatomy of South African Misery, 4-5.