Zambezia (1980), VIII (ii).EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTTJ.E. BOURDILLONInstitute of Education, University of ZimbabweTHE PURPOSE OF this article is to examine three sets of proposals for the develop-ment of education: Education for Development (Zambia, 1976); Report of anInvestigation into the Possibilities for Educational Development in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe after a Political Settlement (Atkinson et al, 1978); A Programme forNational Development (Whitsun Foundation, 1976). In order to establishcriteria by which to judge the proposals, the opposing viewpoints of developmenttheory and underdevelopment theory are analysed; examples of development inKenya, Japan and Cuba are used to illustrate the contrasts and also to highlightthe role of education. Two key factors which emerge from the analysis are theemphasis given by the plans for education to skills development and the emphasisgiven to institutional arrangements designed to shape public perceptions of thefunctions and role of education in the total national effort The approach toeducation and to development suggested by the Whitsun Foundation is seen ascoming closest to providing adequate guidelines in these directions.SOME EXAMPLES OF DEVELOPMENT THEORYTheories of development take a fundamentally optimistic view of man's capacityto assert control over physical resources and by so doing to become master of hiseconomic destiny. Singer (1971, p. 53) points out that up to the time of the SecondWorld War the giants of economic theoryŠAdam Smith, Ricardo, Malthus,Marx, Schumpeter, Jevons and KeynesŠwere unanimous, though for differentreasons, in their view that economic growth in the more developed countrieswould slow down and then come to a standstill. The facts of post-war economicdevelopment have been far different:It is surely one of the most dramatic reversals in the history of humanthought that at present we have thrown overboard the belief in a comingstationary state for the developed countries and replaced it by a pictureof a possibility of indefinite progress, whereas all the 'dismal' elementshave become transferred in our thinking from the mature developedcountries to the underdeveloped countries. (Singer, 1971, p.54)Far from coming to a standstill, progress has become a built-in feature and theexpectation of miracles of economic growth is a characteristic of the economic lifeof the industrialized world.As we shall see, it is the great gap between the built-in development in themore advanced countries and the apparently hopeless stagnation of the under-developed nations which attracts the distinctive attention of the underdevelop-ment theorists; but that is to jump ahead. In essence, while acknowledging theenormity of the problems confronting the poorer nations, economists with a159160 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTdevelopment perspective do not see these problems as being intractable. Forexample, Bauer (1971) argues against the idea that the poorer nations are lockedinto their position of disadvantage by a vicious cycle of poverty. The cycle-of-poverty theory states that the poor nations are poor because they are poor; theylack precisely those features, such as the capacity to save, the capacity to exploitprofitable investment opportunities, the presence of wide markets, reserves ofspecialist skills, and so on, which are what is needed for them to break out of theirentrapped condition. Such a theory, in Bauer's view, ignores patently obvioushistorical facts. In all parts of the worldŠLatin America, South East Asia andWest AfricaŠthere are impressive trade statistics at hand at least to refute anysuggestion of stagnant production. Bauer (p. 24) cites details of Ghana toillustrate the point: cocoa production rose from nothing in 1890 to 300,000 tonsper annum in the 1930s and to 400,000 tons per annum, all from African-ownedand African-operated farms, by the 1960s; total imports and exports, valued atless than Elm annually in 1890 were to be measured in tens of millions by the1930s and rose to£100m by the 1950s; numbers of children in school rose from3,000 in 1890 to 500,000 in the 1950s; transport in the 1890s was by jungle path,canoe and human porterage, whilst by 1930 there was substantial railwaymileage and an expanding road system. And nor was the growth purely in suchtangible physical and material forms. Bauer refers to 'psychic income' accruingfrom such things as the falling death rate and the rise in life expectancy.Elvin (1971) argues that chief among the explanations for the continuingtrend of economic growth has been the progressive refinement of the conceptsrelating to the process of development, together with an increased understandingof appropriate procedures to set dynamic processes in motion. The simplistic ideaof the Truman era was that the developed countries should simply pass on to theless developed some of the benefits they have enjoyed; this meant allowing themthe benefits of increased capital, more consumer goods, expert advisers andagreements to offer education and training in the donor country. While such apolicy succeeded in the case of the post-war recovery of West Germany andJapan, results with poorer nations were bitterly disappointing. Elvin (p.8)pinpoints the contrast thus:Whereas what the countries of Europe needed was mostly an injectionof capital and a renewal of equipment, what was needed in the under-developed countries was something more like an economic revolution,in the extreme case a transformation of a subsistence into a casheconomy or of a mediaeval into a modern agriculture.The idea of investment in human resources, arising from Schultz's analysis of thecontribution of education to the economic development of the United States andthe application of these ideas by Harbison to manpower needs in West Africa,was a crucial step forward in our understanding of how such a transformation maybe given some momentum (Elvin, p. 10). Next came Myrdal's insistence that itwas futile to look only at economic factors; if there was to be any transformation,then culture, belief-systems and social institutions must be examined, understoodand taken into account (Elvin, p. 12). In the sphere of education, Beebeyemphasized fundamentally important issues: any hope of advance must rest pre-T.J.E. BOURDILLON 161eminently on the capability of the teaching force to carry out what is expected ofit; in consequence of this there could be little chance of speedy, dramatic progressin education, since the training of an individual teacher is a process which extendsover some ten to fifteen years within the existing educational system. How couldone adjust the quality or the quantity of human talent except by relatively smallprogressive steps when output is so closely related to the input in both itsqualitative and quantitative dimensions?Increasingly, then, the complex nature, and the interdependence, of thevarious factors contributing to development came to be recognized. Literacyschemes which succeeded in one area failed in others where communities, havingdifferent perceptions of their own needs, could not see the relevance of theparticular scheme offered to them. Education and literacy, though key factors, arenot more important than, and cannot function independently of, other schemes forrural transformation; rural development itself is unlikely to take place withoutchanges in class and family structures and in the institutionalized systems of landtenure. Thus multi-dimensional, multi-disciplinary planning is now seen asessential. This growth in conceptual understanding of the problems of under-development leads Elvin to the optimistic conclusion that we will gradually leamhow to apply our new understanding and that, in response, economic progress willcontinue its steady advance.Singer (1971) is even more decisive inhis faith in the capacity for continuedprogress. It is the brain-power of individuals and communities which drivesprogress, and unlike the stock of other consumable resources, brain-power haslimitless potential. Through the systematic pursuit and application of researchman will continue to find technical solutions to his problems. Consequently,Singer argues that 'pre-investment3 in high-level research is essential for anycountry which wishes to improve its standards of living. His long-term recipe fordevelopment (p.60) is that certain percentages of the natural income should bespent as follows:7.0-8.0 per cent on education1.5-2.0 » " " research and development0.5 " » » training of scientific personnelThe human output of such investment must itself be put to productive effect, andSinger (p.60) specifies five key channels: trained workers for industry; businessadministrators and technicians for both the public and commercial sectors; thecreation of widespread basic literacy; the creation of formal institutions ofsecondary and higher education; and, most important of all, the supply of trainedteachers. Basically, Singer argues, underdeveloped countries have failed to makeprogress because they have not followed such a prescription and have under-invested in the development of home-grown brain-power. Reliance on importedexperts and imported technology, unless for very limited specific purposes, islikely to' perpetuate the disadvantages of underdevelopment'. The experts moveon and the technology is unlikely to be well adapted to the conditions of the lessadvanced countries.Thus theorists of development economics place their faith in the resource-162 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTfulness of human beings, in their capacity to seek help, to give help, to use helpwisely and, ultimately, in their capacity to solve communal problems.THE PERSPECTIVE OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT THEORYThe formulation of a specific theory of underdevelopment is relatively recent Itsdistinctive feature is that it is diametrically opposed to development theory in thatit does not regard underdevelopment as being caused by an absence of thoseeconomic factors which have brought about development in the Westernindustrialized nations. Rather it postulates that those same features which bringabout progress in the industrialized world operate to the disadvantage of theunderdeveloped economies. In fact, far from development in one part of the worldhaving a positive spill-over effect on the others, the growing wealth of the richcountries is perceived as arising from their exploitation, in many subtle ways, ofthe weak position of the poorer countries.The theory runs thus. Underdevelopment, as defined in the theory, is not anatural and inevitable phase in the history of any society, but is a 'discretehistorical process due to the penetration of modern capitalistic enterprises intoarchaic structures' (Furtado, 1973, p. 41). The situation of a metropolitan power,rich in capital and expertise, coming into contact with a more primitive societysets up a system which perpetually operates to the advantage of the capitalistinterests. Initially the capitalist base is entirely external to the 'colony', and issituated at the metropolitan centre. Investment in the colony is made for thespecific purpose of producing a particular commodity which is needed at themetropolitan centre. But unlike the case of the progressive development of theWestern countries, the profits of this investment are not re-invested in the countryof origin but are exported to the metropolitan centre. The weakness of theperipheral colony is emphasized by two further dimensions. Firstly, in its externalrelations with the metropolitan power it is at a disadvantage because it is aproducer of primary products where the laws of supply and demand are open tofluctuations and the buyer can frequently influence the price according to what heis prepared to pay. By contrast, the colony must buy manufactured goods theprices of which are fixed in terms of production costs and are much less open tonegotiation. Added to these disadvantages of instability and weak bargainingpower is the fact that the advanced state of research in the industrialized countriesenables them to produce synthetic substitutes for the raw materials of the primaryproducers.The second weakness arises from trends which develop within the peripheraleconomy. Arising from the export of the surplus capital, patterns of productiontend to be monocultural and monopolistic, with minimal linkages with othersectors of the domestic economy; consequently, as there are no other forms ofdevelopment taking place, there is a perpetual oversupply of labour which enablescapitalist producers to pay wages only marginally above subsistence and whichare certainly inadequate to cause any marked effect on the standards of living orpurchasing power of the employees. The earliest forms of industry take the formT.J.E. BOURDILLON 163of import substitution. This brings into being a small group of semi-skilledoperators whose loyalty to the system can be bought:All that has happened is that a new industrial 'enclave' has beenestablished in the economy, but without any tendency to set in motion achain reaction of investment and employment which will eventuallymake it burst out of the enclave andtransform the economy asa whole.On the contrary, the society has been 'locked into' its subordinate rolein the international capitalist system by new means. (Leys, 1975, p. 18)The new class now has a vested interest in the status quo and no economic take-off comes about The new manufacturing class is able to establish a localmonopoly, protected from outside competition by import duties. Furtado makesthe point that the choice of industrial enterprise will most certainly be one wherecompetition with external manufacturers is favourable to the capital interest ofthe private manufacturer; and, from a development point of view, such a criterionis dysfunctional when compared with the possibility of establishing localindustries which respond realistically to the real needs of the community formanufacturing goods which will have maximum linkage and transformationaleffects within the local economy.It is processes such as these which could appear to present Third Worldpolicy-makers with only two options. Either they must be prepared 'to play a verysubordinate role in the international capitalist system, with little benefit to themajority of the people', or 'They must seek an independent role in an alternativesystem of poorer but non-capitalist countries, a role which promises less butwhich might be capable of fulfilling its promise' (Leys, p.24). Leys considers thatthe third option (and perhaps the only particularly attractive one), that of aJapanese-style take-off to progress, is no longer open; and Streeten (1971,p.420), cites no fewer than twelve subtle disadvantages (among them thepopulation explosion and the brain-drain) suffered by the underdevelopedcountries, which serve to explain why any such take-off is unlikely.KENYA: THE SUBORDINATE CAPITALIST ROLEThe thesis of Leys's book (1975) is thatthe case of Kenya typically fits the theoryof neo-colonial underdevelopment and this interpretation is endorsed by Tuqan(1976), and by the writers who contribute to Court and Ghai (1974). Leys arguesthat although Kenyatta and Mboya were not the tools of foreign capital, 'theywere collaborating closely with it', and that the introduction by Mboya of thepolicy document, 'African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya' in1965 (and which Kenyatta described as Kenya's economic Bible), was a 'purestatement of bourgeois socialism', skilfully adapted to appeal to, and to serve theinterests of, the newly created capitalist class (Leys, 1975, p.221). Moreover, thepattern of this neo-colonial underdevelopment had been carefully designed in thedays prior to independence. The hand-over in Kenya was carefully stage-managed by the Colonial Office. Private enterprise, including the ownership oflarge estates, was to continue, but was to be managed so as to allowAfricanization without the destruction of the capitalist base. Leys (p. 27) argues164 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTthat it was the prime importance given to' an efficient transfer of power to a regimebased on the support of social classes linked very closely to the foreign interestswhich were formerly represented by the colonial state' which set the frameworkfor the stagnant pattern of underdevelopment that has characterized thesubsequent decade. It is these features of a carefully managed hand-over leadingto a dualist economy, in which a thriving but narrowly based wage-sector co-exists with a stagnant subsistence sector, that make the Kenyan case of specialrelevance to Zimbabwe.The relationship between overall development attitudes and specific policydecisions taken in education is well illustrated by Tuqan's analysis (1976) ofpatterns of investment in various kinds of education in Kenya. He identifies threefeatures which are germane to my argument:(1) The priority given to expansion at secondary and higher levels hadits origin in the survey, High Level Manpower Requirements andResources in Kenya 1964-1970, and the emphasis given to thisdocument by the Ominde Commissioners in their Kenya EducationCommission Report, 1965. This policy Tuqan (pp. 103,113) callsthe' manpower error5. It had the effect of confirming the public viewof education as the means of escape from rural poverty, itexacerbated the problems of unemployment among school leavers,and did nothing to assist in the transformation of rural life.(2) Investment planning in Kenya was characterized by gross im-balances. For example, the 1970-4 Development Plan allocated43 per cent of its development expenditure to secondary educationand only 0.003 per cent to primary-school expansion (Tuqan,p. 90). Expenditure on higher education came next to that onsecondary. Formal technical education was grossly underprovided(only K£788,000 of the total K£8m for secondary education),while the Harambee Village Polytechnic Schemes received nosubsidization whatever. Rural-urban imbalances can be illustratedby the fact that only K£2.5m was specifically set aside for ruraldevelopment against K£25m for local government development inNairobi alone. Tuqan comments that such imbalances completelyignore the well known fact that rural investment brings about a fargreater return in terms of increased employment opportunities.(3) Education at all levelsŠuniversity, secondary, primary, and evenin the Harambee schoolsŠis characterized by rote learning andcertificate mania (Tuqan, p. 115), and by a low level of teacherquality such as to preclude the successful implementation of theNew Primary Approach and of Nuffield Science, both of whichwere well conceived schemes for fostering the kinds of mentalflexibility needed for any development breakthrough.In such a situation, where the whole structure of public investment and policyfavours the urban cash sector, it seems quite clear that there is no alternative butfor public opinion to view education not as a means of acquiring skills for self-employment or for self-improvement within the rural environment, but as a meansof escape from poverty through the hope of urban employment. Yet ultimatelythere can be no national escape from poverty via this route since the output fromthe schools is already greater than the capacity of the employment market toT.J.E. BOURDILLON 165absorb it What is needed is an imaginative investment programme which canbuild new institutions for training, production and earning a living within the ruralenvironment Only by bringing about such a change in the visible opportunitiesfor self-improvement can the public be persuaded to see education as an aid toimproving life in the country, rather than as a means of escaping to the towns.Tuqan (1976, p. 114) quotes Anderson: 'The best assurance for a stimulating andconstructive educational system is to surround it with a society that has vigorousimpulses toward change and initiative. Schools alone are weak instruments formodernisation; but when well supported, they are powerful'. Consequently,Tuqan argues, there should be a major re-channelling of investment to theintermediate and agricultural sectors of the economy.Within education itself, investment should concentrate on the training oftrainers: 'It is high time that educational aid confined itself to supporting schemesaimed at the training of teachers of teachers, particularly in those sectors whereinternal resources are either inadequate or totally lacking' (Tuqan, 1976, p. 123).In particular, Tuqan cites the following types of training where local inadequaciesare most urgently in need of redress:(a) science and technology teacher-trainers;(b) planners of both development and education;(c) trainers in lower-level occupations such as carpentry, tailoring,plumbing, electrical maintenanceŠsuch trainers were urgentlyneeded to man the Harambee workshops;(d) trainers of middle-level service personnel in such fields as agri-cultural extension, health, nutrition, family planning and citizen-ship; *(e) trainers in research methods and techniques.One may note that while both Tuqan and Ghai (1974) would appear toconcur with Leys's interpretation of neo-colonial underdevelopment in Kenyanpolitics, neither accepts that the only alternatives are a perpetuation of masspoverty under the existing system or a revolutionary overthrow of all existinginstitutions. As has been described, Tuqan recommends a much more widelybased and balanced investment policy, while Ghai argues for determined effortsto improve the quality of teaching offered within the system of formal schooling.Leys (p. 20) warns us against the too ready belief that, because capitalistmodels are unlikely to be able to lead to a general increase in standards of living,we should turn to the assumption that socialist revolutionary alternativesnecessarily offer better prospects. Hesuggests instead that we should look closelyat the strategies that have been employed by the more successful countries in theirmarch towards self-sustaining growth.JAPAN: THE DEVELOPMENT MODEL REALIZEDGeertz (1973, p. 44) argues that Japan andJava share many characterstics: bothare heavily populated islands; in both, agriculture rests on 'labour-intensive,166EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTsmall farm, multi-crop cultivation centering on wet rice'; both had a strongcultural traditionalism dominating social life in the nineteenth century. Further-more, by about 1870 each had reached roughly the same stage of ruralproductivity and of rural-urban population balance. Yet during the following half-century the Japanese economy took off while the Javanese economy stagnated, or'involuted'.The key feature in the Japanese take-off seems to have been the complemen-tary development of the rural and manufacturing sectors. Geertz points out that,in both countries from about 1830 onwards, there were steady increases inagricultural yields. In Japan, agricultural improvement can be said to havelaunched the industrial take-off: peasant production was taxed for investment inmanufacturing. However, there were benefits to the peasant farmer onceindustrialization got under way:The industrial sector then re-invigorated the peasant sector through theprovision of cheap commercial fertilisers, more effective farm tools,support of technical education and e xtension work and eventually, afterthe First World War, simple mechanisation as well as by offeringexpanded markets for agricultural products of all sorts. (Geertz, p.48)Thus although agriculture in Japan did not change its character from itstraditional peasant base (in contrast to Java where agriculture was capitalized onthe foreign-owned plantations), nevertheless it was enabled to receive increasinglyefFective technico-capital injections in the form of increased irrigation and landreclamation, improved use of seeds, fertilizers and agricultural methods. All thisled to rising productive efficiency, not only in terms of yields per hectare, whichalso occurred in Java, but also in terms of yields per unit of labour, which did notoccur in Java (Geertz, pp.45-6). This meant that while the rural areas wereproducing an increasing food surplus, they were also producing a genuine laboursurplus, which the expanding urban manufacturing industries were eager toemploy. Geertz points out that the two distinctive features of the Japanese take-off as against Javanese stagnation were a powerful indigenous elite (as against aforeign-based elite in Java) and a capital-intensive manufacturing system (asagainst the option of the Dutch capitalists to invest in large-scale plantationagriculture). We can also note as apparently crucial the complementary advanceof the twin agricultural and manufacturing sectors in Japan; the rising productivityof the rural peasants that brought with it increased prosperity and stability, astability greatly facilitated by the capacity of the expanding manufacturing sectorto absorb the surplus population; the increased rate of urbanization, bringing withit a marked demand for qualities of independence and a flexibility of life-stylesand value-systems; and the locally based character of all these initiatives. Theisolation from foreign influences, particularly from any colonial influences, led toa tremendous increase in the value and potential of the existing human capital.CUBA: BREAKING THE UNDERDEVELOPMENT STRANGLEHOLDWhereas Japan's drive to take-off can be satisfactorily explained in terms ofdevelopment theoryŠthat is, by considering the relationship between investmentT.J.E. BOURDILLON 167choices and the resultant growthŠCuba's breakthrough is the classic case of Łrevolutionary attack on constricting capitalist institutions. O'Connor (1973,pp.299, 309) argues that the revolution was not, initially, primarily ideologicalHe points out firstly that the central power-group in the successful Castro militaryvictory was made up of non-communists, and secondly that at the time of the take-over there was no clear pre-determined ideologically based economic and socialpolicy. This interpretation enables O'Connor (p.299) to argue that the adoptionof extreme socialist solutions, involving as they did the replacing of existinginstitutions, was a pragmatic response to the realities of the pre-revohiu'ontryeconomy:During the twentieth century the island's economy acquired thesignificant characteristics of monopolistic capitalism, chief amongwhich was the cartelization of markets. Monopoly controls blanketedCuba's social economy and blocked the fulfilment of the island's trueeconomic potential by wasting land, labour and capital, and othereconomic resources.He goes on to point out (p.299) that the 'social revolution was rapid, relativelypeaceful and was defended by the vast majority of the Cuban people'.The Cuban example has relevance because this description of the pre-revolutionary economy bears some similarity to what has already been describedin connection with Kenya and to what will be considered when we turn toZimbabwe. What we notice in the case of Cuba is that policies in education madea deliberate and dramatic break with the past; far from being allowed to continuein accordance with existing attitudes and practices, priorities in education werecompletely re-thought; education was to be totally subservient to, and totally instep with, the new social ideals. From Jolly's account (1971) of Cubaneducational strategies we may note the following:(a) The constraint of finance and even of plant would be disregardedEducation would simply use to the maximum the resources whichexisted; police stations, refugee properties, printing pressesŠallwere used in the service of educatioa(b) Attitudes of long-term commitment to the new state were regardedas more important than the possession of skills. Highly paidexpatriates were not encouraged to stay.(c) Adult education, because of its quick returns in terms of labour andproduction, was given top priority. Schools were closed for a wholeyear (1961) to concentrate on adult literacy.(d) Special urban-rural exchange schemes were worked out forteachers. These operated as a form of incentive while at the sametime there were in-service components designed to build andmaintain teacher quality.(e) Agricultural projects, rural housing schemes and health pro-grammes, together with the adult literacy campaign, were allconceived as being part of a nation-wide scheme of rural develop-ment168 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTJolly (p.228) comments that 'If education reform is to succeed, it must be madepart of more fundamental changes in the whole society'.The case of Cuba illustrates that neither schools alone, nor words alone, canchange the perceptions and therefore the demands of the consumer. If people areto be changed, are to be persuaded that they should want different things (such aspre-vocational as against academic schooling), then visible institutions whichdemonstrate the advantage of the intended change need to be brought into being.The Cuban arrangements for their teachers were particularly instructive in thisregard. It was important that the teachers were made to feel that they had a crucialrole to play and important also that they should continue to develop their skills. Akey feature was the arrangement concerning rural-urban reciprocity for schoolingand teachers. The cities would provide boarding accommodation for ruralchildren and, also in the cities, there would be teachers' centres where ruralteachers could come to relax and to learn. City teachers would get experience inthe country through having to spend their first year of teacher-training undertough rural conditions and by being given opportunities to attend part-timecourses, with their families, at the best holiday resorts. As part of the literacycampaign, each literate urban student was required to accept responsibility forteaching one rural illiterate; this he would do by living and working in the ruralenvironment with his pupil.The point that emerges with particular clarity from the Cuban example isthat though much was torn down, there were detailed schemes to constructalternative social institutions and human skills.CRITERIA FOR ASSESSING PLANSAn appendix to this article contains point-form summaries of criteria for theassessment of plans for educational development taken from four differentsources. A consideration of the criteria set out in the appendix, together withthose drawn up by Singer (see above, p. 161) and Tuqan (see above, pp. 164-5)and those which have emerged from the study of particular cases of development,leads to a synthesis of five generalizations:(1) Education plays a relatively minor role in development planningas compared with broad economic considerations. By and large,development theorists would argue that it is the investment mixwhich is crucial and that, in particular, rural transformationprobably has a higher priority than education. Galbraith (Appendix,(b)) emphasizes the prime importance of the administrativeinfrastructure.(2) Non-economic factors are important This view is emphasized byGalbraith (Appendix, (b)), by Streeten (Appendix, (c)), by Senghor(Appendix, (d)) and by the example of Cuba Streeten refers to theneed for' attitude-breaking incentives' and to the need to transformcertain key institutions such as land tenure. However, as Senghor'slist of prerequisites (Appendix, (d)) so strongly suggests, anunderstanding of the cultural factors at work is essential before anyprescription can be formulated. The strength of the revolutionaryT.J.E. BOURDILLON 169approach to development would seem to be the more directconsideration it gives to non-economic factors. The transformationof public perceptions takes priority over short-term economicbenefits.(3) A conservative approach to development will emphasize prag-matic planning as against ideology. The need for accurate priorinformation, for realistic assessments of feasibility, and for a <commonsense but decisive approach to the selection of priorities isgiven high importance by development-orientated theorists such as 'Lewis (Appendix, (a)) and Galbraith (Appendix, (b)). In contrast,revolutionary approaches such as those adopted by China, Cubaand Tanzania will insist on the paramount importance of ideologi-cal considerations.(4) The most direct influence exerted by education is in the range oftraining it provides. Singer (see above, p.??) and Tuqan (seeabove, p.??) emphasize respectively the need for high-levelresearch and the need for schemes to service all levels ofcommercial, technical and productive enterprise. Clearly theitemization of such a range of needs, together with the emphasisgiven to the quality of teacher education, implies recognition of theimportance of a satisfactory broad educational base to underpin allsubsequent courses of training.(5) Policy choices and qualities of leadership on national issues are ...far more vital than is educational policy itself. As can be readily {seen, the first three generalizations made above are relativelyindependent of specific educational policies, while successfuldecision-making in education itself is closely related to the extentto which education has been conceived by leadership as part of thesocio-economic whole. However, this fifth generalization over-simplifies the true positioa The concept of leadership itself shouldnot be narrowly conceived as being an attribute characteristiconly of an elite oligarchy; rather, for development to take place,there is a need for leadership at all levels, and the realization ofleadership potential is very closely related to education conceivedeither as a quest for excellence or as an experience in participatorydemocracy.From these five generalizations for overall development planning, a moreparticular set of criteria against which to assess the three proposals foreducational development can now be stated:(a) Coherence in the relationship between national and educationalpolicy.(b) The pragmatic as compared with the ideological strengths of thepolicy.(c) The strength of the skills-production dimensions of the programme.(d) The potential of the programme for effecting a transformation inpublic perceptions of the role ordinary people can play in educationand development.170EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTThese criteria will now be applied to three sets of recent proposals for educationdevelopment in our part of the world. These three examples have been chosenbecause of their contrasting emphases, and in each case aspects isolated forcomment are deliberately selective. It is not intended to do balanced criticaljustice to any of the proposals as a whole; rather, certain aspects of each proposalare highlighted for the purpose of comparison. I believe that the features selectedare in fact representative of the spirit of each proposal and that a sustained criticalanalysis of each as a whole would demonstrate this. What follows, however, doesnot purport to be the kind of holistic, balanced assessment which would beneeded to justify such a claim. Instead, differences between the three proposalsare sharpened so that each is made into an image of a possible alternative pathinto the future.ZAMBIAN PROPOSALS: A REVOLUTIONARY OPTIONIn 1976 the Zambian Government produced a document of some 80 closelyprinted pages arranged in eight chapters which went into every aspect of theproposed new system in considerable detail. The document was labelled a 'draft'proposal (Zambia, 1976) and it invited public debate on the proposals. Thatpublic debate has since taken place, and the 1976 document has in fact beensuperseded by the document Educational Reform: Proposals and Recommenda-tions (Zambia, 1977). Ihave chosen to refer to the 1976 document because it hasavowedly revolutionary intentions, because a revolutionary alternative forZimbabwe must be considered as a fairly strong possibility, and because theactual framework for educational development (see Figure 1, taken from Zambia,1976) seems worthy of serious consideration, even if much else in the documentisnot helpful. The chart in Figure 1 shows two parallel frameworks for progressthrough the educational system, one entitled, 'Full-time education: Study andwork', and the other entitled, 'The world of work: Continuing education, work andstudy5. This second framework contains two bands, one of which is an unbrokenband labelled 'Workers and in-service education', suggesting that for some ofZambia's work-force this is the only form of education that will be available. Thefirst band of the 'World of work' framework, however, parallels very closely thestructure set out in the framework for 'Full-time education'. Each is seen asconsisting of four stages, the last three of which, basic education, second and thirdstages, are common to both. Connecting arrows between the two frameworksindicate that people who have completed any stage beyond basic education in oneframework can move to the next stage in the other framework if they desire.Between the two frameworks are three boxes labelled 'Z.N.D.'. These indicatethat at the completion of any of the educational stages in either framework peoplewill be required to contribute to the Zambian National Service.To illustrate the revolutionary nature of the proposals several pointsneed to be highlighted. The present educational system is judged to be inadequatebecause it provides 'only a single track bound for one destination', and because it'breeds individualism, elitism and class consciousness', whereas the proposedplan makes education 'part of the vanguard of the Humanist revolution'. The oneWORKERS' AND IN-SERVICE EDUCATION03Oc3JOozFigure 1: ZAMBIA: STRUCTURE OF NATIONAL EDUCATION PROPOSED IN 1976.172 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTaim of education will be 'to develop the potential of each citizen to the full, for thecreation of a Humanist Socialist society, and for selfless service to humanity*(Zambia, 1976, p. 1). The major theme of the proposal is summed up as follows:The combination of study and work is the main theme of Education forDevelopment... no student will be exempt from work, since work willbe a part of his studies. And no worker will be exempt from continuingto study, because society will insist that study is partof a worker's dutv(Zambia, 1976, p.2)The structure of the proposed school system differs radically from the existingpattern. Basic education is conceived of as being a ten-year course which falls intotwo distinct parts. In the first of these, extending from Grade 1 to Grade 7,schooling will consist of 4 terms each of 1 OH weeks with a curriculum based on acore of subjects, political education and productive work. However, for the finalthree years of basic education there is introduced an organizational feature whichcontinues throughout the second and third stages. This is the idea of'rotation': theyear is divided into 4 terms each of 12 weeks. Alternate terms are spent'in school'and 'out of school'; out-of-school consists of components of work, various formsof guided study, and participation in study groups, all of which components haveto be assessed. Second-stage education consists of a diverse range of programmeswhich include secondary schooling, primary teaching, nursing, agriculture, tradetraining and business studies. All these alternative forms of second-stageeducation have Grade 10 as their entry point, and all lead, after two years of'rotational' study, to certification which provides entry into third-stage education.Third-stage education builds a diploma pattern onto the range of certificatesoffered at second-stage.Teacher education would need to be restructured. Teachers of Grades 1-7would do a three-year course built around only one year of college residence; thisyear would be preceded by a supervised year of'pre-training' in the schools andwould be followed by a supervised final year in the schools. Teachers of Grades8-10 would have two years in residence with a third year following the samepattern as that described above. Certificates for teachers of Grades 1-7, anddiplomas for teachers of Grades 8-10, would be awarded not by the Universitythrough its scheme of association (which would in effect be discontinued) but bythe Zambia Examinations Council. The University would provide a degree-structure designed to take not only its own four-year students, but also certificateand diploma holders who would be enabled to pursue appropriately differingpaths to the award of a university degree (Zambia, 1976, p.58).Assessment The great strength of the proposal lies in its transformationalimpact The idea (prevalent in all countries but examined in this study in the caseof Kenya) that education is a race for a certificate which will then act as a passportfor escape from manual work in the rural areas, could surely not survive thesuccessful implementation of the Zambian draft proposal. The inter-relationshipbetween study and work has been embodied so decisively in the new institutionalstructure that new perceptions of this relationship must surely become part of thepublic cultural capital.T.J.E. BOURDILLON 173However, in terms of the remaining three criteria established for judgingeducational programmes, I would consider the Zambian proposal to have seriousweaknesses:(a) In terms of coherence, I would judge that there is a danger of aconsiderable credibility gap between the brand of revolutionaryhumanism which underpins this document, and the more liberal,Christian-based and individual-orientated brand of humanismwhich Kaunda (1973) has been articulating over the last decadeand a half.(b) In terms of the relationship between ideology and pragmatics theproposal is glaringly weak. It runs into the danger identified byGalbraith (1964, p.73), that 'There is a tendency for a plan tobecome not a plan but a list of all the things that everyone wouldlike to have done... Specification of the things of strategic urgencyis lost' The plan does not give any indication of the severedifficulties which face its rapid implementation, of the strategy tobe adopted or of the priorities which will apply in those manysituations where practical possibilities will conflict with ideologicaldemand.(c) Particularly in the case of teachers, the proposal is weak in theattention it gives to realistic programmes of skills development Asone reads the document one becomes more and more aware of thehighly complex demands such an educational structure will makeon teachers. These new demands can be listed. Teachers will:teach normal classes; master various kinds of distance-teachingtechniques in order to supervise the work of those on the out-ofschool programmes; undergo national service; contribute to pro-grammes of continuing education; be fully involved in theprogrammes of productive work which form part of the schoolcurriculum; be mobilized as volunteers to contribute to the literacycampaigns; be expected to develop new curricula and new teachingmaterials; and be involved in in-service programmes which willdraw on their expertise as resource advisers, and as experts in thesetting of educational objectives and methods of evaluation. Andall this, we remember, will be meaningfully performed by teacherswho have, in the case of primary teachers, done only one year offull-time residential training!Ironically, I would judge that the Zambian model has greater potential ifapplied in Zimbabwe than it has in Zambia. If it were adopted here it wouldpresumably form part of a Marxist-orientated total programme, in which case thetransformational strength of the proposed structure would be exploited, the gap inideological credibility would be overcome by the advent of an entirely newrevolutionary philosophy, and the shortcomings of the lack of strategy and thepoor attention to skills development could be rectified.ZIMBABWE: A CONSERVATIVE OPTIONIn May of 1978 four professors in the Faculty of Education at the University ofRhodesia published their Report of an Investigation into the Possibilities for174 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTEducational Development In Rhodesia-Zimbabwe after a Political Settlement(Atkinson etal, 1978). The report fills some 70 typed pages and is arranged in 16chapters which examine every facet of the existing educational system from pre-school to higher education, including such aspects as non-formal education andcurriculum development Also included are chapters on the historical backgroundof education, the purpose of the study, the principles which emerged and a finalchapter summarizing the recommendations of the four professors.There are four aspects of the report which I wish to highlight. The first ofthese springs from the professors' realistic appraisal of the existing system.Chapter 3 of the report identifies three long-standing traditions in Rhodesianeducation; one of these is the high standards of excellence which have beenachieved, both in African and in European education. One of the major principleswhich, in the view of the professors (p. 11), must be preserved as the newZimbabwe adopts an integrated system of non-racial education, is the preserva-tion of these high standards: 'Educational standards at all levels should be as highas possible, in keeping with the circumstances of a meritocratic society'. Forexample, the professors recommend that the quality of the teaching force shouldcontinue to be given the highest priority. They also suggest (p.62) that theUniversity should maintain its autonomy and its standards of excellence butshould seek to enhance its value to the wider national community by developinglines of research which are relevant to local needs; by making a deeper study ofAfrican culture and, based on this study, by developing Afro-centred curriculawhich are inter-disciplinary; and by expanding its scheme of association totraining institutions of various kinds.The second point of interest is the recommendation that the keynote of anyfuture planning should be a clear-sighted pragmatism which places emphasis onthe adoption of particular strategies applied to the various sectors of theeducational system. The strategy for the development of primary education thatthey recommend (p.24) is that the lines suggested by the Lewis-TaylorCommittee should be pursued and that a rate of expansion which does notthreaten existing standards should be adopted. In secondary schooling therecommended strategy for expansion is to increase the intake by 5 per cent a year.More interesting is the strategy by which the idea of service to the nation isintroduced; entry to secondary schooling is to carry with it the compulsion tocomplete the course, thereby developing to the full skills which can be beneficialto the nation. An important strategy to control the rate of racial integration and thepreservation of standards is the fee-paying structure which the professorsrecommend. They envisage high-fee-paying and low-fee-paying schools; thusthe high standards of the better schools will be maintained. Additionally, strictzoning is to be applied (p.20), the effect of which is that integration of the raceswithin the schools will 'take place smoothly and naturally at the same pace aslocal communities themselves become multi-racial'. Finally, a detailed strategyfor curriculum development is proposed; this includes expanding the function ofthe Ministry's Educational Development Unit, developing new lines of curriculumsupport within the Faculty of Education, establishing curriculum centresattached to the teachers' colleges and the encouragement of teachers' centres.T.J.E. BOURDILLON 175The third and fourth features which I wish to comment on are closely linkedThe idea of transforming public perceptions of the role of education does receivesome rather minimal attention. Most importantly, considerable importance isattached to the expansion of the non-formal system. A Ministry of Training andNational Development, with regional adult education centres concentrating notonly on courses which promote economic development but also on courses of acultural nature aimed at enriching the quality of rural life, is proposed Alsoemphasized (p. 60) is the fact that teaching-learning networks need to make fulluse of all available media, including correspondence texts, radio and television.Other recommendations which would have some transformational effect are theproposals (p.63) for substantial bursary and scholarship schemes to ensure thatthe secondary schools are made accessible to the most talented pupils and thesuggestion that capital should be made available to establish training institutionsat rural growth points.However, the overriding feature of the report would seem to me to be itsfailure to give explicit emphasis to the need to transform public perceptions of therole of education, and in particular it ignores the need to make education moreaccessible to the ordinary person. In fact, when judged from the point of view oftheir transformational impact, some of the very features which have beendescribed above as exhibiting positive planning can now be seen as dysfunctionalFor example, the recommendation that present levels of teacher quality shouldcontrol the rate of primary expansion, and the discrimination between high- andlow-fee-paying schools, taken together, will be seen by the public as beingdesigned to maintain the status quo; a feeling of exclusion from the system whichprovides economic benefits will continue to be predominant In particular onemay note the emphatic tone in which the professors insist on the maintenance ofcertain barriers:A maximum entry age of six-plus years should be rigidly enforced forentry into the primary school (p.58).A maximum entry age of thirteen-plus years should be rigidly enforcedfor pupils awarded places in Form I (p.59).Boarding places should be awarded to candidates in order of merit(ibid.).All candidates should be tested for their suitability for secondaryschooling during Grade 7 (ibid).The point to be made about these rules of exclusion is not that any form of controlof age and merit levels is undesirable, but rather that the report gives no emphasisto the urgency of the need to expand provision to meet public demand or to theurgent need to provide alternative tracks, along the lines of the Zambian proposal,to those who do not meet the stringent entry requirements. In fact one could pointout that the recommendation (p.57) to expand entry to Form I at the rate of fiveper cent a year must surely be based on an error. At present some 70 per cent ofchildren gain entry into Grade 1 in the primary schools. Some 50 per cent of thesereach Grade 7. Let us now make a number of assumptions:176 EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENT(a) that the rate of population increase is 3.5 per cent a year;(b) that the rate of provision of Grade 1 places is 1 per cent a yearabove the rate of population increase;(c) that the rate of provision of Grade 7 places is 1 per cent above therate of increase of Grade 1 places.The first point arising from these assumptions is that with Grade 7 placesexpandingat5.5percentayear(i.e.,3.5+ 1 + 1), an allowance for an increase ofonly 5 per cent a year in the number of secondary school places means that thepercentage of primary school-leavers who find places in the secondary schoolwould in fact decline, at least until the primary school system had ceased to grow.Any more rapid increase in the primary system would make the discrepancy evenmore glaring. It is worth noting that at the assumed rate of expansion it would take30 years to achieve full entry to Grade 1 (100 minus 70 at 1 per cent a year); onlywhen this has been achieved would the provision of secondary places begin tocatch up.It seems clear that such targets could not possibly be accepted by any publicwhose opinion was consulted and the fact that such targets are proposed(albeit byimplication) suggests that the four professors have ignored the particulartransformational dimension that can make education a potent force in theeconomic development of the nation.Assessment On balance, in spite of the recommendation to diversify the non-formal system of education, the plan put forward by the four professors isoverwhelmingly weak when viewed from its failure to transform the public view ofthe relevance of education to everyday life. As a consequence of this failure it isweak also in that its cautious, conservative approach is out of step with prioritiesset by the Government which has come to power since the achievement ofZimbabwean independence. The most useful function of the report may turn outto be the fact of its influence on policy during the year in which Zimbabwe wasruled by Bishop Abel Muzorewa's Interim Government; the tight controls oneducational standards probably helped to stabilize minority White opinion whichwas anxious for some assurance that there would be no dramatic changes in thequality of educational provision.Yet these major shortcomings of the report should not be allowed to obscurethe strength of some of the specific arguments. As an example of pragmaticplanning the report offers a valuable model; even where one may disagree withmuch of its message, it is exemplary as an illustration of the extent to whichdevelopment planning should devote attention to the precise strategies which canbe used for the implementation of the recommended policies. In the area of skillsdevelopment the report specifically highlights the importance of teacher qualityand of home-based research, and gives general encouragement to the diversifi-cation of skills training.IT.J.E. BOURDILLON 177 j1WHITSUN: BALANCED INVESTMENT FOR TRANSFORMATION |The Whitsun Foundation was incorporated in Zimbabwe in August 1975 is anindependently funded organization with the intention of stimulating economicgrowth by conducting data-collecting research, analysing the country's economic Łneeds in the light of this research and drawing up an operational programmewhich itemizes specific projects for investment support (Whitsun Foundation,1976). Whitsun is thus not specifically concerned with education, but it haspublished Data Bank: Education and Training (Whitsun Foundation, 1977)which includes a chart (see Figure 2) showing the kind of structure for educationwhich the Foundation considers appropriate to the country's development needs.Figure 3 sets out the Whitsun analysis of the economic predicament facingZimbabwe. What is identified is a classic case of of the underdevelopment model.There exists a dual economy which maintains a position of perpetual advantage >for employers who operate the wage sector. Figure 3 shows that the wage sector jand the residual sector are linked chiefly by the unstable flow of labouring peoplewho enter the wage sector to seek cash, but who are driven back to their tribalhomes to seek security of domicile. Economic power within the system lies withthose who command the modern technology, the high productivity and thesavings surplus in the wage sector. Benefits, however, do not extend to thelabouring class. Because of the low wages paid to Black workers in the wagesector, because of the lack of adequate housing and the consequently inadequatebase for family life, wage earners depend for social security on their traditionalhomes and kinsmen in the residual sector. But there is insecurity here also, arisingchiefly from the poor resource-base of tribal agriculture. Here populationpressure has caused denuded land and declining agricultural productivity.Such is the Whitsun diagnosis; the treatment prescribed takes two forms.Firstly, there is a 'transfer1 goal. This aims at a permanent transfer of surpluspopulation from the rural to the urban areas. For such a transfer to achievepermanence there has to be both vigorous growth and dramatic institutionalchange within the wage sector. Employment opportunities have to be quanti-tatively expanded but additionally such barriers to stability as sub-economicwages, racial discrimination at middle and higher levels of employment, andhousing conditions which offer neither comfort nor security of tenure have toundergo qualitative improvementSecondly, there is a 'transformation' goal which refers to the task oftransforming the rural environment; this is to be realized by direct investment inprogrammes of rural development, and in various forms of skills training. TheWhitsun analysis identifies weaknesses in the two development approacheswhich have thus far been attempted in the country (Whitsun Foundation, 1975).The former Ministry of Internal Affairs attempted a people- and culture-orientated approach to community development but the constraints of inadequatefinance and inadequate staff have led to disappointingly slow developmentTilcor (the Tribal Trust Land Development Corporation), on the other hand, hasinjected large sums of money into rural growth points with White-managed estateand industrial enterprises which offer wage employment to local Blacks. WhitsunFIRST LEVELSECOND LEVELTHIRD LEVELHIGHERSTANDARDS 1-7FORMS 1-4PREUNIVERSITYCLASSESArt!- Social Sc.ra.-Scrtc-Education-Medjcine-EngcrKer.n,-Ltw-AgricultureBDDD^BŁA.BCDE,FGH.1JKL.MN,0P.an.s.EXAMINATION AND FILTERPSYCHOMETRIC TESTINGGUIDANCE AFTER ASSESSMENTGrade 7 Certificate Exam in English, Matht, Science, Af. Lang.Rhodesian Junior Cert IR.J.C) Lang. Engl. Science, Matht.Internal Exam. Grade 9 CertificateExam. Cambridge School Cert. "0" LevelInternal Exam. Grade 11 Certificate.Exam, Cambridge School Cert "A" Level 'Technician's Cert- Craft.-Various FieldsTechnician's Cert. Technological - Various Fields.Primary or Secondary Teacher's Certificate - FirstPrimary or Secondary Teacher's Certificate - SecondTechnical Teacher's CertificateB.Ed DegreesExam. Agriculture ~ FirstExam. Agriculture - SecondFxam. Management Administration - FirstExam. Management Administration - SecondVarious DegreesCertificatesCOMPREHENSIVE COMMUNITY SCHOOLSTWO STREAMS IN INTEGRATED F1 AND F2Employ mantHIGHER TECHNICIANSINDUSTRIAL TRAINING CENTRESApprentice pre-testing and training-Craft Technicians-Trainers «ndOperator Training and up-grading forall industriesHCOMMUNITY CENTRESNON-FORMAL COMMUNITY CENTRESfor Health- Irrigatton-Conservalion-Farmtng-Young Farrows' Clubs-Literacv-Management-Govenmenf-Womens Clubs-Child Welfare, etc.Horrwmft SchoolsVocational SchoolsCOLLEGE FOR TECHNICALTEACHER-INSTRUCTOR TRAININGCOLLEGE OF MANAGEMENTAND ADMINISTRATIOND> Ł> DmOo52zo5m5T3mZAGE GROUP YEARS7 82GnFigure 2: WHITSUN FOUIJDATION: MODEL FOR AN INTEGRATED EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM.LMOUR FLOW:Job-MiMrt and daprtdanttSUIHDIE* TO WAOE SECTOR:food Hipptonwrrt. woM Mourity.notation, houringRESIDUAL SECTORI. Traditional Technology(Shifting Agriculture)Low Productivity/lncoSmitt Savings SurptuiInformal EmploymentSecurity of Domicile2. High Pnxtuctivity/lncomt3. Swingl/kwwtnMM Sorplu.4. Format Emp4oym«tfC«»V»Qt>O» WOW;00Oc30g5Figure 3: WHITSUN FOUNDATION: ANALYSIS OF ZIMBABWE'S ECONOMIC PREDICAMENT.180EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTrepeats the criticisms offered by Mao against state-owned tractor stations (Gray,1973, pp.263-4): such programmes, by failing to engage and develop the skills ofthe local people, have enjoyed a low level of transformational spin-off. Con-sequently, Whitsun arrives at a transformation strategy which prescribes highlevels of investment in the development of human skills.Figure 4 shows the range of operations envisaged by Whitsun. Projects areof three basic types:(1) Research-based investigations aimed at the collection of reliabledata These are itemized in the squares in the central portion of thechart (Projects 1.02, 4.01, 1.01, 1.03, 1.04).(2) Schemes for rural development (itemized on the right-hand side ofthe chart). These consist of three large-scale projects and eightsmaller projects. Some of the latter are primarily to assist inresearch, as is the case with Project 3.06 on the development ofintermediate technology and 3.09 on the development of cage-culture fisheries. The unifying idea of these projects is the need tofind better but nevertheless simple ways of exploiting existingresources.(3) Schemes for manpower training, consisting of one large-scalescheme and eight smaller schemes (itemized on the left-hand sideof the chart), of which half are specifically related to agriculturaldevelopment (2.01, 2.02, 2.03 and 2.07).Project 2.08, the Whitsun Bursaries Scheme, is a good example of the kind ofspin-off that Whitsun anticipates will result from a positive policy of investmentin human skills. The bursaries are to support students following degree courses inany one of five areas which the Foundation has judged to be crucial todevelopment, namely, accountancy, economics, administration, engineering andagriculture. Bursary winners are then bonded to some Whitsun-approvedemployment for a specific period of time. This enables the Foundation to channelthe expertise gained by bursary winners either into their own projects or into otherworthwhile schemes where there is a training element which will spread the skillsyet further.Figure 2 shows a structure for education which is certainly conservativewhen compared with the Zambian pattern, but which has obvious transforma-tional intentions. It builds on the base of primary schooling, and the examinationstructures which were in existence at the time, namely Grade 7, Grade 9 (FormII), Form IV (Grade 11) and Form VI. However, options at second and thirdlevel are considerably widened by means of industrial training centres, communitycentres, and the range of colleges for technical, agricultural and managementtraining.Assessment It is clear from the discussion outlined above that the educationprogrammes presented in Figure 2 and Figure 4 arise from a pragmatic analysis ofthe economic situation in Zimbabwe, and that they place high priority both on thedevelopment of skills and on the creation of institutions with transformationalMANPOWER TRAININGURGE SCALE TRAINING PROJECTSRURAL DEVELOPMENTINTEGRATED LARGE SCALE RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECTSPKOJ. 2 04COLLEGE OfMANAGEMENTAND ADMINISTRATIONF&Krt? 4; WHITSUN FOUNDATION: INITIAL OPERATION PROGRAMME.wocD182EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENTpotential. What remains in question is the match between such a policy foreducation and national goals:In the white-owned industrial and business sectors there is considerabletechnical and managerial expertise and financial resources which, ifthey could be harnessed for the purpose, would have a significantimpact on the less developed sectors of the economy. (WhitsunFoundation, 1976, preamble)What is called for is an act of leadership, not from a single individual alone, butfrom the power group which controls the wage sector. The Whitsun analysissuggests that for economic development to take off, capital earned in the wagesector must be reinvested in the residual sector. It is a fact that in 90 years ofWhite rule this particular act of decisive leadership was not taken.LCONCLUSIONIn Zimbabwe today there is a vision of a new social order which will bring toevery man an opportunity to achieve control over his individual destiny bothbecause it acknowledges his right to decide for himself and because it offersgenuine opportunities for economic improvement Underdevelopment theory isimportant because it has heightened our awareness of some of the covert effects ofeducational and other institutions within a colonial system. Schools, by setting upbarriers of exclusion, have helped to perpetuate a system whereby those whosucceed are able to command economic advantages over those who do not Weshould expect therefore that the politicians responsible for bringing the new orderinto being will scrutinize the educational system and the way it confers power on aselected few.Development theory seems to me to be important because of its fundamentaloptimism. Man is the source of boundless initiative and inventiveness. Problemsof poverty can be overcome if these qualities of initiative and inventiveness can besufficiently developed among the people. And schools, comprising a massiveinstitutional structure both well known and well respected by public opinion, canbe used to generate the innovative and other skills which are needed to energizedevelopmentBut there is a dilemma arising from any conscious decision to develop high-and middle-level skills, particularly in countries where financial resources arescarce, because it involves the selection of key skills and of the people who havethe potential to develop those skills. The selection of some for training and theconsequent exclusion of others cannot be avoided, but the divisive effects ofselection can be alleviated by the encouragement of such quality in the teachingprofession as is needed to make the schools places which do indeed fosterinitiative and inventiveness among all their clients, and by the building up of arange of other training institutions, such as are envisaged by Whitsun. Suchinstitutions have two important effects: on the one hand they cater for increasingnumbers of people who are otherwise excluded from continuing their education,and on the other their concentration on technical skills makes a direct impact oneconomic productivity.T.J.E. BOURDILLON 183The shaping of new purposes for education in Zimbabwe seems vital andmust be given priority, but material improvement for ail our people and the verycapacity to shape new institutional structures will depend in no small measure onthe extent to which the existing plant for skills production, particularly schoolsand teachers' colleges, can go on producing a continuous supply of able peopleeven while the system as a whole is being adapted and redirected.AppendixEXAMPLES OF CRITERIA FOR A DEVELOPMENT PLAN(a) Lewis (1971)1. General features1.1. Commonsense rather than preconceived criteria should be applied.1.2. Private investment should be encouraged, particularly in schemeswhich have high linkage effects (e.g., building).1.3. Schemes should be feasible in terms of existing productivecapacities.1.4. Avoidance of excessive borrowing.1.5. Avoidance of wastage on low-priority items.2. Priorities2.1. Plans should be based on properly constructed preliminary surveys.2.2. Plans should include generous allowance for basic training.2.3. The demands on basic services need to be critically assessed.2.4. The rural-urban investment imbalance should be checked.2.5. There should be measures to diminish urbanization.2.6. Prestige expenditure should be kept to 10 per cent of the totaL(b) Galbraith (1964, p.68)1. Prerequisite1.1. Competent organs of government and administration.2. Essentials2.1. A plan should be pragmatic and not based on ideologicalconsiderations.2.2. A plan should be accommodated to the cultural and economic baseof the country.2.3. A plan must state its strategy and must distinguish priorities.2.3. Invisible dimensions (such as attitude changes and quality control)should be planned for.(c) Streeten (1971)1. Broad categories1.1. A consideration of output and incomes.1.2. Conditions of productioa1.3. Levels of living standards (including nutrition, housing, health andeducational facilities).1.4. Attitudes to work and life.1.5. Institutions.1.6. Policies.184EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENT2. Factors for a breakthrough in agriculture2.1. Infrastructure, plus availability of essential inputs affectingproduction (fertilizers, etc.), plus training facilities.2.2. Levels of living standards in the rural areas.2.3. Attitude-breaking incentives.2.4. Institutions (land tenure, credit and marketing facilities).2.5. PoliciesŠparticularly on pricing and on the ready access toextension advice.(d) Senghor (1964, p.48)1. Prerequisites1.1. The drawing up of an inventory of the existing traditional culture.1.2. The drawing up of an inventory of the impact of colonialism and ofthe foreign culture on the existing culture.1.3. The drawing up of an inventory of economic resources and ofeconomic needs.2. Essentials2.1. The development plan must not be purely economic but must besocial in the broadest cultural and political senses.ReferencesATKINSON, N.D. etal. 1978 Report of an Investigation into the Possibilities forEducation Development in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe after a Political Settle-ment (Salisbury, privately).BAUER, P.T. 1971 "The vicious cycle of poverty', in I. Livingstone (ed),Economic Policy for Development (Harmondsworth, Penguin), 10-36.COURT D. and GHAI, D.P. (eds) 1974 Education, Society and Development:New Perspectives from Kenya (Nairobi, Oxford Univ. Press).ELvTN,H.L 1971 'World re-appraisals', in J. Lowe et al. (eds), Education andNation-Building in the Third World (Edinburgh, Scottish AcademicPress), 1-26.FURTADO, C. 1973 'Elements of a theory of underdevelopmentŠthe under-development structures', in H. 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