Historical Rationale of the Policy ofCommunity Development in the AfricanAreas of RhodesiaGloria C. PassmoreDepartment of Political Science, University of Rhodesia,Salisbury,The policy of community development inRhodesia is the culmination of a long period oftrial and error in attempting to influence theAfrican rural population to follow more pro-gressive ways of living. In the early years ofoccupation under Charter Company rule, thepolicy towards the indigenous people was merelyto preserve law and order and leave them un-disturbed in their tribal setting. In 1911, a Com-mittee of Enquiry urged that agricultural andindustrial training should be provided through'peripatetic' instructors who would help ruralAfricans to improve their circumstances,1 but noaction was taken on this proposal.In 1920 the idea of providing occupationaltraining was revived by H. S. Keigwin, a NativeCommissioner who had served as secretary to the1911 inquiry. Keigwin had recently visited centresat Tigerkloof and Lovedale in South Africa, andattended a conference on adult training inLondon. He submitted a memorandum to theRhodesian administration proposing the establish-ment of institutions where Africans could beinstructed in simple trades, agriculture and homeindustries.2 The result of his memorandum wasthe opening in 1920 of the earliest governmenttraining centre, the Domboshawa School, nearSalisbury. Keigwin was appointed as the firstDirector of Native Development, and thus waslaunched what came to be known as the policyof 'native development'.POLICY OF 'NATIVE DEVELOPMENT'The policy was given impetus by the findings oftwo commissions of enquiry which reported inthe mid-twenties. The first in 1924, the WoolleyCommission, enquired into the cost of administer-ing the territory as a basis for compensating theBritish South Africa Company when responsibleself-government was granted to the colony. Thecommission commented on the cost which hadbeen incurred in providing relief to the tribalareas in the drought of 1921-1922. It was con-cerned that little had been done to help theindigenous people to improve their circumstancesduring the years of occupation: 'There has beentoo much shepherding and not enough discipline.'3The need to provide a system of educationwhich would help to raise standards in thereserves was considered in 1925 by a further com-mission, under the chairmanship of F. L. Had-field.4 The Education Commission repeated therecommendation which had been made earlierfor instructors to be employed who would tourthe rural areas. In consequence the Domboshawa61School was used for the training of agriculturaldemonstrators, the first, of whom were posted tothe reserves in 1927. A direct consequence of thecommission's investigations was the decision toestablish a Department of Native Development,through which all aspects of African advance-ment, in the school, in the kraal and on the land,would in future be furthered. The NativeDevelopment Act (No. 5 of 1929) was passed tofacilitate this work; and as Keigwin had left theservice, a former head of Native Education inNatal, Harold Jowitt, was appointed Director ofNative Development in charge of the newDepartment. In addition to agricultural instruc-tors, community demonstrators skilled in build-ing and other trades were employed to help spreada knowledge of better practices.The policy of Native Development did not lastfor more than six years. Administrative difficultiesarising from the division of responsibility betweenthe Native Development Department, NativeAffairs Department and the missions renderedthe system impracticable. The functions of 'nativedevelopment' reverted to the Chief Native Com-missioner from 1934.POLICY OF AGRICULTURAL EXTENSIONThe training of agricultural demonstrators hadbeen initiated at Domboshawa under the guidanceof Emory Alvord, He was an American agricul-tural missionary who had originally joined theMount Silinda Mission, where he had experiment-ed with the training of indigenous Africans forthe educating of their fellow tribesmen in bettermethods of husbandry. In 1926. Alvord wasappointed by the government as Agriculturist forthe Instruction of Natives. He and his agriculturaldemonstrators formed the nucleus of what laterbecame the Department of Native Agriculture, inthe Ministry of Native Affairs. The work ofAlvord's department set the tenor of developmentpolicy in the rural areas over the next 17 years.This was to focus upon improving conditionsthrough concentrated methods of agriculturalextension. Several new categories of demonstra-tors, specialised in erosion control, forestry, live-stock management, and irrigation, were introducedand European land development officers employedto supervize their work.A system known as centralization was instigatedby Alvord and his workers in an attempt toimprove pasture and stock, prevent erosion, andstabilize the shifting methods of cultivation prac-tised by tribesmen. This process substitutedfor the traditional cluster of homesteads asystem of village-lines, with dwellings ranged side -.by side to divide the arable from the grazingareas. By 1949, nine million acres had undergonecentralization. More than 104 000 brick-builthomes had been erected in place of the traditionalpole and dagga huts, affecting 40 per cent of the ,rural population.5 Overall standards of cultivation,however, had only slightly improved in spite of Athe increased yields which had been shown pos-sible on thousands of demonstration plots. Aivordis reported to have reached the conclusion that:We have wasted our time ... in conductingagricultural and demonstration work . . . <average yields have been ten times the yieldon ordinary native lands. The lessons to be «learned have been preached for sixteen years,yet the vast majority have made no changeIn 1948 Alvord gave figures to show that nomore than eight per cent of African farmers had Ł*actually adopted sound tillage practices." Thesituation, he said, called for the enforcement of -proper land husbandry methods if future condi-tions in the reserves were not to deteriorate rapid-ly with the increasing rate of growth in the Afri-can population.Gathering concern about soil-erosion had ledin 1939 to the appointment of a commission underRobert Mcllwaine to enquire into the natural -*resources of the colony. The commission reportedthat at the existing rate of progress it would take250 years to repair the damage already done tothe tribal areas." Consequently the NaturalResources Act (No. 9 of 1941) was passedto provide means of enforcing appropriateconservation measures. A five-year plan for*the destocking of affected areas was set inaction in 1945. This was a complex task *since cattle were an inseparable part of the socialand spiritual system of the tribespeople. Theywere used for the payment of bride-price, forsacrifice and tribute, and constituted a symbol ofstanding in the tribal community. By 1947 it had->become clear that the solution lay not alone inrestricting the right to hold stock, but the right *to farm land in the African rural areas.COMPULSION IN LAND HUSBANDRYThese questions were among the problems con-sidered by the Commission on Native Production ^and Trade, under the chairmanship of W. E.Godlonton. in 1944. The Commission observed ^of the reserve fanners that 'A considerable num-ber made feeble efforts to follow the new62methods. But the great majority were indifferent,suspicious or hostile'.9In the commission's view, the only solution tothe problem of stemming deterioration in thesoil and improving conditions in the tribal areas,was some form of 'compulsory planned pro-duction'.Legislative measures were finally taken in anattempt to enforce tribal farmers to observeproper farming and conservation methods, underthe African Land Husbandry Act (No. 52 of1951). The objects of this statute were to stemthe fragmentation of the land and to promotegood farming habits, making the right to cultivateland conditional upon the observance of soundmethods of husbandry. In terms of the Act, com-munal holdings were to be reallocated as indi-vidual farming rights. The size of holdings wasto be determined in accordance with stringentscientific criteria for each area. Where districtswere densely pooulated the allocation of farmingrights might necessitate the resettlement of surplustribespeople on land elsewhere. The Act wasimplemented over the next ten years with all thetechnological resources at the disposal of theadministration. More than £17 million wasexpended with the aid of a World Bank Loan, onproviding the necessary physical development inthe form of roads, bridges, dams, fencing andother facilities.10 Primary development of theAfrican rural areas in this way made unprecedent-ed strides over this period. By the end of thefifties, however, only ten per cent of African landwas being farmed on the basis of individualtenure.11It had been anticipated that the LandHusbandry Act would have the effect of render-ing a number of Africans landless, particularlymen who were away on migrant ilabour on thedate prescribed for allocation purposes. Tt wasconfidently believed that the residue would bepermanently absorbed by the flourishing urbanlabour market. This expectation, however, was notfulfilled. The threatened break-up of the CentralAfrican Federation led to a reduction in employ-ment onnortunities and large numbers of Africanswho had formerly derived a part of their incomefrom the land now found themselves not onlyunemployed but landless.The situation was exacerbated by a decisionwhich had been taken in 1950, to effect the re-settlement in tribal areas of all Africans who hadformerly been permitted to occupy EuropeanCrown Land. The aftermath of the Second WorldWar, with its influx of immigrants and returningsoldiers had led to pressure for farming land. By1960 some 113 000 African men, women andchildren had been compulsoriiy removed togetherwith their stock and household goods to TribalTrust areas.12 The move had been eased by theaddition of some eight million acres of landalready occupied by Africans (to be known as theSpecial Native Area) to the regions alreadycovered by reserves and purchase areas.13The findings of the Commission appointed in1960 to inquire into disturbances which had arisenin the Mangwende Reserve, underlined the resent-ment and hostility towards government measuresto which the destoclcing, resettlement and landhusbandry schemes had contributed. The Commis-sion po;nted out how the Wind application oftechnically efficient programmes for advancementhad cut across traditional custom and disruptedthe basic patterns of social life:There is no doubt that the implementationof the Land Husbandry Act has evokedresistances with a strong emotional under-current which is closely related to the Africanconcepts of land rights and the security oftenure. These play a major role in theMangwande Reserve and elsewhere . . ,14Both the resettlement and the land husbandryschemes were discontinued, except on a voluntarybasis, from the early sixties.OPPOSING CLAIMSTt was evident that the technical measuresaimed at uplifting conditions in the reserves hadnot achieved their purpose. A report of the ChiefNative Comnrss'oner, surveying the history ofAfrican administration in Southern Rhodesia,asked what was the common factor which hadled to results so different from those anticipated.The answer, the report suggested, was that:a barrier of human beings lay between techni-cal knowledge and the soil. And that barriercomprises not a multitude of individualsliving in isolation . . . but a cultural organiza-tion with its own structure, organization, pat-terns of thinking, feeling and acting . . .I5The realization was forced upon the administra-tion that for standards to be improved, the activeparticipation of the people must be secured.Future efforts at reconstruction must be directednot alone at individuals, but at the close-knitsocial system of which they were a part. A com-munal response was necessary if measures to raise63standards were to prevail against custom, ignor-ance, and the resentment which had been aroused.Methods of group-motivation must be utilized ifthe barrier of traditional values was to be pene-trated and basic changes in attitude broughtabout through which development might proceed.Concern for the so called 'human element' wasnot a new notion in district administration inRhodesia. Forty years before, Keigwin hademphasized the importance of building a soundbasis of community life. Throughout the periodof the destocking, resettlement and landhusbandry schemes concern had been growing atthe pressure of administrative duties which pre-vented district personnel from maintaining theclose contact with the rural people, which wasone of their basic functions. The position wasaggravated by chronic shortages of staff and anestablishment which had remained virtually staticsince before the Second World War.RISE OF THE COUNCIL SYSTEMIn 1936 the Chief Native Commissioner,Charles Bullock, had urged the need for involvingthe African population in their own development:'It is hoped that the efforts of our staff may beaugmented by better organised assistance fromthe Natives themselves.'16 There existed a suitableinstrument for co-operation in the as yet nebulousconcept of the African councils. Provision forsuch councils had existed in Southern Rhodesiasince the granting of Responsible Governmentunder the Constitution of 1923. The type ofcouncils envisaged at that time, however, hadbeen little more than advisory bodies consistingof chiefs and their nominees. The Native Coun-cils Act (No. 38 of 1937) was passed in anendeavour to make these bodies more effective bypermitting representation of indigenous Africansthrough nominations put forward by the localcommunities. There was an amending Act(No. 25 of 1943) to give councils taxing powersthrough which locai amenities such as roads,sanitation, education, conservation and otherservices might be provided. Although by 1948some 52 councils had been established the ChiefNative Commissioner. L. Powys-Jones. reportedthat progress in this direction was slow.17Tn 1952. a senior native commissioner in theDepartment of Native Affairs, H. R. G. Howman.was seconded to study native councils, law andcourts in the countries of British East and CentralAfrica. Although these countries followed theColonial Office system of Indirect Rule, it wasfelt that, much was to be learnt from their experi-ence (in Southern Rhodesia the African ruralareas were directly administered by officials ofthe Native Department). Roger Howman com-bined both practical and academic qualities forthis task. He had served in various districts and ^had studied at the University of South Africa andLondon School of Economics. In 1944 he hadurged the establishment of native reserves plan-ning authorities through which African communi-ties might learn the rudiments of local manage-ment. He was particularly interested in the ap-plication of group and community concepts to the ^problems of administration; and in NADA, theannual journal of the Native Department, andelsewhere, he had consistently urged the need towork through groups and to 'foster the corporatelife of the African'.18The result of Howman's tour was a reportwhich laid the foundations for the future policy —of community development and local governmentin Rhodesia.19 Howman saw the African councilsnot solely as an instrument of group co-operation,but as a medium for responsible local self-government, through which continuing develop-ment might take place. The report set out con-ditions which Howman considered basic to suc-cess in local government. First, councils must notbe established except on the expressed wish of _the people. Second, councils must be vested withresponsibilities which were regarded as vital bytheir ratepayers. In particular they should renderservices in the fields of education and health, theareas in which the interests of the rural peoplewere most deeply centred. Finally, if localgovernment was to be successful, the central ,government must cease to undertake the runningof many of the local services it had provided inthe past. There must be a revision of the func-tions of government ministries in order to ensurethat those services which could beneficially bedevolved to local authorities, were in fact madethe responsibility of African councils. The moneydirectly spent on such work by the central govern-ment should more appropriately be allocated asgrants to councils to assist them in the perform-ance of these functions.AFRICAN COUNCILS ACTA new African Councils Act (No. 19 of 1957)was then passed which embodied the proposalsput forward by Roger Howman, and in fact waslargely drafted by him. The measure aimed, in thewords of P. B. Fletcher, the Minister of NativeAffairs:64> to educate the African in the importantresponsibilities of citizenship, by creating anenvironment in which democratic values,social responsibility, collective self-help and*Ł progressive leadership can emerge.20The Act provided that there must be a collectivedemand for a council before a warrant would bej. granted. It also recognized the need both fortraditional and more modern elements to berepresented. Provision was made for the ex officiomembership of chiefs and headmen (the chiefs as1 vice-presidents), and for the choosing of electedmembers by the people of the locality. Powersaccorded to African councils were to be similar, to those of town management boards. TheMinister might confer upon a council any func-Ł tion which in his opinion was for the generalwelfare of the inhabitants of the area. In the"" exercise of this power, the Act laid down that heshould be guided by the value of such a functionin 'promoting initiative and responsibility,' 'the^ development and economic progress of the areawith the active participation of the inhabitants,'Ł and in fostering 'the sense of community andcitizenship' (section 53 (2)). The MangwendeŁ Commission described the African Councils Actas:A rare and outstanding document ... It, — interprets change as a human problem, andit seeks to meet this problem by the mobiliza-» tion of human resources and ambitions withinthe African communities themselves.21The promulgation of the new councils legisla-tion coincided with the peak of the land husband-ry scheme and support for the councils again fell>,far short of expectations. Councils became associ-ated in the minds of the rural people with the> unpopular process of destocking and land alloca-tion. In some areas the word 'council' was con-fused with 'caned', meaning to cancel your stockor your land. Native commissioners, understaffedand burdened with administrative work had little, time for explaining the implications of the newsystem.PROCESS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENTTn 1959. the Chief Native Commissioner, S. E.Morris, sent a circular to all Native Commissioners* enclosing a copy of the Handbook on CommunityDevelopment which had been issued by the British* Colonial Office in 1958.22 The burden of the, circular was that councils were intended to serveas channels for organized effort on the part of- communities that were conscious of sharedinterests and a drive to participate in localimprovement. The emphasis was on 'gettingpeople to work together' rather than on the con-crete achievements which were the corollary. Allrural staff were enjoined to study the principlesof community development set out in the Hand-book, for closer application in their day-to-daywork.Community development, initiated formally inIndia in 1952, had recently come into internationalprominence. By 19G2 more than 80 countries hadintroduced community development in one formor another, 40 having nationally-sponsored pro-grammes.23 Community development had beendefined in many ways. The most widely applic-able was the description given in 1963 by a Groupof Experts appointed by the United NationsOrganisation to advise on current practice in thisfield:The term community development has comeinto international usage to connote the pro-cesses by which the efforts of the peoplethemselves are united with those of govern-mental authorities to improve the economic,social and cultural conditions of communities,to integrate these communities into the lifeof the nation, and to enable them to con-tribute fully to national progress. This com-plex of processes is, therefore, made up oftwo essential elements, the participation bythe people themselves in efforts to improvetheir own standards of living, with as muchreliance as possible on their own initiative;and the provision of technical and otherservices in ways which encourage initiative,self-help arid mutual help and make thesemore effective. It is expressed in programmesdesigned to achieve a wide variety of pur-poses.24Implicit in the process of communitydevelopment was the principle that motivationfor change must be, evoked from within thepeople. The dynamic for action lay within theirown strongfelt needs. The assumption was madethat if a person possessed a powerful desire forsome objective he would more readily beencouraged to take action for securing it, thanfor some alternative judged 'good for him' by anexternal agency. Tn traditional societies where thebehaviour of an individual was inhibited by thereactions of other members of the communitywith whom he lived in close inter-relationship,motivation should be aroused on a group orcommunal basis, so as to carry the sanction as65well as the strength of the wider social unit. Thefirst steps in community development were there-fore to help people become more consciouslyaware of their personal needs, assist them toarticulate their problems, and arouse in themthe drive to initiate as wei! as participate in self-betterment schemes. Corollaries to this processwere sound procedures for problem-solving,decision-taking, project-planning, utilization ofavailable resources, provision for maintenanceand expansion of development projects, evalu-ation, and planning for future community action.INTERNATIONAL HELPIn 1959 the Southern Rhodesia Governmentsought technical assistance from the AmericanGovernment through its International Co-operation Administration (superseded in 1961 bythe Agency for International Development). Theservices of an international consultant in com-munity development, Dr. James Green, weremade available to the country from August 1960to rnid-1964. His terms of reference were to studythe administrative and local government structurein the country in the light of modern principlesof community development.Dr. Green found 'an elaborate bureaucracy'consisting of strongly-organized ministries eachfaced with mounting difficulty in overcoming theresistence and apathy of the population.25 A pre-requisite for community development said Dr.Green was the need for an integrated system ofadministration. Community development was nota policy which could simply be 'tacked on' to theexisting administration, particularly not one whichwas essentially paternalistic. The so called frag-mented system under which each ministry soughtthe expansion of its own services must give wayto common commitment. The goal was not biggerand better departments but more responsible andprogressive communities. This implied a re-definition of the functions of all ministries andthe revision of the basis of financing local services,the provision of organizations to afford a channelof communication from community to top levelsof government, the development of communityboards intermediate between the councils and thepeople, the introduction of a new category ofvillase-leve! workers, and adequate provision forcontimrng evaluation and research.Dr. Green reiterated the need foreseen bv'Roger Howman for councils to render servicesin the vital areas of education, health and otherfields. To be consistent in its policy of encourag-ing civic responsibility, the government musttransfer appropriate functions to local auspices.^Integrated administration of the various servicesrendered by the government to the rural com- -tinanities implied the existence of an 'integer' atthe point of contact with the community. His4role was that of aniinadteur, to animate the com-munity to achieve its paramount interests and toencourage them to take advantage of the neces-^sary technical and other aid that was available.26The training of such personnel was to be in ,human relations and group-motivation. Theywould know the range of available resources and *Łconditions for their use. They would understandthe simple technical skills performed by the vari-ous ministries at village-level, so as to adviseon what technical workers might be summonedand when to summon them. An integral part of —their work would be to encourage the formationof community boards through which informal -Łaction and planning could take place at theneighbourhood level. *COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRYShortly after Dr. Green's arrival events in othercontexts led to the appointment of three independ- *ent commissions of inquiry which were to havefar-reaching effect upon African administration. "*In October 1960 troubles following the depositionof a chief, lack of co-operation with the admini-stration, and lack of support for the local council —in the Mangwende Reserve led to the investigationof the effects of previous administrative policy in,this area. The problems were found by theMangwende Commission of Inquiry to be associ- Kated with resentment arising from the LandHusbandry Act, lack of sufficient communication "between district administrator, chief, council anq^the people, and lack of respect for tribal status.The Commission urged that priority of attention <should in future be given to the problems ofhuman relationships in African development Jpolicy.14The acute staffing difficulties of the NativeAffairs Division, upon which warnings had beenissued for years past, culminated in 1959 inmonetary losses. These of themselves were of4little conseouence and might have occurred in anylarge organization, investigations, however, direct- «ed attention towards the whole cumbersomestructure and organization which had developed "within the Division. It was realized that if thenew policy of promoting social development and*civic resoonsibility were to be pursued a complete Areorganization and rationalization of the Divisionwould be necessary.66The Robinson Commission was appointed inNovember, 1960 to inquire into these and relatedquestions. In particular the commission, was askedto study the relationship between the NativeAffairs and District Courts Departments in..judicial matters which consumed so much of theNative Commissioner's attention. The commissionrecommended sweeping changes in Africanadministration to relieve district officials of someof their burden of extraneous work: the transferof criminal jurisdiction to the District CourtsDepartment, the establishment of a separate^ Department of African Agriculture, and thetaking over of specialized duties by departmentsconcerned with social welfare, veterinary servicesand labour. The commission recommended thecreation of a department for district administra-tion for all races, which would have as one of itsmain functions the promotion of local self-, government in the African rural areas.27In March, 1962 a further commission wasappointed, its duty being to examine the wholestructure and organization of the Public Servicesin Southern Rhodesia. This one-man Commission,in the person of Professor T. T. Paterson, tookaccount of the recommendations of the Mang-wende and Robinson Commissions as well asthose of the Advisor on Community Develop-_ ment. A system for reorganisation of the civilservice incorporating provision for an integratedapproach by all Ministries towards communitydevelopment and local government as its statutorymanifestation, was put forward by Dr. Paterson.28The findings of the three commissions coincidedin significant respects. The technically oriented— policy of the past with its emphasis on economicadvance had failed. The social effects of policyupon a tribal people had been neglected withdetrimental consequences. District staff with theirincreasing responsibilities had been unable to con-tend with the human aspects of their work. Theymust be freed for greater concentration upon thistask in future. The commissions stressed the needto concentrate upon community action and localgovernment in providing a sound social founda-tion from which development might proceed. Pre-requisite to this policy was an integrated approachby all ministries concerned, involving the re-organisation of their functions, the devolution ofpowers from centra! to local government, and apolicy of financial and other aid to encouragelocal initiative.Four government Working Parties wereappointed from senior officials of departments toconsider the Robinson Commission's Report. Theyprovided a sorting process through which thefindings not only of this commission but of theother enquiries were examined. The PatersonCommission had not yet reported but the Work-ing Parties were appraised of its impendingrecommendations. They also took into considera-tion the practical implications of Dr. Green'sproposals. The result was the submission to theCabinet of a broad pian for the implementationof community development and local govern-ment as national policy in Rhodesia.NEW DIRECTIONThe new policy was formally set out in aStatement of Policy and Directive issued by thePrime Minister in July 1965 which said that:community development . . . may be summedup in so far as central Government's roile isconcerned, as an active, planned andorganized effort to place responsibility fordecision-making in local affairs on the freelychosen representatives of responsible peopleat the community and local governmentlevels, and to assist people to acquire theattitudes, knowledge, skills and resourcesrequired to solve, through communal self-help and organization, as wide a range oflocal problems as possible in their own orderof priority.2"The distinctive feature of the communitydevelopment process in Rhodesian policy was itsidentification with local government, a direct out-come of the historical pathway along which thepolicy had been reached. The identity of associ-ation between the two concepts was in line withthe trends in international thinking. Evaluationof community development experience in variousparts of the world had led the United NationsOrganization to put forward the proposal forthe 1961-1971 Development Decade, that specialattention should be paid by all member countriesto 'the closer identification of communitydevelopment w'th local government'.30The Prime Minister's Directive instructedMinistries as follows:That the process of community developmentimplies the organization and development ofresponsible, self-reliant and coherent com-munities within a comprehensive multi-purpose framework of local government.This means the promotion, at the localgovernment level, of viable, formal statutorylocal government councils with their subsidi-ary functional organs in the form of corn-67mittees for agriculture, natural resources,education, etc.; and at the community level,of informal or formal community boards.It is through this network that all ministrieswill work . . .3IThe statement envisaged community developmentpromoted simultaneously on two planes: throughencouraging small communities to organize them-selves and establish community boards forneighbourhood development, advancing graduallyto local government status; and through en-couraging groups of communities to form moresophisticated organizations in the direct form ofAfrican councils.Every ministry of government was instructedby the Directive to redefine its functions in con-formity with the policy, to plan the necessarychanges in its organization, and to arrange forpersonnel to be reoriented to the new emphasisin approach.ROLE OF EDUCATIONThe major ministry to come under examinationin terms of the Prime Minister's Directive was theMinistry of Education. The observation had beenmade in 1953 by the Howman Report that theobjective for which the African population weremost eager to undertake community action waseducation. In 1962 a Commission under the chair-manship of Professor A. V. Judges inquired intothe whole question of education in Rhodesia.Evidence accumulated by the commissionindicated that local people in African rural areaswere anxious to play a larger part in controllingthe primary schools, which had to a large extentbeen built and equipped by their efforts.Substantial evidence had been forthcoming fromthe side of the missions, in their turn, to indicatethat many were concerned at the volume of purelyeducational work in which they had become in-volved. Tt was felt that these services far out-weighed the amount of schooling originallyfound necessary for evangelical purposes. TheJudges Commission linked these findings with theconclusion reached by earlier enquiries that thetime had come for local people to participatemore actively in local development:The policy in this country in common withall rapidly developing territories, must be toencourage an attitude of mind among all itspeoples so that they will readily recognizetheir responsibilities and accept opportunitiesto participate actively and imaginatively inprogrammes that add to their prosperity. Itis in the field of education that this spirit ofconscious involvement finds a most readyexpression; and this perhaps is the point atwhich to bring encouragement to bear.32The commission urged the institution of localeducation authorities either as ad hoc boards oras instruments of general-purpose popular coun-,cils. The commission observed that the financesof the missions were fully extended. Those of thecentral government should more properly bedevoted to the costly provision of secondaryschooling, higher education and teacher training,rather than primary education which of itselfyielded little return. Local government offered aAresource which had largely been untapped in theprovision of primary education in Rhodesia, al-though local authorities in other countries, suchas Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Malawi andZambia, carried a full share of responsibility inthis field.It was largely in keeping with the findings tof the Judges Commission that the decision wastaken in principle by the Rhodesian Governmentin 1963, that future responsibility for the pro-vision of primary education should 'fall mainlyupon local government and its constituent com-munities'.33 Up to that time responsibility for theadministration of primary schools had beenlargely the function of mission authorities, withthe cost of teachers' salaries subsidised 100 per,cent by the government,* whilst the buildingsor funds for buildings, books and equipment wereprovided by the parents of pupils. The policy ofthe government was to devote its resources,where practicable, to encouraging local peopleto accept responsibility for the provision of localservices in which they had a vested interest. It,,was logically consistent with the national policyof community development that monies formerlyallocated to missions in respect of primaryeducation, should in future be diverted to localcouncils wishing to carry out this work. Rigorouscontrols over standards of education, teachers'conditions of service, and so on, would be pre-,,served as far as possible.In accordance with this policy a five-year pro-gramme to be phased over the period 1967 to1972 was devised under which teachers' salary-subsidies in respect of new schools or newstreams established in existing schools wouldgradually be made available to councils in place tof mission authorities. Future primary schoolsinitiated by the missions would be eligible for*This figure was reduced to 95 per cent as from 1 January1971.68assistance on the lower level of subsidy availableto private schools. Incentives to councils to pro-vide clinic and preventive health services wereoffered in the form of grant and other assistance.A suitable division of responsibility between* central and local government was arrived at in theareas of road construction, provision of watersupplies, dipping and other services. In order tohelp African councils to meet the cost of theirnew responsibilities, a review was completed in1970, of grants for administrative purposes, andextensive assistance was made available towardsŁ meeting the cost of employing suitably qualifiedstaff.The result of the policy of community develop-ment and local government was a striking increasein the number of African councils. These rosefrom 55 in 1962 to 60 in 1965, then multipliedrapidly to 102 by November 1970. This repre-Ł sented more than 50 per cent of the total of 200estimated as the potential for the country. Com-munity boards numbered 274,34 out of a possibletotal equivalent to at least the 970 'communities'which had been delineated.35 How much the in-crease in councils was due to the efforts of districtcommissioners and their staff in encouraging com-munities to organize themselves; how much to theeffects of the new policy in education; and howmuch to the incentives provided for councils torun health and other services, are questions forfurther research. The mushroom growth in coun-cils, however, had two corollaries. The first wasthe intensified training provided for chiefs, head-men, council-members and staff for the betterperformance of their new functions. The secondwas the reduced attention which it was possibleto give to informal community action and theestablishment of community boards to serveneighbourhood needs and provide a link betweencouncils and their constituents.Several questions arise from the trendsobservable in community development in Rhod-esia up to the end of 1970. How soon will it bepossible for the second prong of the policy,namely to mobilize village resources and encour-age community boards, to be given sufficientattention to ensure popular participation in localaffairs in all areas? How far is the educationpolicy, as some suggest, an anomaly in 'enforcing'self-help upon rural communities, and how far isit a legitimate attempt to link the communitydevelopment process with national planning?Finally, how far can the policy of strengtheningthe power of the chiefs be further applied to localgovernment, without undermining the principlesof responsible citizenship upon which the conceptof community development is founded?It is suggested that the historical origins of thepolicy should be reviewed in attempting to answerthese questions. Direct methods to inculcatebetter practices down the years, were met in themain with apathy if not resentment. The prob-lem was how to inspire rural people not only toparticipate in measures for their own advance-ment, but to pursue them with initiative, responsi-bility and persistence. The justification or other-wise for any feature of the policy must be themeasure to which it achieves its purpose inactivating people spontaneously to mobilize theirresources for local development.REFERENCES1. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1911 Report of the Native Affairs Committee of Enquiry 191041. Salisbury, Govern-ment Printer, A 12, para. 106.2. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1920 Report by H. S, Keigwin Native Commissioner on the Suggested Development ofNatives. Salisbury, Government Printer, A 7.3. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1924 Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the Cost of Administrationof the Colony of Southern Rhodesia. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 20, para. 238.4. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1925 Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the matter of Native Educationin all its bearings in the Colony of Southern Rhodesia. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 20.5. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1947 Report of the Secretary for Native Affairs, Chief Native Commissioner and Directorof Native Development for the year 1946. Attached Annual Report of the Director of Native Agriculture. Salisbury,Government Printer, CSR 48, pp. 38, 44.6. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1962 Report of the Secretary for Native Affairs and Chief Native Commissioner for theyear 1961. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 28, p.25.7. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1949 Report of the Secretary for Native Affairs, Chief Native Commissioner and Directorof Native Development for the year 1948. Attached Annual Report of the Director of Native Agriculture. Salisbury,Government Printer, CSR 27, p. 78.8. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1939 Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the Preservation of the NaturalResources of the Colony. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 40.9. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1945 Report of the Native Production and Trade Commission 1944. Salisbury, Govern-ment Printer, CSR 2, p. 26.6910. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1963 Report of the Secretary for Internal Affairs and Chief Native Commissioner for *the year 1962. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 27, p. 16.11. SOUTHERN RHODESIA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1960 Report of the Select Committee on the Resettle- <mem of Natives. Salisbury, Government Printer, LASC 3, para 64.12. IBID., para. 172. «13. IBID., para. 43.14. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1961 Report of the Mangwende Reserve Commission of Inquiry 1961. Salisbury,^mimeographed, para. 79.15. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1962 Report of the Secretary for Native Affairs and Chief Native Commissioner for xthe year 1961. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR 28, p. 27.16. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1937 Report of the Chief Native Commissioner for the year 1936. Salisbury, Govern-ment Printer. CSR 9, p. 9.17. Report for 1948 [see note 7 above], p. 5.18. HOWMAN, H. R. G. 1956 African Leadership in Transition. NAD A, 33, 13. *19. HOWMAN, H. R. G. 1953 Report on African Local Government for Southern Rhodesia. Salisbury, Departmentof Native Affairs, mimeographed. *20. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1957 Debates of the Legislative Assembly. Salisbury, Government Printer, 39, col.1023. ^21. Report of the Mangwende Reserve Commission of Inquiry, para. 109.22. GREAT BRITAIN 1958 Community Development: A Handbook. London, HMSO for Colonial Office.23. MEZIROW, J. D. 1962 'Direction and Scope of Community Development', Berkeley, University of California,Community Development Project, mimeographed, p. 1.24. UNITED NATIONS 1963 Community Development and National Development: Report by an ad hoc Groupof Experts appointed by the Secretary-General. New York, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p. 4.25. GREEN, J. W. 1962 'Report on African Development and Local Government in Southern Rhodesia: Part One,«Native Councils', Salisbury, mimeographed, p. 3.26. The French equivalent of the community development worker at village-level. The term was not utilised by Dr. 4Green, but is used here for its aptness.27. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1961 Report of the Commission appointed to Inquire into and report on the Ad-ministrative and Judicial Functions in the Native Affairs and District Courts Departments. Salisbury, GovernmentPrinter, CSR 22.28. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1962 First and Second Reports of the Commission of Inquiry into the Organisationand Development of the Southern Rhodesia Public Services. Salisbury. Government Printer, CSR 9 and 35.29. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1965 Local Government and Community Development: The Roll [sic] of Ministriesand Co-ordination. Statement of Policy and Directive by the Prime Minister. Salisbury, Government Printer, CSR44, para. 7. ,30. UNITED NATIONS 1962 The United Nations Development Decade. Proposals for Action. Report of theSecrclary-General. New York, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p. 38.31. Local Government and Community Development, para. 16(c).32. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1963 Report of the Southern Rhodesia Education Commission. Salisbury, GovernmentPrinter, CSR 37, para. 795.33. SOUTHERN RHODESIA 1963 Ministerial Statement on African Education and Community Development. Salis-bury, Information Service, Release No. 83, 17 May, mimeographed, p. 4.34. Information from the Ministry of Internal Affairs.35. LATHAM, C. J. K. 1966 Delineating Communities in Rural Rhodesia. Rhod. Community Dev. Rev. 1 (ii), 8-10. ACommunities in the African rural areas were delineated over a period of four years by a four-man team of districtofficers, Ihe leader of whom was a trained anthropologist. The work was initiated under the direction of Dr.James Green and the definition of community utilised was: 'Community is a locality (geographic entity) whoseboundaries are defined by the people living in it and recognised by them as an entity, and in which there are anumber of institutions (family, economic, educational, religious, etc.) serving their basic needs, a sense of to-getherness within the locality which exceeds any sense of togetherness with outsiders that they may have, and apotential to work together in matters of common need.' Communities as so defined were found, by the recon-naissance method of enquiry, to coincide largely with the headman's ward or dunhu.70