Zambezia (1986), XIII (i).COMCEPTS OF CHILDHOODDRAWN FROM THE IDEAS AND PRACTICE OFTRADITIONAL HEALERS IN MUSAMl*PAMELA REYNOLDSDepartment of Land Management, University of ZimbabweMARX IN THE sixth of his Theses on Feuerbach (1968,29) analysed the individual.as 'the ensemble of the social relations'. Therefore, in order to understand theindividual, Heilbroner (1980,46) recommends that we 'pierce the facade of thesolitary being to its social roots, snd then reconstitute the individual as a personembedded in, and expressing, tbc social forces of a particular society*. In thisarticle, I explore the knowledge of tradi tional healers (hereafter called n 'angd) inorder to discover how they define the child as» an individual and describe the socialrelations that shape the individual.From January 1982 to December 19831 conducted fieldwork on the trainingof traditional healers and the transmission of knowledge across the generations.As ritual specialists, as healers and as social commentators, n'anga deal withmaey children and with problems that originate in or reflect on the nature ofchildhood. Few societies consciously formulate their ideas about childhood. Theyneed to be pieced together by the careful recording of lived experience.I shall make a number of assumptions the most important of which is thatn'anga reflect the opinions of society when they articulate their understanding ofthe sum of things. That is to say, n'anga are social analysts (see Turner, 1967,361). On the basis of field experience, it seems to me that n'anga are often morearticulate than their neighbours and that they have grappled more consciouslywith concepts to do with the sanctity of life, the meaning of death, the nature ofrelationships, than have their neighbours. I do not mean to imply that others areinarticulate nor that they have not pondered on the Great Mysteries but I suggestthat such matters are necessarily addressed as part of the business of being an'anga. As I see it, n'anga train as social analysts and their success in this venturepartly determines their reputations and, therefore, income. For, as Turnersuggested (1967, 360), a social explanation for illness is posited.In effect, I am assuming that in piecing together the notions of childhood used*The fieldwork on which the article is based was done while I was a Research Fellow in theDepartment of Psychology, University of Zimbabwe. The Research Board of the Universitygenerously helped to fund the research.1CONCEPTS OF CHILDHOODby n 'anga I am approximating their society's ideas. It is a truism, but one worthrecalling, that all ideas undergo transformation. However, the extent to whichtransformation is consciously sought varies. While the Zezuru conception of theplace of the child in the cosmic whole has undergone transformation this century,it is likely to be transformed further as active efforts are made to reshapepost-Independence society. I suggest that in order to guide changes being made inconceptions of childhood in the interests of Zimbabwean children, we need firstof all to describe existing conceptions and then attempt to anticipate what impactnew forms will have on the place and needs of children.Some argue that n 'anga are a conservative force in society. It may be so but Iwould caution against underestimating their ingenuity as innovators and their witin rationalizing change within accepted norms. Part of their brief is to reaffirm theassignation and assumption of roles that fit one with another to give meaning tothe whole. As meanings are reinterpreted, so n'anga alter their analysis anddiagnosis of social needs. My thesis is that n'anga currently fulfil a role in societythat helps to make life experiences coherent and that their offices proffer a series ofresolutions for a variety of familial or communal crises that remain acceptable tomany across the generations, the sexes and classes. Their role cannot be neatlysubsumed under categories of health care or religious succour. It is a role thatpermeates daily life in an occasionally destructive but often constructive fashion.In reconstructing society, we ought to analyse that role and either support itscontinuance or seek to replace it. We should take care not to import wholesalenotions of childhood from elsewhere if for no other reason than that they are asburdened with anachronisms as is any society's. Nor can we invent from scratch aconception of the place of the child in society tailored to suit ideological needs as itrequires generations to ensure a rough fit between practice and meaning.I shall touch on certain themes that concern the place of children in thecosmology of the Zezuru in order to demonstrate how it is that they intertwine. Imake no claim to represent all the beliefs or practices of n 'anga and nor do I layclaim to having exhausted the variety of notions under each theme.That which follows represents the opinions of some thirty n 'anga from theMusami area of Murehwa (eighty kilometres east of Harare). According to them,a baby is always born innocent of evil. This is said despite their accord with thecommon belief that witchcraft is inherited. The inheritance seems to be a potentialthat must be realized by some outside force such as a mother's initiation of thebaby into evil or possession by an evil spirit. A baby is afforded protection by theshades from the very moment of its birth. Although the baby is born pure, he orshe is extremely vulnerable Š vulnerable before the anger of the shades and theevil of witchcraft and the mischance of natural illness. Protection from the shadesis essential but not foolproof. It is necessary for adults in the family to performcertain rituals, to administer specific medicines and to observe taboos on behalf ofPAMELA REYNOLDSthe baby in order to bolster the protection and ensure its efficacy. It is incumbenton the family to act in accord with society's expectations of responsible and caringadults, both in relation to one another and to the spirit world, if the baby'svulnerability is not to be exposed.The shades often cause illness or distress to fall on the baby because, then'anga say, the family will pay immediate attention, seek out the cause andattempt to redress grievances when a baby's well-being is affected. One n'angasaid, 'It takes a child to hurt the relatives'; and another explained, 'The anger of theshades is expressed through an innocent child because more pain is felt by theadults who then seek the reason more actively and attend to its redress morequickly.' Yet another n 'anga said, 'It is impossible for a baby to anger the shadesbut the shades use the child as a weapon.' (For a careful look at the relationshipbetween the shades and the living in terms of protection and retributrion seeKiernan, 1982.)The baby is at the mercy of the family. If the baby is not contented and well,adults should inspect their relationships and attend to their obligations. In doingso, they may call on a n'anga. Turner (1967, 375) observed that among theNdembu 'part of the work of a doctor is to encourage people to discharge theobligations of their status well and not seek escape from them'. Conversely, thebaby is powerful as an essential link in the kinship system that crosses over intothe awesome sphere of the spirits, I shall shortly give evidence to suggest that evenquite young children learn how to exploit this delicate balance in their owninterest.'Ritual is transformative', says Turner (1967, 95). He also says that 'ritualadapts and periodically readapts the biopsychical individual to the basicconditions and axiomatic values of human social life' (1967,43). He sees ritual asfunctioning as an aid in bringing about the acceptance of a culturally prescribeddestiny. I agree with Turner except that I feel that he underemphasizes the rangeof options within the culturally prescribed destiny and the flexibility of the basicconditions and axiomatic values of social life. In Musami in the 1980s ritualcontinues to function as a transformative mechanism. In every ritual there is aplace for children. Perhaps the most moving ritual performance is that of kurovaguva when the spirit of one recently dead is called back into communion with theliving. For two weeks, as the family gathers, brews beer and prepares for a feast,the children of the neighbourhood are invited to play drams, dance and sing in thefamily's yard each evening, the idea being to demonstrate to the one who died thatit is a happy home to which to return. Unless the spirit is settled, it may wanderand cause distress.One ritual focuses on the needs of children. It is a ritual in which a child isnamed after an ancestor. In response to some dis-ease in a child, such as excessivecrying in an infant, extreme naughtiness in a toddler or odd behaviour in a child, aCONCEPTS OF CHILDHOODn'anga is consulted. He or she may divine on behalf of the child and reveal that aparticular ancestor, usually (if not always) one who played an important part inthe child's life, wishes the child to be named after him or her. A child of a n'angahad, as a baby, cried for four hours or more at a time. Another n 'anga divined thathis father's father wanted the child to be named after him. Black beads werebought as a gift for the ancestor and his spirit was invoked and pleaded with to letthe child alone until he was a little older. The crying lessened and the child grewinto a bright, active, naughty boy. He is five now and soon a ritual is planned inwhich he will be placed on a mat with a wooden plate beside him into whichguests will place money. He can use the money as he pleases. Beer will be brewedand a feast held. The boy is aware of the planned ritual and he knows that when heis ill or particularly difficult, his father offers a small gift to the spirit of his ownfather begging him to leave the child alone for a while. He is also aware that hisparents have been instructed to treat him with patience, not to shout at him norbeat him. He views his special tie with an ancestor with some awe and he knowsthat there is a possibility that he may, one day, be selected as a medium throughwhich his grandfather may communicate with the family. Instead of feelingisolated because of his troublesome nature, the boy is drawn more closely into thekinship web and the value of his position in it is publicly celebrated.In another case, the nephew of a well-known public figure was divined forand it was said that his father's father wanted the boy to be named after Mm.When I first knew him, he was twelve and had just begun to rebel. He was noisy athome, he would steal food to share with his friends, he was restless and he wouldplay truant from school. As a baby he used to cry a lot and a n'anga divined thathis father's father wanted him to be named after him. Beads were tied to his wristand, when he was three years old, a feast was held to celebrate the naming of thechild. It was held in response to his father's sister's advice. The child had been veryill and his father's sister had walked barefoot and in a trance from Murehwa(some forty kilometres away) at night to tell the family to hold the feast at once orthe boy would die. It was held and he recovered. He had no further problems until1981.He is a clever child and his parents held consultations with teachers andfamily members in their attempt to help him. He refused to discuss his problemsand would run into the bush if cross-examined. Towards the end of 1982, beerwas brewed, the family congregated and the shades were invoked. It was divinedthat a final ritual should be held in connection with the naming of the boy after hisgrandfather. It was held and the child's behaviour improved and he returned toschool. The points that I wish to emphasize are that the process of handling theyoung boy's problems was one that involved the whole family, one that took timeand one in which a number of avenues were explored. The final ritual crystallizedfamily and communal care and concern for the child and enabled the child toPAMELA REYNOLDSaccept an explanation for his unhappiness that originated from without, thusgiving him the opportunity to alter his pattern of behaviour.Responsibility for moral behaviour is shared within the family. Some say thata man is not fully responsible for his moral actions until his father is dead, Aproverb that is often repeated is that a calf eats in its mother's footsteps. A childwill follow a parent and may learn evil ways in doing so.If there is a delay in a baby attaining expected developmental stages, a n 'angamay be asked to divine the cause. Serious cases of delay in crawling, walking ortalking are usually seen to be caused by the shades and are often related to thefailure of the family to pay the mother's cow (mombe yomai). Bad mentalretardation may be seen to be caused by God {benyi waMwari), in which case itcannot be treated, or by witchcraft that affected the child in the womb or by anancestor who died before he had paid off a debt. Both of the last two causes can betreated. Delays may be interpreted as interference by a mudzimu or shave who,having selected a particular child, may be ensuring that he or she is seen to bedifferent from others and the spirit may block the child's success at school wishingto keep the child free for its own purposes so that he or she will be ripe forpossession when older. The shade selects 'the heart' of an innocent child andguards that child. The shade causes illness and behaviour problems in the child inorder to draw the parents' attention to the fact that the child has been selected. Thechosen child's behaviour may display certain characteristics: he may betroublesome, noisy, have problems with friends, be restless, he may run away, orreject certain foods, especially onions, or he may beg for snuff and his talk may beincomprehensible to adults. Signs of spiritual selection may be noted in infancybut often become clear between the ages of five and seven at 'the dawning ofunderstanding'.The majority of the n'anga with whom I have worked had aspects of theirchildhood behaviour interpreted to them as signs of future possession. One recallsthat as a child he was often alone, rejected friendship and was short-temperedwith Ms peers. Another refused as a child to eat onions and would wake at nightand sit up very still and quiet for long periods. Her parents feared that she hadbeen bewitched, but her mother's mother, a n'anga, divined that it was an earlysign of future possession by a healing spirit. A woman who has recently begun todivine and treat in her late middle-age refused as a child to drink water and, at theage of seven, would wake in the night crawling and crying. Her father's father andhis sister (both of whom were n'anga) divined that she would be possessed by ahealing spirit when she reached menopause. So it happened. The eccentricbehaviour of children is only sometimes interpreted as being a sign of futurepossession but the pattern illustrates how, among the Zezuru, the vagaries of theshades can be used to explain abnormal behaviour.The shades do not pre-determine a child's development but may influence itsCONCEPTS OF CHILDHOODcourse. They do not grant special gifts to individuals nor order the mix ofinheritance and environmental influence that shapes the individual. A child isshaped by inheritance and environment in, most say, about equal measure. Achild's character may in part be formed by that of an ancestor. For instance, hemay be unusually anxious as was an ancestor in life. Suggestion plays a role incharacter formation. One example comes from a five-year-old child whom Iknew well. He is the son of a n 'anga. His father's father was a n 'anga, too, and thechild has been named after him. The boy's grandfather had had a crippled rightarm and the child's grandmother (father's mother) pondered aloud in front of himon the likeness between him and his grandfather even to the extent that the childalways hurts his right arm in play.Cleansing is an important part of ritual that is conducted by n 'anga for youngand old. It forms an integral part of the treatment of many illnesses and of thepreparation for any major ritual. N'anga deny that the conscience is beingcleansed but say that it is evil from without that is being chased away. One can becleansed of evil airs, the evil imprint from contact with a corpse, evil spirits (alienor witch), and evil actions that result from another's envy, jealousy or ill-will.Unless the patient reveals the truth, cleansing will be ineffective. And unlesscompensation is paid for harm caused in serious cases such as murder, recoverywill not follow and trouble will continue to afflict the family.A patient is cleansed internally and externally. A wide range of plants(especially aromatic herbs) and animal parts are used as emetics, purgatives, inincisions on the skin or in bathing and drinking water. I have numerous cases ofcleansing on record: they include the cleansing of a White farmer who killed a girlduring the war and, as a consequence, was having trouble with his labour; thecleansing of a young woman jilted by her fiance; and the cleansing of a childaffected by experiences during the war. N'anga cleanse those to whom they teachherbal remedies or dream interpretation or whose spirits are being called out.Babies, too, are cleansed. Soon after birth, a baby should be protected againstillness that is seen to be related to the fontanelle. During this treatment, the baby isusually cleansed with water in which a cowrie shell has been soaked. A baby withdiarrhoea may be cleansed internally with, often enough, disastrous results. In onecase, the n'anga divined that the baby's diarrhoea was caused by evil directed ather by a neighbour's jealousy of the mother's successful farming. He threw hisbones to determine whether or not the baby should be taken to hospital.Cleansing is seen to strengthen the mind, chase evil and secure protection. Icould find no parallel among the Zezuru for the concept found elsewhere inAfrica (see, for example, Harris, 1978) of cleansing as a way to clear the heart ofanger. Despite suggestions from me, no n'anga saw the act of cleansing as a meansto ease the conscience or as an opportunity to 'speak out' the ill-will in one's heart.Indeed, they said that the motives of one who speaks too easily in such a veinPAMELA REYNOLDSwould be suspect. Most see anger in the heart as being a private matter. Yetcleansing seems to clear the air allowing normal relationships to be resumed. Itcertainly seems to have performed this function in the aftermath of war. Onen 'anga who was tortured during the war claims to know the youths who informedon him. He suspects that they suffer knowing that they did wrong and should nothave yielded to a bribe. They cannot rid themselves of their suffering unless theproblem is made public. This is unlikely to occur unless mental confusion assailsone of them. It is not possible to cleanse oneself by speaking out alone to theshades.It is said that the blood shed during the war retarded the thinking of somechildren. They had to be cleansed. In 1982, the impact of the war on childrencould still be seen. A boy of six, for example, was brought by his parents to an'anga because he was acting strangely. He would scream, 'My gun, my gun. Thesoldiers are here.' Cleansing medicine was placed in incisions in his skin and hisparents were advised to keep him under close surveillance. They were instructednot to be harsh with him, nor to shout at him and they were told to set him smalltasks and observe how he handled them. The parents were to report on hisprogress to the n'anga and to return with the child when his behaviour hadimproved so that he could be protected against further influence from evil spirits.During the treatment sessions, no one was blamed for the child's odd behaviourand the child was not labelled as deviant. Ritual attention and gentle careprobably helped to exorcise the effects of his experience during the war.In another case, a sixteen-year-old girl was brought by her mother fromBulawayo to see a n'anga in Musami. She had fought in the war and had sincebeen acting oddly, singing war songs, beating her mother saying, 'I want mymoney' and acting childishly. She was given a purgative, medicine was rubbedinto incisions in her skin and placed in her drinking water. It was divined that angozi was affecting her. Apparently another n'anga had divined the same causeand her family had paid compensation to the family of the person whose death thegirl had caused. However, the girl still needed treatment according to the Musamin 'anga. It is quite possible that the girl was, in part, rebelling against her return tothe conservative norms and forms of control of her family. It would be interestingto know whether the traditional form of resolution offered her any comfort.The compensation demanded of some families whose children had wrong-fully caused someone's death during the war was sometimes high. In one case,seven cows, one goat, one chicken and a girl were demanded. One n'angaprofesses to know of four cases in which a girl was given in compensation. It issaid that the girl should grow up in the stranger's family, eventually have a childand, if the baby is the same sex as the family member killed, her duty will havebeen fulfilled. She could then marry into the family with full room being paid orreturn home leaving the child behind. I did not meet anyone given inCONCEPTS OF CHILDHOODcompensation. Sometimes the gift of a girl was purely a ritual gesture. Throughthe payment of compensation, old scores were aired and the possibility for therenewal of cordial relations between families was created.One n 'anga treated many youths haunted by their experiences during the war.Some said that they were troubled by what they had done although they had hadno choice. They were cleansed and given medicine to stop them from reliving theexperiences. Some were under fourteen years of age. Cleansing, according to thisn'anga, equals forgiveness. If, however, wrong was committed when there was achoice to do otherwise, compensation must precede forgiveness.It was said that the shades were angered by the blatant transgression of theethics of war aed, to demonstrate their displeasure, they caused an epidemic ofeye infection in the area. War atrocities affect all the people just as a son'smisdeeds affect all the members of his family. In the aftermath of war, traditionalmeans were used to meet modern needs. It would seem that n'anga helpedfamilies to adjust to the post-war situation, and they helped to still war memoriesand provided means of catharsis. Perhaps, too, they channelled new forms of'rebellion along conventional lines.The ritual of kurasiriri, in which evil is cast out, is a cleansing process. Mostoften, a black or white chicken is brought by the patient's family on theinstructions of a n 'anga. The chicken is treated with medicine then cast out intothe bush symbolizing the rejection of evil influence. In one case, a boy of thirteenwas brought to a n "anga by his parents because he was refusing to eat either sadzaor meat. Divination revealed that a foreigner who had lived in the boy's father'shomestead had died a bachelor. His spirit was seeking a wife in the area, and, todraw attention to his needs, was troubling the boy. A black cockerel was thrownaway, the boy was cleansed then made to join the n 'anga in a ritual performance.They sat together on hides, took snuff and had mbira played for them. Bothbecame possessed and a family spirit identified itself through the boy. His familyagreed to accept the spirit whose intention was to protect the family. Now, thisboy was not physically ill but Miffering some adolescent trauma. The n'angafound a cause outside and by focusing family attention on his problems and byclearing the way to recovery, he brought the trouble to a head and offered aresolution. The resolution was to give the boy a role in family affairs thatchannelled communication between them and the spirit world through him.The point to emphasize here is that children can be cleansed of the evil thatafflicts them although they will neither have invited the evil nor have acted in sucha way as to lay themselves open to attack. That children are vulnerable to the badeffects of immorality or amoraiity is demonstrated in the commonly held beliefthat unless a man uses a certain herb as an antidote after committing adultery, hecannot touch his young children for fear of causing harm to befall them.Some n 'anga say that it is difficult to settle a spirit with one host these daysPAMELA REYNOLDSbecause the cleansing ritual is improperly performed. Cleansing is symbolized inthe use of traditional beer, water, milk, oil and snuff. A n 'anga whose spirit ismade blind must be cleansed at a sacred river.In fortune or misfortune one does not stand alone. One's owe dis-ease, illness,distress, is not seen as a reflection of one's own weakness, shortcomings, inabilityto cope. Rather it is a signal to alert the family to the fact that something is amissand needs attention. Some see the system as encouraging personal denial ofresponsibility. It is possible, though it is incumbent upon one to pursue dueprocess towards recovery through the use of ritual and herbal remedies which aimto alter the situation allowing new permutations to arise. The process ofteninvolves cleansing: its efficacy depends on the revelation of truth. Explanationsare sought, remedies tried, resolutions put forward until the dis-ease, illness,Łdistress, goes. Opportunities for the transformation of behaviour, within certainlimits, are created. Shame, doubt, guilt or blame is shared. In externalizingemotions (even responsibility) scapegoats are sought. If one's heart and house arein order, accusations do not stick but where misfortune renders one vulnerable theaccusation is not easily delected.What are the implications for childhood? A child is a gift and if not treated asone the anger of the shades will afflict the family. The child is shaped both by thatwhich he inherits and by the environment in which he lives. It is the responsibilityof the extended paternal and maternal families to secure him an appropriateenvironment and the protection of the shades. His health and happiness dependupon harmony within the home, among kin and between the living and the dead.If the child shows particular talent in some area, he or she is likely to be seen tohave the guidance of a mudzimu or shave. No particular superiority over others isassumed as the gift comes from without. Similarly, the cause of a child'smisbehaviour may come from elsewhere and opportunities for changes inbehaviour patterns are created. Nevertheless, bad behaviour is not excused and ispunished and may be said to have 'natural' causes.Individuality and even eccentricity are allowed some scope and are fitted intothe explanation of things. A child's oddities are channelled and a series of possibleexplanations are put forward. The society sanctions patterns of behaviour thatallow for the expression of difference yet minimize alienation. As Turner (1967,106) describes it, 'there is a certain freedom to juggle with the factors of existence.As in the works of Rabelais, there is a promiscuous intermingling and juxtaposingof the categories of event, experience, and knowledge, with a pedagogicintention.' Instances of madness or aberrant behaviour can be dealt with in such away as to avoid labelling the malefactor as mentally disturbed or delinquentexcept in relation to that incident. Once a situation is resolved to the satisfaction ofall parties, it is seen as closed and, while it is possible that similar incidents mayrecur, it is not anticipated.10CONCEPTS OF CHILDHOODIn this article I have touched on the notions of childhood implied in ideascommonly held by n 'anga. We need more detailed descriptions of the experiencesof children, especially of their relationships with other family members. It isdifficult to describe the role of n 'anga as it is a topic that stirs up much emotion.There is no doubt that malpractice occurs amongst them and there is no doubtthat they can exploit situations of fear and tension. However, the positive aspectsof their role are seldom celebrated. They administer to the needs of many peopleboth in the countryside and in towns.It is likely that as society in this country adopts new forms, the conception ofchildhood will alter. Possibly children will have to assume a greater sense ofresponsibility for their own actions, successes and failures, and equally possible isthe likelihood that their sense of responsibility for others will lessen. Possiblysome leavening of fears of the night, of owls, of witches, will occur but anattendant possibility is that fears will be focused inwards and the search forscapegoats will be redirected. Perhaps people may be freed from some of theshackles of traditional roles and conventional expectations but they may thenbegin to see their own needs in opposition to those of others, even those of theirchildren.I do not mean to call for a stay in the march of time. I only caution that, associety is transformed, those who shape the change should place new burdenswith due discretion. It seems likely, for instance, that young women may beallowed to assume the moral responsibility for the well-being of children that usedto be shared by all members of society. It is unlikely that a new order will cope assuccessfully with deviance as did the old. There are a variety of ways of meetingchildren's needs but new forms need to be anticipated and their costs met.Psychoanalyst Erik H. 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