Zambaia (1988), XV (i).FROM JULIUS AFRICANUSTO AUGUSTINE THE AFRICAN:A FORGOTTEN LINK IN EARLY AFRICAN THEOLOGY*C. F. HALLENCREUTZDepartment of Religious Studies, Classics and Philosophy, University of ZimbabweWHO IS THE first African theologian? The answer to that question depends, ofcourse, on how we define the term. If by 'African theologian' we mean a personfrom any part of Africa who has contributed or does contribute in a characteristicway to the exposition and continued development of Christian thought, we canspeak of African theologians from very early on in the history of Christianity. Wecan, in fact, argue whether the Latin-speaking lawyer Tertullian from Carthage inpresent-day Tunisia or the Greek-speaking pioneers of the so-called CatecheticalSchool of Alexandria in Egypt were the first African theologians. Tertullian wasvigorous and became increasingly enthusiastic in his own Christian commitment.He deviated from mainstream Christianity and became a precursor of AfricanIndependent Church movements from the time of Kimpa Vita in the Congoregion in the seventeenth century or of Bishop Mutende and Johannes Marankein this century in Zimbabwe.1We can, however, give 'African theologian' a more qualified definition andrefer to a person who in his/her own exposition of Christian thought deliberatelyrelates to concepts and symbolism in traditional African religions and lets themcolour the interpretation of Christian truth-claims. With such a definition we findAfrican theologians in sub-Saharan Africa and from considerably later stages inthe history of African Christianity. B. Idowu from Ibadan, the East African, JohnS. Mbiti, and the doyen of African Catholic theology, Dr V. N. Mulago fromKinshasa in Zaire, are the distinct pioneers.2* In this study I rely on texts and translations which are available in the University of ZimbabweLibrary, and, therefore, I draw heavily on translations in two particular series: The Ante-NiceneFathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to AD 325, ed. A. Roberts andJ. Donaldson, rev. A. C. Coxe [vols. I-VIII]wed. A. C. Coxe [vol. IX], ed. A. Menzies [vol. X] (GrandRapids MI, Eerdmans, 10 vols., 1956-60); and A Select Library ofNicene and Post-Nicene Fathersof the Christian Church: Second Series, ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace (Grand Rapids MI, Eerdmans, 14vols., 1952-61). These will be referred to in this article simply as Ante-Nicene Fathers andPost-Nicene Fathers, respectively.1 For Tertullian, see The Early Christian Fathers: A Selection from the Writings of the Fathersfrom SL Clement of Rome to SL Athanasius, ed. and trans. H. Bettenson (London, Oxford Univ.Press, 1956), 14-16, 103-67.2 See, for example, in K. A. Dickson and P. Ellingworth (eds.), Biblical Revelation and AfricanBeliefs (London, Lutterworth, 1969), B. Idowu, 'Introduction', 9-16; B. Idowu, "God", 17-29;V. Mulango, 'Vital participation', 137-58; and J. S. Mbiti, 'Eschatology', 159-84. On laterdevelopments, see K. Appiah-Kubi and S. Torres (eds.), African Theology en Route (New York,Orbis, 1979), and J. Pobee and C. F. Hallencreutz, Alternatives in Theology in Africa (Nairobi,12 JULIUS AFRICANUSIn African theology in the latter sense there is a considerable interest in howtraditional African concepts of time relate to a more linear and forward-orientedunderstanding of history in Christian theology.It is John S. Mbiti, particularly, who has explored this problematic and,perhaps, has been inclined to over-emphasize the qualitative difference between aChristian and a traditional African view of time.3This interest in time and history within modern African theology is notcompletely isolated. It runs, in fact, parallel to the scholarly concern in rewritingthe history of African Christianity with due reference to local preconditions andindigenous initiatives. This scholarly concern has inspired lasting contributions byAfrican historians such as J. F. Ade Ajayi from Lagos, Nigeria, the Ethiopianecclesiastical historian Tadesse Tamrat, and Dr N. Bhebe, Dr E. Mashingaidzeand Dr C. J. M. Zvobgo from Zimbabwe.4With this interest in history and historiography in modern African scholar-ship in mind it is interesting to note that the question of time and history Š and,more specifically, how the role of Christianity in time and history should beunderstood Š belonged to the key issues of African theologians from the periodof the Early Church, which to a surprisingly high degree was an extensive periodof African Church history. Actually, it is when he addressed himself to these issuesthat Bishop Augustine of Hippo Regius Š in today's Tunisia Š emerges as asignificant African theologian. I am, of course, referring to De Civitate Dei [TheCity of God], which Augustine wrote from 413 to 426 at a time when Christianitywas accused of having been a cause of the defeat of imperial Rome, which hadbeen sacked in 410 by invading barbaric Visigoths.5Uzima, 1985). An independent contribution from South Africa is G. Setiloane African Theolrm-An Introduction (Braamfontein, Skotavflle, 1986). A critical discussion of theological concerns inthestudy of African traditional religion by African theologians is pursued in D. Westerlund, AfricanReligion m African Scholarship (Stockholm, Almqvist and Wiksell, 1985). ^^^York, Praeger, 1969) 15-28 See also the critique of Mbiti in Westerlund, African ReligionZ4£f? **f»*A<P. 54-5 60-3, in which the author also assesses O. p'Bitek's view of Mbiti uAfrica's chiefest intellectual smuggler*.« J. F. A. Ajayi, Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making qfaNewElite(London^,^ *5L\Ta£rat' ChUrCh andST0' ElhiOpia> ^70-1527 (Oxford, Orford^uVPress, 1972); N. Bhebe, Christianity and Traditional Religion in Western Zimbabwe 1859-1923(London, Longman, 1979); E. K. Mashingaidze, 'Christian Missions in Mashonaland, SouthernRhodesia, 1890-1930' (York, Univ. of York, D.Phil thesis, 1973); C. J. M. Zvobgo, The WeSMethodist Missions ui Zimbabwe, 1891-1945' (Edinburgh, Univ. of Edinburgh, Ph.D.5In this study I have madeuseofthe Latin editionof Augustine. TheCityofGod ed Band A. Kalb (Stuttgart, Teuber, 2 vols., 1981), and the English translation by H^'ttensonlcfa^iintro. by D. Knowles (Harmondsworth, Penguin, Pelican Classics Series, 1972) It should be notedthat Julius Afncanus, who developed the biblical chronology which is the basis for EWSC. F. HALLENCREUTZ 3In his magnum opus Bishop Augustine is able to relate to one historiographicoption which had been explored previously by Julius Africanus from the thirdcentury and which had inspired Eusebius of Caesarea, the father of EcclesiasticalHistory, from the fourth century. This link, from Julius Africanus to Augustinethe African, has not been sufficiently appreciated in the study of early Africantheology. It is this omission that has prompted this contribution.HISTORIOGRAPHIC ALTERNATIVES IN EARLYCHRISTIAN THOUGHTThe sack of Rome in 410 by Alaric and his militant army, which adhered to anArian form of Christianity,6 was a serious challenge to historians and theologiansŠ Roman and Christian alike Š both in Italy and what at that time was calledAfrica. How could imperial Rome, the Victorious City, be defeated bybarbarians? What were the root causes of such illegitimate humiliation? Whatwere the fateful preconditions in terms of divine judgement and guidance ofhistoric events? These (and other) questions were profound issues for Romanintellectuals who still adhered to classical pre-Christian values in the ImperialCity. Since the time of Constantine, who had recognized Christianity as a possibleresource for the integration of his vast empire, and of Theodosius the Great, whohad made Christianity the established religion, the destinity of Rome had becomeof additional interest to Christian theologians in the West, who, throughtranslations by Jerome and Rufinus, had become acquainted with Eusebius'optimistic imperial theology.7 In fact, Rufinus from Aquileia translated Eusebius'Ecclesiastical History into Latin shortly after the first Visigothic invasion of Italy.8Volusianus, the Provincial Governor of Roman North Africa, was notexplicitly anti-Christian. However, he had not changed his religion and adheredto the increasingly popular opinion among Roman traditionalists that Chris-tianity had undermined the Roman Empire. It had softened its moral values andbadly affected its military morale. Christianity was the cause of the humiliatingdefeat of the imperial city.9It was this interpretation of the role of Christianity in time and history, whichwas entertained also in Roman North Africa, which provoked Augustine to6 Arian and Arianism are derived from Arius, a priest from Alexandria and, later, Constantin-ople, who advanced a dualistic type of Christology which became the major issue in fourth-centuryChristian thought, see J. Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine:I: The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100-600) (Chicago, Univ. of Chicago Press, 4 vols^1971), 193-210.7 See below, p. 6." See W. H. Fremantle, 'Prolegomena on the life and work of Rufinus', in Nicene andPost-Nicene Fathers, III, 412-13. On the delicate relationship between Jerome and Rufinus, seeibid., 406-9.» Augustine, The City of God, ed. Knowles, xv-xvi, 5.4 JULIUS AFRICANUSaddress himself to basic historiographic issues. He felt compelled to refute theaccusations of Roman traditionalists. He also realized that he had to explorefurther the basis and orientation of a Christian theology of history at a time whenEusebius' imperial theology proved to be too superficial and too optimistic.10Until the early decades of the fifth century there had been tried at least fourhistoriographical alternatives in the evolving Christian tradition. Developmentsand characteristics of respective options can be illustrated in graphic form:HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ALTERNATIVES IN THE EARLY CHURCHFirstcenturySecondcenturyThirdcenturyFourthcenturyFifthcenturyApocalypticsGospels,Letters of Paul,Letters of John,RevelationIrenaeus,TertullianApologetic Christocentricchronography view of historyGenealogies Luke,of Jesus Actsin Matthewand LukeTheophilus ofAntioch,Clement ofAlexandriaHeraclas ofAlexandria,Julius Africanus,HippolytusEusebiusAugustine,The City ofGodChurch history withinimperial theologyAdvanced Modifiedform formEusebiusRufinus SocratesSozomenTheodoret'Apocalyptics' is derived from a Greek word which means revelation. As away of interpreting history, apocalyptics claims to aim at medias res. It wants todisclose the inner meaning of time and history by means of drastic and colourfulsymbolism. Apocalyptics was practised within Hellenistic Judaism and isreflected also in substantial sections of the New Testament. The main themes inearly Christian apocalyptics concerned the imminent return of Christ and the timeof hardship for the faithful which precedes the parousia. The symbolism of the10 See 'apokalupW, in G. Kittel and G. Friedrich (eds.). Theological Dictionary of the NewTestament, trans, and ed. G. W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids MI, Eerdmans, 10 vols., 1964-76), III,556-92.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 5Anti-Christ in the letters of St John qualifies early Christian apocalyptics.11Apocalyptic features are quite frequent among the Early Church Fathers. This isnot least true of Tertullian from Carthage.12 During the third century, when theemerging Christian community was hit by persecutions within the RomanEmpire, Christian apocalyptics flourished. Hippolytus, the controversial Romanchurch-leader and theologian, wrote the first study solely devoted to the problemof the Anti-Christ.13From the second century onwards 'apologetics' became a predominantfeature of Christian thought. Apologetics, too, is derived from Greek and refers inthis context to attempts to prove the coherence and antiquity of Christiantruth-claims when they were questioned by Jewish and Hellenistic philosophersand theologians. Early Christian apologetics also explored the implications of theChristian belief in God the Creator at a time when ontological dualism,denouncing the value of the material world, proved compelling to ChristianGnostics, who treated Salvation as esoteric knowledge (cf. gnosis).14This interest in a theology of creation, and deliberate attempts to prove theantiquity of Christianity, necessarily raised historiographical questions. The majorissue proved to be how the biblical view of creation and divine guidance inhistory, which implied a concentrated view of history within a fairly limited spanof time, related to more vague concepts of history as cyclic movements within avast span of time. Apologetic chronography Š where biblical chronology wasadvanced as a basic term of reference against contemporary interpretations ofhistory within other traditions, Greek, Chaldean and Egyptian Š became thenew feature in the Christian preoccupation with time and history. Compared tosimilar ventures within Judaism, Christian chronographers could integrate thegenealogies of Christ in Matthew 1: 1-17 and Luke 3: 23-8 within their overallperspective. Julius Africanus presents himself as the most compelling of the earlyChristian chronographers.15Within the New Testament there were, however, not just apocalyptics andfeatures of apologetic chronography as valid options when questions of theinterpretation of time and history (and not least the future!) were at stake. TheGospel according to St Luke and the Acts of the Apostles have a feature of theirown which also influences the way in which apocalyptic themes are explored (seeLuke 21). Luke starts off his Gospel as a proper historian. He aims at providing an'orderly account' of the Jesus-history on the basis of oral tradition and eye-Ibid., 587-9.See The Early Christian Fathers, 18-19,218-27.For Hippolytus, see Ante-Nicene Fathers, V, 204-19.Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, I, 68-120.See below, p. 10.6 JULIUS AFRICANUSwitnesses' reports. He also claims to have some personal experience of what wasinvolved (Luke 1: 1-4). In the introduction to the Acts of the Apostles there isclaimed an immediate link with St Luke's Gospel, which 'dealt with all that Jesusbegan to do and teach until the day when he was taken up' (Acts 1:1 -2). Even so,the perspective of the new book is different. The main focus of the Acts of theApostles is on the continued ministry of the exalted Jesus 'through the Holy Spirit'by means of his appointed agents, that is the Apostles (from the Greek verbapostellein (to commission) or, more specifically, Peter (Acts 1-12) and Paul(Acts 9-28). Compared to previous apocalyptics, which contemplated dramaticpreconditions for the imminent return of Christ, the thrust of the Acts of theApostles is a Christocentric view of history which is open towards the future asthe exalted Christ moves time and history towards its end.16It was some time until this Christocentric view of history was exploredfurther. Actually, it is the achievement of Eusebius of Caesarea to have developedChristian historiography from apologetic chronography to a mature study ofChurch history within general world history. He also managed to explore furtherthe theological implications in the historiographic tradition from St Luke.17 Thestated objective of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History from the 320s corresponds,thus, very well with that of the Gospel according to St Luke and the Acts of theApostles. Eusebius starts with the dispensation (oikonomia) of Christ, which is'more divine than many think' (EccL Hist., 1:1). He then intends to expound thehistory of the Church by focusing on the ministry of 'those who have governedand presided over the church in the most prominent parishes and those who ineach generation have proclaimed the divine word either orally or in writing'(ibid.). Furthermore, he wants to trace the history of the Church in contrast to thecontinued development of the 'whole Jewish nation' (ibid.).However, Eusebius conceived his historiographic principles in a situationwhich differed very much from that of St Luke. Whilst the Acts of the Apostles isterminated when Paul has been brought as a prisoner to imperial Rome (Acts28:16), Eusebius wrote as a staunch supporter and respected adviser to EmperorConstantine.18 Already in his Ecclesiastical History he excels in eulogies ofConstantine and sees his 'conversion' and new policies vis-a-vis Christianity asushering in a radically new and improved situation for the Church (EccL Hist,14 On the exegesis of the Acts of the Apostles, see H. Conzelmann, The Theology of St. Luketrans. G. BushweU (London, Faber, 1960), and H. J. Cadbury, The Making of Luke-Acts (London,SPCK, 1958).17 See R. M. Grant, Eusebius as Church Historian (Oxford, Clarendon, 1980).11 A. C. McGiffert, "The life and writings of Eusebius of Caesarea', in Nicene and Post-NiceneFathers, 1, 19-25, 42-3. This volume also contains translations into English of Eusebius'Ecclesiastical History and Life of Constantine. References to Eusebius' Chronicon are based onJerome's translation, ed. A. Schoene (Frankfurt am Main, Weidmann, 2 vols., 1967).C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 7IX: 9 - X: 9). In his Life of Constantine he spells out further his imperialtheology as the significantly new framework for the continued history of theChurch. It is in this panegyric that Eusebius gives his account of the FirstEcumenical Council, in Nicea in Turkey in 325, in which he was an activeparticipant and supported the credal agreement concerning the nature of Christ,which he believed should become the doctrinal accord within Christianity as aunifying force in the Empire {Life of Const, III: 6-14).Continued developments after the death of Constantine in 337 proved thatthe new imperial framework for continued ecclesiastical developments did notprovide a lasting solution to all the problems. Headed by Eusebius of Nicomedia,the Arian party, which persevered after having been ruled out at Nicea, continuedto propagate its alternative Christology and managed to enlist the support ofEmperor Valens (364-78) for its cause. During a hectic period from 360 to 364Emperor Julian had tried to restore traditional Roman religion. It was not untilthe reign of Theodosius the Great (379-94) that Christianity in the form in whichit was defined by the majority at Nicea became the recognized religion of theState.19In the succession of Eusebius, three Eastern Church historians from the fifthcentury, who were younger contemporaries of Bishop Augustine of HippoRegius, have covered these developments from Nicea into the 420s. These wereSocrates from Constantinople, Sozomen, who came from Palestine, andTheodoret, a prolific writer who was personally involved in the continuedChristological debates after the Council in Constantinople in 381.20 Theydeliberately modified Eusebius' imperial theology and gave preference in theirhistoriography to different aspects of ecclesiastical developments. In the case ofSocrates, the Ecumenical Councils served as the concentrated expression of theLordship of Christ over the Church.21 Sozomen gave more attention to monasticand ascetic features in the life of the Church.22 Theodoret surveyed the conflictover Arianism and expressed his sympathies with Nestorius in his conflicts withCyril of Alexandria.2319 See A.'M. Young, From Nicea to Calcedon: A Guide to the Literature and Its Background(London, SCM Press, 1983).20 Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, trans. A. C. Zenos, in Nicene and Post-NiceneFathers, II, 1-178; Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, trans. C. D. Hartranft, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, II, 239-427; Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History, trans. B. Jackson, in Nicene andPost-Nicene Fathers, III, 33-159.21 Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 6-17, 120-1.22 C. D. Hartranft, 'Introduction' to Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, in Nicene and Post-NiceneFathers, II, 193-4, 202-4, 212.23 B. Jackson, 'Prolegomena: The life and writings of the blessed Theodoretus, Bishop of Cyprus',in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, III, 5-7, 18-19. Theodoret gives his account of the death ofTheodosius the Great in 395 and of the continued ministry of John Chrysotom in Constantinople. Headds a note on the death of Theodorus of Mopsuestia in 428 in his last chapter, see Theodoret,Ecclesiastical History, 151-9.8 JULIUS AFRICANUSAmong these three Eastern Church historians, Socrates and Sozomen havemade note of the sack of Rome in 410 (see Socrates, EccL Hist, XX: 10; andSozomen, EccL Hist, IX: 6-10). They have, however, for linguistic and otherreasons, not been able to register developments in Roman North Africa. They donot mention Augustine and have not at all experienced the sack of Rome as such ademanding historiographic event as did the Bishop of Hippo Regius.WHO WAS JULIUS AFRICANUS?The most remarkable person in this historiographic survey is certainly JuliusAfricanus. What was his contribution to Christian theology? Is he, perhaps, thefirst African theologian? In introductions to the evolution of Christian thought,Julius Africanus is often overlooked.24 In surveys of the history of historiographyhe is mentioned merely as the precursor of Eusebius.25 He deserves, however, tobe portrayed in his own right.The extant material on Julius Africanus' life and from his writings is veryscarce indeed. He lived during the first half of the third century and seems to havecome from Jerusalem. He made his civil career in the Roman colonialadministration in western Asia. He served in Emmaus, or Nicopolis, in Palestinefor a while and pleaded as part of an embassy to Emperor Heliogabulus for itsrenovation.26Julius Africanus was a Christian layman who devoted himself to theologicalstudies. He is recognized for his learning by Jerome in his translation of Eusebius'Chronicon as well as by Eusebius himself, who, in a brief summary of the writingsof Julius Africanus in his Ecclesiastical History, adds a biographical note of thegreatest interest. He says that, according to his Chronography, 'in five books'Julius Africanus 'went to Alexandria on account of the great fame of Heraclas,who excelled especially in philosophic studies and other Greek learning' {EccLHist, VI: 31).This biographical note needs some elaboration. The first point to note is thatJulius Africanus mentions Heraclas and not Origen Š who, after all, was themost creative and influential representative of Alexandrian theology during thefirst half of the third century Š when he records that he went to Alexandria and24 See, for example, T. A. Burkhill, The Evolution of Christian Thought (Ithaca, Cornell Univ.Press, 1971), which is based on lectures given at the University of Rhodesia, and Pelikan, TheChristian Tradition, both of which overlook Julius Africanus.a See E. B. Fryde, "Historiography and historical methodology', Encyclopaedia Britannica(Chicago, Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edn, 1974), Macropedia, VIII, 948.» See F. C. Burkitt, The Christian Church in the East1, The Cambridge Ancient History(Cambridge, Cambridge Univ. Press, 12 vols., 1953-63), XII, 477-8,485, and useful comments onthe life of Julius Africanus by McGiffert in footnotes to Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, in Niceneand Post-Nicene Fathers, I, 276.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 9gives his reason for that visit. There are chronological as well as theoretical issuesinvolved here. Origen proved to be the creative mind of the Catechetical Schoolin Alexandria when this distinguished centre of Christian learning resumedactivities after the persecution of Christians launched by Severus in 203, whichterminated Clement's term of service in Alexandria. Origen excelled in hisallegorical exposition of Holy Writ. The fame of the school increased and heencouraged Heraclas to join the staff.27However, there were certain tensions between Demetrius, the patriarch ofAlexandria who was responsible for the Christian teaching in Alexan-dria and Egypt, and Origen, the principal of the Catechetical School. Demetriusseems to have objected to a layman teaching the Scriptures.28 Things got worsewhen Origen agreed to be ordained in Caesarea at around 230 by Theocistus,who was joined in the ceremony by Alexander, his colleague from Jerusalem, andnot by Demetrius in Alexandria (see Eccl. Hist., VI: 23). Furthermore, Origenhad involved himself in the emerging Neoplatonist school of thought, which wasfurther developed by Plotinus. Origen had, in fact, spent some time as a student ofAmmonius Saccas, 'the father of Neoplatonism' (Eccl Hist, VI: 19), resulting in areduced interest in Biblical chronology. Origen had to leave Alexandria in theearly 230s, and thereafter settled in Caesarea where he continued teaching andwriting. Eusebius is able to give a quite comprehensive account of Origen's Lifeand Letters in Book VI of his Ecclesiastical History (see Eccl Hist, VI: 2-4,7-8,19 and 23-39).Origen was succeeded by Heraclas as principal of the Catechetical School inAlexandria. According to Eusebius he had already, prior to the departure ofOrigen, enlisted the support of Demetrius (Eccl Hist, VI: 15). After Demetrius'death in 232 Heraclas was enthroned as patriarch of Alexandria (Eccl Hist,VI: 26). Against this background Julius' reference to Heraclas becomes evenmore interesting. It may very well be that Julius Africanus is quite specific hereand records that it was during the brief period when Heraclas served as principalof the Catechetical School that he was studying in Alexandria. However, this notecould be even more involved and indicate a deliberate theological option.We do not know exactly how Heraclas related to Origen during the emergingconflict with Demetrius and after 230. Nor do we know very much about histheology. There is nothing extant of his writings. He seems, however, to have beenmore loyal than Origen to the tradition of biblical chronology which was a legacy27 See 77i<? Early Christian Fathers, 24-30, 254-362. See also 'Works of Origen', trans, andintro. by F. C. Crombie, in Ame-Nicene Fathers, IV, 221 -669, and commentaries by Origen on theGospels of St John and St Matthew in ibid., X, 297-408 and 413-512.28 The relationship between Origen and Demetrius is explored in McGiffert's comments toEusebius' Ecclesiastical History, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, I, 391 -7.10 JULIUS AFRICANUSin Alexandria from Jewish scholars.29 It is, in fact, that line which JuliusAfricanus relates to rather than to the new features in Origen's theology.30 Notvery much is extant from Julius Africanus' literary production. However, there isat least one item which is explicitly written in critique of Origen, though thematter may be quite marginal. Even so, in a letter to Origen, Julius refutes hisargument in favour of the biblical authenticity of the Book of Susanna.31Julius Africanus' major contribution to Christian thought is in an area otherthan that in which Origen specialized. As already noted, Julius Africanus' realachievement was in the field of apologetic chronography.32 There are availablejust a few fragments of Julius' Chronography as quotations in the Chronicon by aByzantine historian called Georgius Syncellus.33 It is these fragments whichconvey to us Julius' contribution to historiography and Christian thought.In his Chronography, Julius Africanus tries to establish a chronology ofworld history within a limited time-span of 5,500 Š or more precisely 5,531 Šyears from the creation of Adam to the birth of Christ, or what Africanus calls 'theadvent of the Word of salvation' (Julius Africanus, Fragments, I and XVIII). Headmits that in this regard he aligned himself with Jewish historiography, althoughhe made his own calculations on the basis of the Old Testament. He refutes whathe calls the 'boastful of their own antiquity' among the Egyptians but tries toidentify parallels between his own chronology and accounts from Greek history(ibid., I). He is particularly keen to try to establish that 'from Ogycus to Cyrus, asfrom Moses to his time, are 1,235 years' (ibid., XII).Specifying his apologetic chronography further, Julius Africanus suggests thefollowing periodization (ibid., V-XII):From Adam to Noah and the Flood 2,262 yearsFrom Noah to Abraham 1,015 yearsFrom Abraham to the death of Joseph 286 yearsFrom Moses to Cyrus 1,235 yearsFrom Cyrus to Christ 702 years5,500 years25 See 'Chronologie', in T. Klauser et al. (eds.), Reallexikon fur Antike und ChristentumSachworterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christen rums mit der Antiken Welt (Stuttgart,Hiersemann, 7 vols., 1950-69), III, 57, which also draws attention to the contribution of Clement ofAlexandria to apologetic chronography. See Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata, or Miscellanies',trans, and intro. by A. C. Coxe, in Ante-Nkene Fathers, II, 334-41, in which chapters 22-29 of Book1 are devoted to apologetic chronography with a special focus on the antiquity and function ofMoses.30 For Julius Africanus, see 'The extant writings of Julius Africanus', trans, and intro. by A. CCoxe, in Ante-Nkene Fathers, VI, 123-40.31 Ibid., 123. See also Burkitt, The Christian Church in the East', 485.32 See above, p. 5.33 Ante-Nkene Fathers, VI, 130-8. For the role of Julius Africanus in Byzantine historiography,see H. Gelzer, Sextus Julius Afncanus und die Byzantinische Chronographie (Leipzig, n.p., 2 vols'1880-98).C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 11Julius Africanus is not the first in the early Church who tries to establish such aframework for Biblical history. He is preceded by Theophilus, a contemporary ofJustin Martyr, patriarch in Antioch, who, prior to his death in 180, had tried toconvince Autolycus of the validity and antiquity of Christian truth-claims byspelling out his own biblical chronology. In certain details his calculations differfrom those of Julius Africanus, whose chronology became the authoritativeversion. Theophilus suggests the following timetable (Theophilus, III: 24Š9):From the Creation to the Deluge 2,242 yearsFrom the Deluge to Abraham 1,036 yearsFrom Isaac to 'Moses in the desert' 660 yearsFrom the death of Moses to the death of David 498 yearsFrom the death of David to the Captivity 518 yearsFrom Cyrus to the birth of Christ 744 years5,698 yearsTheophilus was a convert to Christianity who confessed that he had beenoverwhelmed by the concrete historical dimension of the Old Testament which tohim proved to be more convincing than the more lofty Greek view of history (ibid.,1:15). His arguments are simply biblicistic. He is more aggressive in his critique ofalternative historiographies than Julius, who, in relation to Greek thought, is keento establish possible parallels.34 This is an observation which has, in fact, alreadybeen made by Eusebius. In his Ecclesiastical History he characterizes Theophilus'Dialogue with Autolycos as 'three elementary works' (EccL Hist, IV: 24), whilehe assesses Julius Africanus' Chronography as 'a work accurately and laboriouslyprepared' (ibid., VI: 31). This assessment and the fact that Eusebius draws onJulius Africanus in his own historical writings have, of course, contributed to therecognition of Julius Africanus in the history of historiography.Concerning Julius Africanus there is still one question outstanding: Why ishe called 'Africanus'? Of course, this could have been just an appellation in orderto distinguish this learned Christian layman from other Juliuses. But if this was thecase the question still remains: Why 'Africanus'? Heracles and Origen Š evenafter the latter's transfer from Alexandria to Caesarea Š were not called'Africani'. Thus, Eusebius' note that Julius had studied in Alexandria for a whiledoes not provide sufficient reason for the name of Julius Africanus. After all, theGreeks distinguished between Alexandria and the Egyptian countryside, on theone hand, and Africa (i.e. Roman North Africa) on the other.35Julius' appellation, therefore, contains a secret concerning his actual34 For Theophilus, see 'Theophilus to Autolycus', with introductory notes and trans, by M. Dods,in Ante-Nicene Fathers, II, 85-121.35 W. Pape and G. E. Benseler, Worterbuch der Griechischen Eigennamen: Nachdruck derdrittenAufiGraz, Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 2 vols., 1911), I, 31-2, 181.12 JULIUS AFRICANUSconnections with what would become the place of birth and area of future Churchservice of Augustine, the African. The extant material of Julius' Life and Lettersdoes not disclose this secret. His appellation just connects Julius' apologeticchronography in a most enigmatic way to Africa.JULIUS AFRICANUS, EUSEBIUS AND AUGUSTINEIn times of continued persecutions of Christians during the third century theemerging apologetic chronography could easily be linked with and reinforceapocalyptic views of time and history. This was particularly the case if the totaltime-span of world history was seen as comprising 6,000 years which would befollowed by an eternal Sabbath-rest.36 Both Theophilus and Hippolytus did, infact, add apocalyptic writings to their apologetic chronography.37In the case of Julius Africanus, however, the concern for history andhistoriography is predominant, according to the fragments which are extant fromhis Chronography. There are no explicit references to apocalyptic disclosures ofwhat the future may entail. Even so, in continued Byzantine historiography JuliusAfricanus' contribution seems to have provided a basis for Millenarianism.38 Asalready noted, Eusebius held Julius Africanus in high esteem. He drew on Julius'Chronography when he spelled out his own apologetic chronography. He alsomade appropriate use of Africanus' contribution when he conceived and wrotehis Ecclesiastical History (see EccL Hist, I: 1 and 4-7).39 He was encouraged bythe historical thrust in Julius Africanus' contribution when he developedChristian historiography from apologetic chronography to a mature study ofChurch history within general world history. In this way Eusebius provides theimmediate link between Julius Africanus and Augustine the African.Besides the Bible, there is one book which Augustine quotes frequently inThe City of God without specific critique. That is Eusebius' Chronicon inJerome's translation, which, thus, makes evident the connection between JuliusAfricanus' apologetic chronography and Augustine's major contribution to theevolution of a Christian theology of history.40 Although Augustine develops amore involved view of the Creation as the origin of the City of God than JuliusAfricanus and Eusebius do of the terminus a quo of their Biblical chronologies, the» 'Chronologie', in Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, III, 57, in which references aremade to the particular attention paid by Hilarius and Orosius to these dimensions in biblicalchronology. Fryde's article, 'Historiography and historical methodology', 948, wrongly suggests thatJulius Africanus should have adhered to this view.37 For Theophilus, see Ante-Nicene Fathers, II, 88.M 'Chronologie', in Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, III, 53-5.39 Grant, Eusebius as Church Historian, 41 does not consider the influence of Julius Africanus'Chronography on Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History.« Augustine's use of Eusebius'CAromcon is assessed by Knowles in Augustine, The City of God.No references are made here to Julius Africanus.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 13Bishop of Hippo Regius subscribes to the idea of a limited span of time fromAdam to Christ (City of God, XIII: 13). Although he is able to recognize the valueof Neoplatonism (see particularly ibid., VII: 9), Augustine rejects the cyclicaltheory of the world's history, which he traced also in Origen's theology (ibid., XII:14-18; cf. XI: 23).Augustine does not avoid the dimension of apocalyptics in the Christiantradition, when he explores the end of the City of God and the Earthly City (Cityof God, XX: 4-25). Even so, he renounces 'any audacious presumption of makingany pronouncement on the question' of when exactly the parousia shall take place(ibid., XVIII: 52). He follows the primarily historical thrust of Julius Africanusand Eusebius when he expounds his theology of the City of God, although thedetailed historical study is not the primary objective of his magnum opus. Theframework which Augustine suggests for the interpretation of the dynamics ofhistory, however, is far more radical and far-reaching than the optimisticstructures of Eusebius' imperial theology. The link from Julius Africanus viaEusebius to Augustine the African has to be assessed with reference to the overallobjectives of Augustine's Christian theology of history.AUGUSTINE THE AFRICANBefore we explore Augustine's contribution to historiography any further, wehave to illustrate first of all the North African context which Augustine addressedhimself to and out of which The City of God emerged.Augustine's early development and spiritual journey, from his birth inThagaste in Roman North Africa until he became a Christian and was baptizedby Archbishop Ambrose of Milan in Northern Italy in 387, is well known fromhis Confessions, which is a classic as a piece of personal confessional writing.However, it is during his later period as Bishop of Hippo Regius from 395 to 430that Augustine emerges as both a prolific writer and a very relevant Africantheologian.41At that time the structures developed after the Punic Wars in what becameRoman North Africa had begun to crumble. There was still a dominant Romanupper class comprising higher colonial administrators (such as Volusianus),landlords and merchants who maintained close links across the sea with Italy andImperial Rome. There had also emerged a substantial Latin-speaking Roman-Berber middle class Š a 'Coloured' community, if you wish Š which wasAugustine's own social background and which became his particular congreg-ation. Then there were Berber farm-labourers dominating the lower classes.41 See the excellent biography, P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (London, Faber,1967).14 JULIUS AFRICANUSFurther south, into what is today the Sahara, traditional modes of productionprevailed.42Towards the end of the fourth century there had been national uprisings inRoman North Africa. The Donatist movement, forced underground whenConstantine's religious policy was applied in the North African provinces andwhich became even more vulnerable after Theodosius the Great, was sympatheticto the nationalist cause. During the 420s, Germanic Vandals adhering to an Arianform of Christianity travelled via Spain and invaded Roman North Africa fromthe west in order to secure a foothold for attacks against Rome.43It is under such circumstances that Augustine ministered as Bishop of HippoRegius for thirty-five years. In his 'Introduction' to the translation of The City ofGod, David Knowles gives an appealing illustration of Augustine's context andhis extensive ministry as African Church leader:Four years after his baptism he went to Hippo Regius and began to live as a monk withsome companions. He was ordained priest in 391 and in 395 consecrated bishop of thecity. For the thirty-five years that followed he lived in a house near the basilica, of whichthe floor and bases of the pillars survive, in the city lying in a cup of hills. From his windowhe could see the Mediterranean 'putting on its changing colours like different garments,now green, with all the many varied shades, now purple, now blue'. His days wereoccupied with activities and cares of his people in that busy city. It was for them that hepreached his numberless homilies on the Sunday Gospels, or gave his magnificentallegorical commentary on the Psalms. For them, day by day, he went steadily through thesublime meditations on the Gospel of St John. Hippo, the second port of Africa afterCarthage, was an ancient town still retaining the crooked Punic streets, though the city hadbeen replanned by the Romans more than two centuries before Augustine came there.There was a large forum and the usual Roman edifices, a temple, a theatre, and publicbaths. The Christian quarter with its church and bishop's house stood apart from theRoman centre, but near the fashionable suburbs which had large houses and gardens. Theriver valley in which the town lay was fertile and intensively cultivated. Cereals andvegetables, vines and olives abounded, and further up the valley were large estates ofarable land that provided corn for export beyond the needs of the city. St Augustine'sdiocese lay in the hinterland, with village churches and the private chapels of landowners.It was beyond this, in the hills, that the violent clashes occurred between the Christians andthe Donatist villagers.44At the time of Augustine, the Church in Roman North Africa was severely split.When he did not manage to heal the wounds by conciliation Augustine in the end42 On social and political developments in Carthage and Roman North Africa, see A. Mahjubiand P. Salama, 'Roman and Post-Roman North Africa', in G. Makhtiar (ed.), Unesco GeneralHistory of Africa: II: The Ancient Civilizations of Africa (London, Unesco/Heinemann, 1981),465-512, and P. Brown, Religion and Society in the Ageof Saint Augustine (London, Faber, 1972).43 On the Donatist movement, see the provocative classic, W. Frend, The Donatist Church: AMovement of Protest in Roman North Africa (Oxford, Clarendon, 1952).44 Augustine, The City of God, ed. Knowles, xiii.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 15recommended legal measures against the Donatists in accordance with the newpolicy of religion which was endorsed by Theodosius the Great.45Even so, during the first half of the fifth century the Church in Roman NorthAfrica continued to serve as the cradle of Latin-speaking Christianity. Althoughits early history still is to a large extent obscure, continued ecclesiasticaldevelopments are marked by an impressive succession of committed Christiansand distinguished theologians. Tertullian was the first who became inter-nationally recognized. In the third century the most important spokesman forNorth African Christianity is Cyprian, the ecclesiocentric patriarch of Carthage.During the first half of the fourth century Donatus presented himself as adetermined, though increasingly controversial, church leader. He headed theparty which pleaded for strict measures against those Christians who had lapsedduring the persecutions. He seems to have overstated his case in critique of thenew pastoral practices which evolved after Constantine's new religious policy.Towards the end of the century, Monica, Augustine's mother, stands forth as adevout representative of North African Christianity.46 Augustine, of course,marks the peak in this development. Although the future prospects of the Churchin Roman North Africa looked bleak towards the end of the 420s his substantialwritings would continue to qualify Latin-speaking Christianity in Europe duringthe Middle Ages.AUGUSTINE'S ACHIEVEMENTI have already illustrated how the sack of Rome in 410 and the subsequentcritique of Christianity among the Roman traditionalists at different levels ofsociety in Italy and Roman North Africa provoked the Bishop of Hippo toexplore the basis and orientation of Christian historiography. In 413 he embarkedon a major undertaking which in the first instance aimed at refuting the Romancritique, but which subsequently proved increasingly demanding and after sixteenor seventeen years resulted in The City of God, which contains a summary ofAugustine's theology and, indeed, proved to be his magnum opus and the mostcomprehensive contribution which has so far been rendered by an Africantheologian.47The first part of The City of God (Books I-V) explores critically the basis ofthe emerging Roman accusations against Christianity. He surveys the history of45 See Frend, The Donatist Church, and Brown, Religion and Society.46 For Cyprian, see The Early Christian Fathers, 30-3, 363-76. On Augustine's relations withhis mother, see Brown, Augustine of Hippo, which draws on Augustine's Confessions, and not leastthe delightful chapter on Monica's rural way of life in Confessions VI: 12.47 A useful introduction to The City of God is provided i n M. Versfeld, A Guide to the City of God(London, Sheed and Ward, 1958).16 JULIUS AFRICANUSimperial Rome and shows how the traditional godheads did not guaranteeunconditional support for the expansive measures of the imperial city (I: 3-9,13-23,30-36, and IIIŠIV, which contains a profound critique of Roman religionon the basis of Varro's systematization). He illustrates that the situation would, infact, have been worse had Christianity not expanded and become the establishedreligion in the Empire. He admits that Christianity did represent values whichopposed traditional Roman attitudes to life (I: 10-13, 20-2, and V: 14-26). Tosome extent these values were observed also by invading barbarians, althoughthey adhered to a heretical form of Christianity (I: a, III: 29, and V: 23).According to Augustine, the Roman critique was historically inaccurate andreflected lack of devotion to God, who also ruled the destiny of imperial Rome(I: 1, and V: 21-3).In this first part of The City of God, Augustine introduces the theme whichbecame the primary preoccupation in his continued writings. He sees history as anongoing dramatic contrast between what he calls two cities, the Earthly City andthe City of God. The Earthly City is inspired by lust for domination, while theCity of God is characterized by trust in divine Grace and humility on the part ofhuman beings (I: Preface). In this way Augustine qualifies his critique of imperialRome. Aligning himself with an early apocalyptic critique of Rome he sees thiscity as a concrete manifestation of the Earthly City (1:1). In Book III he gives avery critical summary of Roman expansive policies (III: 14-20) and takes whatcould be called an anti-imperialist stand against Roman policies during andsubsequent to the Punic Wars which led to the Roman colonization of NorthAfrica (III: 18-19).At the same time Augustine recognized that the destiny of earthly empires isdependent on the providence of God. He is therefore able to admit certain value inRoman policies (V: 11-22). Actually, in this regard, Book V reflects a morepro-Roman perspective than Book III. On this basis Augustine is able to move onand assess the implications for the continued history of imperial Rome of thespread and gradual establishment of Christianity as a state religion from the reignof Constantine to the time of Theodosius. He advances a set of quite demandingvalues which Christian rulers should adhere to, and he applies these whenassessing imperial policies from 313 onwards. It is worth quoting this set of valuesin full as they give an impression of what Augustine has in mind when he speaksof the City of God:We Christians call rulers happy, if they rule with justice; if, amid the voices of exaltedpraise and the reverent salutations of excessive humility, they are not inflated with pride,but remember that they are but men; if they put their power at the service of God's majesty [to extend His worship far and wide; if they so fear God, love Him and worship Him; ifmore than their earthly kingdom, they love that realm where they do not fear to share thekingship; if they are slow to punish, but ready to pardon; if they take vengeance on wrongC. F. HALLENCREUTZ 17because of the necessity to direct and protect the state, and not to satisfy their personalanimosity; if they grant pardon not to allow impunity to wrong-doing but in the hope ofamendment of the wrong-doer; if, when they are obliged to take severe decisions, as mustoften happen, they compensate this with the gentleness of their mercy and the generosity oftheir benefits; if they restrain their self-indulgent appetites all the more because they aremore free to gratify them, and prefer to have command over their lower desires than overany number of subject peoples; and if they do all this not for a burning desire for emptyglory, but for the love of eternal blessedness; and if they do not fail to offer to their trueGod, as a sacrifice for their sins, the oblation of humility, compassion, and prayer (V: 24).On this basis Augustine recognizes particularly the qualities of the reign ofTheodosius the Great. He sees how during this time there develops a balance offunctions and powers between ecclesiastical and political authorities within theemerging Christian society, which replaced imperial Rome as the basis forcontinued social and political development (V: 26). This new form of communitywill last when the imperial city has been defeated (cf. 1:10-11, and V: 25, whereAugustine in fact implies that Rome is at a disadvantage compared toConstantinople as there is 'not a single temple or image of any demon' in the city,which Constantine was granted 'the honour of founding'). In this way Augustineconsiderably modified Eusebius' imperial theology. He opens up new perspec-tives on the interaction between Church and society Š which are more far-reaching than the parallel modification of the legacy from Eusebius Š whichwere pursued by Augustine's younger contemporaries in the East: Socrates,Sozomen and Theodoret.48In his concluding chapter of Part I of The City of God, Augustine makes aneditorial remark which is worth quoting in full:I think I have given a sufficient answer, in these five books, to those who wish toworship inanities, because of their love of this world, and who now complain, withchildish indignation, that this worship is not allowed. After I had published the first threebooks, and they began to be widely circulated, I heard that some people were preparing towrite some kind of a reply. Then I received information that this reply had been written,but the authors were looking for a suitable occasion to publish it without danger tothemselves. I hereby warn them not to wish for something which is not for their own good.It is easy for anyone to imagine that he has made a reply, when he has refused to keepsilence. Is anything more loquacious than folly? But it must not be supposed that folly is aspowerful as truth, just because it can, if it likes, shout louder and longer than truth(V: 26).Augustine's undertaking evidently had enlisted critical response, and he had toadjust his presentation accordingly. He has, however, not retreated from his basicposition. In fact, he pursues his argument further with reference to the claims of** See above, p. 7, and also N. King, The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment ofChristianity (London, SCM Press, 1961).18 JULIUS AFRICANUSthose who suggest that they have sufficient ground for belief in and worship ofpre-Christian deities (VI: Preface). This becomes his special preoccupation in PartII of The City of God, comprising Books VI to X.It is here that Augustine pursues his dialogue with Neoplatonism, since he hascritically explored the philosophy of religion of the learned Roman scholarM. Terentius Varro (116-27 BC) (VI, and VII: 1-30). Augustine recognizes thatthe tradition from Saccas and Plotinus is 'the philosophy that approximates mostnearly to Christianity' (VIII: 10). Furthermore, he is able to interpret Salvation inNeoplatonist terms as 'a universal liberation of the soul' (X: 32, which concludesPart II and is an eloquent summary of Augustine's theology). However, withreference to his theology of Creation he is keen to establish that the basic dualismwith which he operates is not ontological, as is the case in Neoplatonism, butmoral in character (VIII: 12-27, IX, and X: 32). It is on this basis that he pursueshis contrast of the Earthly City and the City of God and also takes issue withOrigen (X: 20-32, XI: 23, and XII: 14-18).49According to a letter to Firmus, which comments on the structure of hisbulky manuscript, Augustine explains that Books I-X are primarily polemicaland apologetic in character. They had been written against those who claimedthat worship of pre-Christian deities 'leads to happiness in this life' (I-V) orsecures 'happiness in the life to come' (VI-X). The remaining twelve booksaddress themselves to the origin (XI-XIV), the progress or development (XV-XVIII) and the end of the City of God.50 However, Augustine does not pursue hisstudy of the City of God in isolation. Thus, section two of The City of God alsocontains significant material on the Earthly City.From Book XI onwards The City of God takes a somewhat different shape.Its basic terms of reference are derived from biblical theology, which Augustineexpounds with a combination of allegorical creativity and pastoral concerns.Implications of his argument are, wherever necessary, spelled out in contrast toalternative views, more specifically Neoplatonism and Origen's theology. Part IIIof The City of God (Books XI-XV) is a speculative exposition of the backgroundof the two cities on the basis of the Book of Genesis.51 Augustine argues that boththe City of God and the Earthly City have their basic preconditions in divineprovidence (XI: 7, and 18-20). However, he adds another dimension when heexplores the origin of the Earthly City.49 SeeR. Holte, Beatitude el sagesse: Saint Augustine etleproblemede la fin del'homme danslaphilosophic ancienne (Paris, Etudes augustiniennes, 1962).50 See Augustine, The City of God, ed. Knowles, xxxv, and 'Epistula ad Firm urn', in Augustine,The City of God, ed. Dombard and KJalb, I, xxxv-xxxvii.31 It should be noted that Augustine had previously written commentaries on both Genesis andPsalms, see Augustine, The Literal Meaning of Genesis, trans, and ed. J. H. Taylor (New York.Newman, 1982), and Augustine, On the Psalms, trans, and ed. D. S. Habgin and D. F. Carrigan(New York, Newman, 1960).C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 19According to Augustine, the Earthly City is qualified by evil, which he sees asnon-existence, implying a deliberate choice of that which is contrary to God whois the author of nature and the source of existence (XI: 17, and XII: 2). Augustineexplores that point further with reference to biblical imagery about the Devil,who causes human beings to prefer non-existence and to be ruled by lust ofdomination and concupiscence (see XI: 33, and XII: 1). Although Augustine isvery dramatic in his illustration of evil forces, he does not give up his original pointthat both the City of God and the Earthly City have their starting-point in divineinitiative. Thus he is keen to prove that God can allow evil means for just ends.The preaching of the Gospel is made powerful through the suffering of thepreachers; the Catholic faith is strengthened by the appearance and challenge ofheretics (XVIII: 51). Augustine just makes the general point; he does not includeany reference to Donatism here. Even wars can be means of establishing peace(XIX: 12, which provides the basis for Augustine's view of the just war). In thisway Augustine elaborates further his theoretical basis for the recognition thateven imperial Rome's destiny will be the result of divine providence.52As already noted, it is in Part II of The City of God that Augustine subscribesto the theory of the limited time-span from Adam to Christ (XII: 13). He alsotakes issue with Origen's leaning towards a cyclic view of history (XI: 23, andXII: 14). Both points illustrate how Augustine aligns himself with the tradition ofapologetic chronography from Julius African us and Eusebius of Caesarea.53References to Eusebius' Chronicon become particularly frequent in Part IVof The City of God (Books XV-XVIII) in which Augustine spells out thedevelopment of the two cities. Exploring the history of the City of God, Augustineemploys extraordinary interpretative imagination when he tries to establish thechronological implications of references in the Old Testament to the considerableage of the patriarchs (see XV and XVI). In this regard, Augustine actually movesfurther than Julius Africanus and Eusebius. He does not apply their periodizationof the election history more strictly; nor does he define an alternative timetable ofhis own.54Augustine's objective in Books XV-XVIII is not primarily historical. Instead,his interest in this part of The City of God is theological. He wants to establish howfar the City of God has manifested itself in Old Testament history. Augustine doesnot make a simple equation of the Old Testament account of the history of theJewish people with the development of the City of God. On the one hand helimits the perspective. He uses a Christocentric key and sees that what in thea See above, p. 16.53 See above, fh. 5.54 See above, p. 10. See also Jerome's translation of Eusebius' Chronicon, where in addition toreferences to Julius Africanus there is also a reference to Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius,Chronicon, I, 121.20 JULIUS AFRICANUSelection history points to Jesus Christ is evidence of the presence of the City ofGod. This leads him to excel in a Christological interpretation of the OldTestament (see XVII, and XVIII: 28-48). On the other hand Augustine widensthe perspective and is ready to trace vestiges of the City of God outside the historyof the chosen people. He sees Job, 'who was from the race of Edom\ as the modelfor a recognition of the extended citizenship in the City of God (XVIII: 47). Onthis basis Augustine can move further and recognize both the antiquity ofChristianity and the possibilities of truth in pre-Christian philosophies havingbeen borrowed from the prophecy (see VIII: 11, and XVIII: 37-43).55Assessing the development of the City of God prior to the Incarnation in thisway, Augustine does not pursue his analysis in isolation. He also illustrates theinteraction of the City of God with the Earthly City by trying to identifychronological parallels in the history of the Jewish people and other political unitsin the Ancient Near East. In this exercise he draws heavily on Eusebius'Chronicon (XVIII: 1-27). However, this part of his argument does not seem tohave been the most exciting to the Bishop of Hippo. Having led the presentationon to the time of Cyrus and the liberation of the Jewish people from the captivityin Babylonia (XVIII: 25-6), he leaves the historical line and continues hisChristological interpretation of the prophets from Hosea onwards (XVIII:27-48).*Augustine concludes his fourth part of The City of God with some notes onthe development of the Church prior to Constantine's 'conversion' andrecognition of Christianity within the Empire. He does not deny that persecutionbelongs to the necessary dimension of the Church in any time. He refutesapocalyptic speculations concerning the one remaining persecution prior to theparousia after the ninth which Christianity is said to have passed through already(XVIII: 52-3).57In the fifth part of The City of God (Books XIX-XXII), Augustine moves onand explores the end of both the City of God and the Earthly City. The end of theEartiily City is defined in terms of a deliberate eternal punishment anddamnation. This is the special subject-matter of Book XXI. He also refutesOrigen's view of a possible restoration of everything in the end, including thereconciliation of the Devil and his angels Š the damned agents behind theEarthly City Š and their resumption of their original state in the light of whichGod created (XXI: 17; cf. XI: 9 and 13-22, where Augustine applies the idea ofthe Devil as a fallen angel).55 On the use of this argument in early apologetic theology, see Pelikan, The Christian Tradition,I, 30-8.56 Eusebius is, in fact, more consistent, see Eusebius, Chronicon, I, 126-7.57 At this time this point was developed particularly by Orosius; see Augustine, The City of Goded. Knowles, 835-6.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 21The end of the City of God, on the other hand, Augustine depicts as thehighest degree of reality: it is beatitude, bliss, happiness, and peace in the intimateinteraction with God the very source of existence (XXII: 3 and 29-30).58Exploring this theme Augustine makes his own exegesis of the heavenly vision inthe Book of Revelation. He contrasts what he calls 'the eternal felicity of the Cityof God in its perpetual Sabbath' (XXII: 30, which is the very last chapter of TheCity of God) with the Neoplatonist view of a purely spiritual unification of theliberated soul with God (XXII: 26-8). At stake here is the Christian view ofresurrection, which runs counter to Neoplatonist emphasis on the immortalityand liberation of the soul (XXII: 11-21).On the basis of Scriptural evidence, Augustine also explores the charac-teristics of the time of transition from history, where the City of God interacts withthe Earthly City, to the eternal end of the City of God. He expounds at quite somelength established themes in Christian apocalyptics such as the time and functionof the Anti-Christ and the character of the millennium (XX: 4-25).59 He is againcautious not to commit himself to any specific timetable for the parousia. Insteadhe is keen to balance an emphasis on the continuity between the City of God hereon earth and the same City in its final consummation on the one hand, and theaspect of radical New Creation on the other (cf. XX: 17, where Augustineinterprets Rev. 20: 2-5, which contains the words by 'the One who sat on thethrone: See I am making all things new'). In this way Augustine develops histheology of history which transcends and radicalizes Eusebius' imperial theology.The Earthly City and the City of God represent two definite contrasts in timewhich provide the basic dynamic in the historical process from the beginning, i.e.the Creation, to the end, i.e. the parousia, and the subsequent transfer from time toeternity.This basic contrast is not primarily ontological. It is moral and religious. It isqualified, on the one hand, by demonic forces and destructive human concernssuch as pride, lust for domination, and dependency on pre-Christian godheads,and, on the other, by divine grace and humility and surrender under God, thesource of being, on the part of human beings. Augustine sees the Earthly Citymanifesting itself particularly in expansive political units which are supported orintegrated by non-Christian religions. Imperial Rome is the concrete expression ofthe Earthly City prior to the establishment of Christianity as the State religion inthe Empire. This profound change placed Rome under new and qualifieddirectives for its continued social and political development (see V: 24).So far, I have not been able to specify in the same way what exactly58 See Holte, Beatitude etsagesse, 233-74.59 N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (London, Seeker, 1957), 29-30.22 JULIUS AFRICANUSAugustine had in mind when he referred to the City of God. It is to this questionthat we now have to address ourselves.WHAT AND WHERE IS THE CITY OF GOD?Although Augustine in the second section of The City of God (Books XI-XXII)deliberately argues on the basis of biblical theology, the way in which he spells outand applies his view of the City of God proves that it is a conception of his ownwhich does not correspond exactly with closely related biblical concepts such asthe Kingdom of God (basileia tou theou) or the Church (ekktssia). Of course,Augustine is keen to provide a biblical foundation for his basic concept and is ableto do so with reference to Psalms 46:4-5,48:1 -2,8, and 87:3 (see XI: 1). Evenso, the implications of his concepts and the way in which he uses them deservecloser attention.As I have already stated, the City of God is not immediately equivalent towhat the New Testament refers to when it speaks of the Kingdom of God. ThisNew Testament concept can be described as a condition of existence where theWill of God permeates all dimensions of life.60 According to Augustine, the Cityof God is qualified by such a condition of existence and is called to represent itsbasic characteristics here on earth. Living within the framework of world history,however, the City of God has to interact with the Earthly City and asks forqualified participation on the part of humanity against the vices and forces of thisEarthly City (XIX: 11-17).Nor does Augustine's concept refer to exactly the same reality as is coveredby the New Testament term for the Church, which is both an inclusive unity of allwho call themselves Christians and an institutional and sacramental expression ofthis ecclesial unity. As was the case with the relation of the City of God to Israel ofthe Old Testament, Augustine sees this City as something both wider and morelimited than the Church in the sociological, institutional and sacramental sense(I: Preface, 35, X: 7, XIX: 26-8, and XX: 11).The biblical symbol which Augustine seems to be most close to when hespeaks of the City of God is in fact laos theou, the people of God. There is the samecontinuity Š qualified by Christ Š in the way in which biblical writers refer tothe people of God as the concrete focus of the ongoing history of Salvation asAugustine has in mind when he illustrates the development of the City of God inBooks XV-XVIII. The polarization may in fact be somewhat sharper betweenthe Earthly City and the City of God in Augustine's overall view of history thanthe New Testament contrast between the people of God and the peoples, taethne.6i« See 'basileia', in Kittel (ed.), Theological Dictionary of Die New Testament, I, 579-93.« See 'laof, in ibid, IV, 29-57.C. F. HALLENCREUTZ 23However, when Augustine speaks of the City of God he has something morein mind than just a religious community, the history of which he reflects on fromits very beginning until its end. As has been indicated previously, the City of Godcan be described as a Christian society, which is anticipated in the Old Testament,qualified by the moral and religious values which Augustine derives from theNew Testament view of the Kingdom of God.62 As such, this communitycontrasts with the human passions which express themselves in the Earthly City.According to Augustine, the City of God, therefore, is more than just apotential religious dimension of human life. The basic preoccupation of the City is'the universal liberation of the human soul' from the bondage of the passions andtemptation of the Earthly City (X: 32). The historical effects of this exercise,however, are of wider significance than just personal and spiritual salvation(ibid.). As the Earthly City manifests itself in social formations and political units(such as imperial Rome), so also does the City of God express itself in humanhistory and influence social and political life. According to Augustine's account,conditions in the Roman Empire during the reign of Theodosius the Great are theclearest evidence of this dimension of the City of God (V: 26). This means thatthere are significant aspects of political theology in Augustine's view of the City ofGod.63 He does not plead for a simple theocratic form of world order. Nor does hesuperimpose ecclesiastical structures over political authorities as the necessaryand sufficient expressions of the City of God in social and political life (see ibid,and XIX: 17).Within world history, the City of God continues to relate to and interactdramatically with the Earthly City. Furthermore, there are necessary relation-ships and possible tensions between ecclesiastical and political authorities withinthe Christian society. The political authorities have to be concerned withtemporal objectives for 'the enjoyment of earthly peace'. In addition to this, theCity of God is also concerned with 'the enjoyment of eternal peace' which is theobjective of the Church within the City (XIX: 14).On this basis, Augustine is able to give a very compelling illustration of thecharacter and mission of the City of God within world history, which is worthquoting in full:While this Heavenly City, therefore, is on pilgrimage in this world, she calls out« See 'basileia', in ibid., I, 579-93.63 A thorough inventory of the Greek and Roman background to, and the implications of,Augustine's view of themes such as Law, War, Church and State is presented in G. Combes, LaDoctrine politique de Saint Augustine (Paris, Plon, 1927), H. A. Deane, The Political and SocialIdeas ofSt Augustine (New York, Columbia Univ. Press, 1963). A useful analysis of Augustine'spolitical theology in the light of his interpretation of history is presented in R. M. Marcus, Saeculum:History and Society in the Theology of St. Augustine (London, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1970).Reference should also be made to E. H. Brookes, The City of God and the Political Crisis (London,Oxford Univ. Press, 1960).24 JULIUS AFRICANUScitizens from all nations and so collects a society of aliens, speaking all languages. She takesno account of any difference in customs, laws, and institutions, by which earthly peace isachieved and preserved Š not that she annuls or abolishes any of those, rather, shemaintains them and follows them (for, whatever divergencies there are among the diversenations, those institutions have one single aim Š earthly peace), provided that nohindrance is presented thereby to the religion which teaches that the one supreme and trueGod is to be worshipped. Thus even the Heavenly City in her pilgrimage here on earthmakes use of the earthly peace and defends and seeks the compromise between humanwills in respect of the provisions relevant to the mortal nature of man, so far as may bepermitted without detriment to true religion and piety. In fact, that City relates the earthlypeace to the heavenly peace, which is so truly peaceful that it should be regarded as theonly peace deserving the name, at least in respect of the rational creation; for this peace isthe perfectly ordered and completely harmonious fellowship in the enjoyment of God, andof each other in God (XIX: 17).In this way, Augustine conceives of the possible sharing of roles and functionsof ecclesiastical and political authorities within the City of God as a Christiansociety. This comprehensive view of the City of God 'on pilgrimage in this world'on the way towards its consummation qualifies Augustine's understanding ofgeneral as well as ecclesiastical history. On the foundation of divine initiative increation and continued divine providence, history moves towards its fulfilment.As has already been stated, Augustine sees that the dynamics within, and therespective ends, differ radically between the Earthly City and the City of God.Moving on towards its consummation in eternity the City of God expressesitself in world history as a Christian society with adherents of all peoples andraces, who are inspired by values which are basically different from those of theEarthly City as it manifests itself in expansive and dominating political units. Theprimary characteristics Š in terms of social ethics Š of this alternative social andpolitical order is peace and what Augustine calls caritas (XIV: 9). Expoundingthis comprehensive view of history, Augustine is, furthermore, keen to emphasizethe necessary link between the mission which the City of God has to performwithin history and its consummation at the end to come. Augustine's interpret-ation of history, therefore, implies an urgent plea for appropriate action here andnow.CONCLUSIONIn this way I have highlighted certain features in the development of the Christianinterpretation of time and history until the first part of the fifth century. I havefocused particularly on the contribution of the lesser-known Christian layman,Julius Africanus, and Augustine, the well-known Bishop of Hippo Regius inRoman North Africa. Julius Africanus established what became the recognizedbiblical chronology within continued Christian historiography in Byzantium andduring the European Middle Ages. Augustine developed a dramatic overallC. F. HALLENCREUTZ 25perspective of world history in the form of a continued contrast between theEarthly City and City of God. In his exposition of the origin and development ofthe two cities, Augustine aligned himself with the biblical chronology of JuliusAfricanus, which was mediated to him via the Latin translation of Eusebius'Chronicon by Jerome. My contribution, therefore, illustrates a forgotten link inearly African theology.Continued developments in African Church history did not allow a moreextensive spread of Augustine's theology in Africa. After all, Augustine did writein Latin, and, as has already been mentioned, the conditions of the Church inRoman North Africa during the fifth century were not favourable for continuedadvance. It was Augustine's younger contemporary Cyril, who, as conscientiouspatriarch of Alexandria from 412, carrried the legacy of Athanasius further andwho became the Church Father of the Copts in Egypt and of the EthiopianOrthodox Church, while Augustine was more widely read in Europe.Today, when we look back at this forgotten link in early African theology,our ecclesiatical and general theoretical preconditions differ considerably fromthose of Augustine and Julius Africanus. Biblical criticism has taken over the rolefrom allegory as the primary analytical tool in biblical theology. Marxisthumanism provides a more compelling theoretical option than Neoplatonism.Even so, Augustine's theology of history and its background in the contributionsto historiography from Julius Africanus and Eusebius do not present themselvesmerely as curiosities from a theological past. In a situation when African churchesdevelop as peoples' movements with broad contacts with surrounding society insovereign states, Augustine's view of the City of God 'on pilgrimage in this world',which expresses itself as a Christian society where ecclesiastical and politicalauthorities interact in the pursuit of earthly and eternal peace (XIX: 17), does notseem to be merely obsolete.