Zambezia (1990), XVII (i).HOUSING POLICY, PRODUCTION ANDCONSUMPTION IN HARARE: A REVIEWPARTICAROLE RAKODIDepartment of City and Regional Planning,University of Wales College of CardiffandN. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZADepartment of Rural and Urban Planning, University of ZimbabweIN RECENT YEARS there has been a steady stream of publications, officialreports, policy documents and dissertations on urban housing in Zimbabwe.Many of these have been on low-income housing and have focused onHarare, the capital of Zimbabwe. So far, no attempt has been made toanalyse the entire spectrum of urban housing, from low income, throughmiddle income, to high income. Such an analysis is necessary if we are toemerge with a complete picture of the state of the entire urban housingsector. The need for a holistic approach rests on the premise that theproblems characterizing the different income components of housing inthe cities of developing countries are very often intertwined. An exampleis the frequent infiltration of higher-income people into low-income housingareas, usually caused by middle-income housing problems. Clearly, anymeasures to resolve such a problem must consider the entire spectrum ofurban housing.This article analyses housing policy, production and consumption inHarare. It reviews most (hopefully all) of the recent literature on urbanhousing in Zimbabwe, most ot which is on the low-income sector inHarare. The principal aim of the article is to synthesize what is knownabout urban housing in Harare and, having determined the state of ourknowledge, to point out directions for future research. In addition, currentpolicy problems are highlighted and their implications for the productionand consumption of housing explored.The article is in two parts. Following a brief theoretical discussion,Part I focuses on the production of housing in Harare. Part II (to bepublished in the next issue of Zambezia) will focus on the consumption ofhousing in Harare, and will conclude with an outline of the main findings ofthe study and directions for future research.CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZAmobilize for investment in housing and the importance of relating estimatesof af fordability to the ability of households to satisfy their basic subsistenceneeds (England and Alnwick, 1982; Lee, 1985; Rakodi, 1987). Recognitionthat finance for housing construction and purchase is in very limitedsupply in developing countries and that formal sector housing finance isavailable only to a small proportion of the (higher-income) urban populationhas led to increasing attention to the housing finance system, from surveysof international literature and experience (Renaud, 1984, 1987; Boleat,1987) to accounts of non-conventional methods of financing housing andrecommendations for their promotion (United Nations Centre for HumanSettlements, 1984a, 1984c) to recommendations for mobilizing large-scaleprivate-sector institutions and resources to increase the supply of credit(World Bank, 1986).Isolated studies of unauthorized housing areas or public housingprogrammes tell us little about other components of housing supply exceptby default, yet attempts to analyse systematically all the components ofhousing supply in particular cities or countries are remarkably few.Strassman's (1980) study of Cartagena, Sheng's (1989) and Dowall's (1989)of Bangkok, Mehta and Mehta's (1989) of Ahmedabad, and the attempts byAngel et al. (1977) to describe the urban housing delivery systems inThailand and other Asian cities are notable contributions. Much of interestis learned from more general studies, such as Gilbert and Ward's (1985)account of housing, land and the state in three Latin American cities.There is a need, therefore, for more holistic analyses of (albeit segmented)housing markets, both to understand how housing is, and has been,supplied to the urban population, and to identify constraints on housingsupply. These may include, inter alia, access to land, the procedure forobtaining planning and building permission, physical infrastructureprovision, the capacity of the construction sector, and the supply ofbuilding materials. These constraints may be seen as market imperfectionsor distortions introduced by public intervention. The outcome of inter-ventions designed to relieve constraints on supply, both actively(construction of public housing for rent or sale, serviced-plot programmes,infrastructure provision, building materials development or supply) andpassively (ceasing to bulldoze unauthorized settlements), thus needs tobe evaluated. The availability of research work on constraints on housingsupply and the outcome of policies is variable, with more attention havingbeen paid to programmes for the construction of public housing or theprovision of plots, physical infrastructure provision and urban land supply(see, for example, Angel et al. (eds.), 1983; Doebele, 1987) than to theconstruction industry or the supply of building materials (although see,for example, Wells, 1986; United Nations Centre for Human Settlement,1984b; Moavenzadeh, 1987).CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZAmobilize for investment in housing and the importance of relating estimatesof affordability to the ability of households to satisfy their basic subsistenceneeds (England and Alnwick, 1982; Lee, 1985; Rakodi, 1987). Recognitionthat finance for housing construction and purchase is in very limitedsupply in developing countries and that formal sector housing finance isavailable only to a small proportion of the (higher-income) urban populationhas led to increasing attention to the housing finance system, from surveysof international literature and experience (Renaud, 1984, 1987; Boleat,1987) to accounts of non-conventional methods of financing housing andrecommendations for their promotion (United Nations Centre for HumanSettlements, 1984a, 1984c) to recommendations for mobilizing large-scaleprivate-sector institutions and resources to increase the supply of credit(World Bank, 1986).Isolated studies of unauthorized housing areas or public housingprogrammes tell us little about other components of housing supply exceptby default, yet attempts to analyse systematically all the components ofhousing supply in particular cities or countries are remarkably few.Strassman's (1980) study of Cartagena, Sheng's (1989) and Dowall's (1989)of Bangkok, Mehta and Mehta's (1989) of Ahmedabad, and the attempts byAngel et al. (1977) to describe the urban housing delivery systems inThailand and other Asian cities are notable contributions. Much of interestis learned from more general studies, such as Gilbert and Ward's (1985)account of housing, land and the state in three Latin American cities.There is a need, therefore, for more holistic analyses of (albeit segmented)housing markets, both to understand how housing is, and has been,supplied to the urban population, and to identify constraints on housingsupply. These may include, inter alia, access to land, the procedure forobtaining planning and building permission, physical infrastructureprovision, the capacity of the construction sector, and the supply ofbuilding materials. These constraints may be seen as market imperfectionsor distortions introduced by public intervention. The outcome of inter-ventions designed to relieve constraints on supply, both actively(construction of public housing for rent or sale, serviced-plot programmes,infrastructure provision, building materials development or supply) andpassively (ceasing to bulldoze unauthorized settlements), thus needs tobe evaluated. The availability of research work on constraints on housingsupply and the outcome of policies is variable, with more attention havingbeen paid to programmes for the construction of public housing or theprovision of plots, physical infrastructure provision and urban land supply(see, for example, Angel et al. (eds.), 1983; Doebele, 1987) than to theconstruction industry or the supply of building materials (although see,for example, Wells, 1986; United Nations Centre for Human Settlement,1984b; Moavenzadeh, 1987).HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART IThe second main framework which has been used in the study ofurban housing in developing countries may be loosely labelled a politicaleconomy theoretical approach, although in practice these two approachesare not totally distinct and many analysts make use of concepts andtheoretical insights from both (for example, Gilbert and Ward, 1985).Perhaps the first attempt at a theoretical framework for a neo-Marxistanalysis of house production was that by Burgess (1978), which has givenrise to ongoing debates on the utility of his production categories inunderstanding housing production in a non-Latin American context (forexample, Rakodi, 1983), and the implications of his view of the role of thestate in housing for understanding the outcomes of serviced-plot andother 'self-help' programmes (Burgess, 1985, 1987; van der Linden, 1986;Gilbert and van der Linden, 1987). This approach concentrates on analysingwho produces each type of housing, how the construction process isorganized and financed, and the constraints on production experiencedby the various categories of producer (see Johnstone, 1984, on Malaysia).The outcomes of policy interventions designed to influence the nature ofhousing production are analysed in the light of current thinking on theform and functions of the state, and the political interests and socialgroups whose interests are, directly or indirectly, served by particularpolicies. So far, within this theoretical framework, there has been relativelylittle attention paid specifically to consumption, including analysis ofwhich groups in the population are able to consume housing made availablethrough different production processes, the housing finance system andthe extent and nature of the rental housing sector.Although it is perhaps justifiable in the early stages of urbanization toplace a major emphasis on the production and consumption of housing,exchange increases in importance as the housing stock ages. The systemof exchange is usually organized through a series of intermediaries, whomay include estate agents (realtors), valuers, surveyors, housing financeinstitutions, solicitors and land deed registries. To our knowledge, thesystem (or systems, for some may be much more informal than impliedabove) has not been analysed for any Third World city. Such an analysiswould need to assess whose interests exchange systems serve and whobenefits from the profits and fees generated.In the light of the above observations, and as indicated earlier, the aimof this two-part article is to review what secondary material is available onthe housing market in Harare, with a view to summarizing the currentstate of knowledge on the forms of housing production, consumption andexchange, and the effect on these of policy interventions to date. While,clearly, production (or supply) and consumption (or demand) for housingCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZAare interrelated, we can most conveniently start with the former, identifyinggaps in our knowledge and areas for future research. In Part II consumptionand exchange of housing will be analysed and overall conclusions drawn.THE PRODUCTION OF HOUSING IN HARAREAny analysis of the production of housing must first identify the housingproducers. Merely describing the types of housing constructed by differentproducers is, however, insufficient and an explanation of the observedhousing stock must be sought in the organization and financing of theconstruction process, examining the nature and volume of housingproduced by large- and medium-scale capitalist enterprises, publicauthorities, small-scale or artisanal enterprises and individual households.Of interest to policy-makers are, in each case, the availability of sparecapacity, the capacity to expand production, the conditions necessary forsuch expansion to occur, and the potential constraints on housingsupply of:Ł access to land, which is determined by tenure and the land-administration system, the distribution of ownership, responsibilityfor sub-division, systems for regulating use and construction, andeligibility criteria for access to the formal land market;Ł the ability of service-provision agencies to keep pace with demandfor physical infrastructure and utilities, which is related both totheir administrative and financial structure and to the supplystandards adopted;Ł the structure and capacity of the residential construction sector,including the locus of control, sources of capital and profits andperceived constraints on increasing the volume of different typesof residential construction;Ł the supply of building materials, including questions of cost,distribution and shortages; andŁ the availability of construction skills, within both constructionfirms and households, the latter being important especially whereself-help construction is advocated.Government intervention to alleviate constraints on housing supplyin Zimbabwe will be noted in the analysis, and its outcomes, where known,will be referred to. However, as already noted, much intervention hasbeen project-based rather than sector-wide. These programmes andprojects include the construction of public low-cost or civil servants'housing for rent or sale, aided self-help schemes and the attemptedestablishment of co-operatives and building brigades, and have dominatedHOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Ipublic- and private-sector residential construction activity and researchattention.We will commence the analysis by outlining the components of Harare'shousing stock, noting the policy context within which each developed inthe past and more recently and the manner in which production has beenand is organized in each. Secondly, each of the factors influencing housingsupply outlined above will be examined and the extent to which they poseconstraints on increasing production assessed.Components of Harare's housing stockHarare's population in 1969 was 385 000, accommodated in segregatedWhite (or European) low-density residential areas broadly to the north ofthe city centre and separately-administered African high-density townshipsto the south-west and south. The escalating war of the 1970s resulted inrapid in-migration, leading to an officially estimated population in 1977 of610 000, of which 79 per cent were Black (Davies, 1987). While constructionof official townships continued, the in-migration of people with fewresources led to increased overcrowding and rapid growth of squattersettlements. Urban growth continued in the years leading up toIndependence in 1980, fostered by the establishment of a new andsupposedly self-contained African township in the Seke Tribal Trust Land(now Communal Land) 20 km to the south of Harare, Chitungwiza, whichmust in economic reality be regarded as part of Harare. By 1982, Harare'spopulation had reached at least 658 000 and Chitungwiza's 172 000(Zimbabwe, 1989). This overall growth masked a loss of over 27 000 Whitesbetween 1977 and 1981 (Davies, 1987) and may well have been an under-estimate given the incentives to conceal 'illegal' residents (Patel, 1984).Tables I, II and III show the total housing stock (as at 31 December1988) in Harare's high-density residential areas (including Epworth),Harare's low-density residential areas and Chitungwiza, respectively.Epworth is an informal settlement a few kilometres outside the GreaterHarare boundary which has yet to be absorbed administratively intoHarare Municipality. The figures in the Tables provide a snapshot fromwhich to start analysing how the present housing stock was produced andwhat forms of housing production are adding to the current stock. Figure1 is a map of Harare (including Chitungwiza and Epworth) showing thelocation of the residential areas mentioned in the following discussion.Private production of high-income housingIn 1978, 22 per cent of the population of Harare was estimated to live in'high-income' residential areas, which occupied 60 per cent of the totalresidential area (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a). These included relatively high-density apartment areas immediately north of the city centre, and low-CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZATable IHOUSING STOCK IN HARARE: HIGH-DENSITY RESIDENTIAL AREASSuburbBudiriroDzivaresekwaGlen NorahGlen ViewHatcliffeHighfieldHostelsKambuzumaKuwadzanaMabvukuMarimba ParkMbareMufakoseSunningdaleTafaraWarren ParkWestwoodEpworth**TOTALFreeholdfamily2 6002 0627 4658 5697405 428-2 3836 6274 6612863 3166 8912 1192 5945 04482n/aNumber of dwelling unitsFamily irented_2 63843258-19401616153281 126-2 39556537844435-n/ainstitutional Single828324-320-58_26123618-9121n/a6210812_2 39510 250__155_21890818032_n/aTotal*260048448 0888 66374010 08311 86624566 9555 9682876 1657 5642 5783 8505 093833 80091683* As at 31 December, 1988.** Officially not part of the City of Harare.Source: Official Records, Department of Housing and Community Services, City of Harare.density areas, mostly with very large plots, occupied by the middle class,and some with smaller plots developed for the White working class. Oneexample of the latter is Mabelreign, which was developed by thegovernment between 1948 and 1955 with 2 000 plots for ex-servicemen(Christopher, 1972).Other than the apartment blocks, which were clearly speculative oremployer development requiring relatively large amounts of capital, mostof the housing appears to have been constructed by the buyers ofsubdivided plots. A total area of 8 000 ha (the commonage) was reservedby the British South Africa Company around the central areas of CausewayHOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART ITable IIHOUSING STOCK IN HARARE: MEDIUM- AND LOW-DENSITYRESIDENTIAL AREASSuburb/Area Number of dwelling units *Borrowdale 2 364City(a) CDB, Avenues, Kopje 7 749(b) City Centre Outer Zone 10 126Greendale 2 622Hatfield 2 356Highlands 3 352Mabelreign 3 733Marlborough 1537Mount Pleasant 2 590Waterfalls 2 571Lochinvar 371Marimba Park 286Southerton 548Westwood 79TOTAL 40 284* As at 31 December, 1988.Source. Department of Housing and Community Services, City of Harare.Table IIIHOUSING STOCK IN CHITUNGWIZAArea/SuburbSt Mary'sZengezaSekeTOTALNumber of dwelling units *2 9779 63616 91929 532* As at 31 December, 1988.Source: Department of Housing and Community Services, City of Harare.CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZAFigure 1: GREATER HARARE: LOCATION OF RESIDENTIAL AREASand Kopje between 1890 and 1892, which restricted speculation andpermitted controlled land allocation (Davies, 1987). Areas were allocatedfor public purposes, use by the armed forces, quarries and brickworks,firewood and pasture, industrial areas (between the wars) and, after theSecond World War, for European housing to the west and south-east.Today, about a fifth of the original reserved area remains open, much of itbeing poorly-drained vlei. The control over development which it waspossible to exert within the commonage led to speculative development10 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Ibeyond it. Farms to the north were gradually and sporadically subdividedby their original and successive owners, including property companies,individual houses were built and some sites used for public facilities andsuburban shopping centres. Farms subdivided in this way include Avondale,Borrowdale and Mount Pleasant. Avondale was a private farm, which hadchanged hands a number of times before it was owned by a Mr Blackburn,who subdivided it into residential plots in 1903. Borrowdale was initiallyowned by three settler pioneers. Borrow, Johnson and Heany, and wasbought from them by the United Goldfields Company in 1897 who latersubdivided it into a number of smaller farms Š Helensvale Farm, GlenForest Farm, Quinnington Farm, etc. These farms were also later subdividedinto residential estates such as Greystone Park, Ballantyne Park, Helensvale,Quinnington, and so on. An account of the history of Mount Pleasant isgiven by Christopher (1972).Although subdivision within these areas was controlled by TownManagement Boards, no overall co-ordination of city growth appears tohave been exercised before 1971, when the Boards were incorporated intothe Greater Harare municipal area. Generally, minimum plot sizes (generallyone acre, ostensibly because of the reliance on septic-tank sanitation) andminimum building clauses (S3 000 in the mid-1950s increasing to S6 000 inthe late 1960s in Mount Pleasant) were specified, which helped to maintainWhite exclusivity and property values, although the former was alreadyprotected by tenure legislation. All urban centres had, since 1969, been onEuropean Land, where Africans were not allowed to own, lease or occupyhouses, with the exception of domestic workers and rented accommodationin municipal townships intended for Black wage-workers. In addition, toaccommodate the growing Black middle class, a limited home-ownershipscheme was introduced in the 1960s, by making available plots, mainly onlong leases, in Marimba Park, subject to a minimum building clause ofZ$15 000 (Ashton, 1969; Teedon and Drakakis-Smith, 1986, 321).Little has been published on the nature of the land interests whichinitiated the process of subdivision, the organisation of residential andcommercial capital and the volume of housing produced. It is clear thatthe rate of subdivision periodically outran demand (Christopher, 1972);that much, but not all, construction was commissioned by individualowner-occupiers; that a total of perhaps 30 000 substantial houses hadbeen produced, mainly after the Second World War; and that a well-established residential construction sector had developed, although theenterprise structure of that sector is not described in the available sources.Public-sector house constructionFar larger in terms of the numbers of houses produced has been thepublic sector. In order to maintain control of the urban wage labour force,CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 11both during the early reliance on temporary male migration and laterpolicies of quasi-stabilization, housing was tied to employment andproduced, largely for rent, by public authorities. The process of low-income public housing provision started in 1897 when land was set asidefor the accommodation of Black workers in 50 Kaytor huts (i.e. corrugated-iron and grass-thatch huts). This first 'African location' came to be knownas Harare (now Mbare) and remained the major source of accommodationfor Blacks until the Second World War. At the beginning of the 1950sbachelor accommodation in hostels (concentrated around Mbare), at fourbedspaces per room, outnumbered family houses by a ratio of 15: 1(Ashton, 1969).Construction of coventional low-cost housing for rent overtook hostelaccommodation in importance, especially in the 1970s, when theprogramme of construction was accelerated to cope with rapid in-migration.Typically, two- or three-bedroom houses with a relatively high standard ofutilities were constructed, mostly for rental and on the basis of full costrecovery. African townships were separately administered and the capitalfunds for development came from central government and the profits oftownship monopolies on the sale of beer. Tenants were charged monthlyrent, supplementary charges and service (user) charges, although theywere allowed to let rooms to registered lodgers and some cross-subsidyfrom rents of hostel accommodation was available (Patel and Adams,1981; Simon, 1985; Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a; Butcher, 1986; Mafico, 1987).Problems of affordability arising from the high standards adopted and theinsistence on full cost recovery were emerging by the end of the 1960s(Ashton, 1969), and the 1970s were marked by a variety of attempts toreduce the cost of dwellings constructed while, to a greater or lesserextent, maintaining standards. One was the development of an ultra-low-cost house, built by the Red Cross in Chitungwiza and initially intended toconstitute 60 per cent of the post-Independence large-scale low-incomehousing programme (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a; Teedon and Drakakis-Smith,1986). This house was still not affordable by about 60 per cent of thoseseeking housing, despite being the cheapest unit on offer (Davies, 1987),but construction of it was nevertheless halted in 1982 because of the lowstandards (Simon, 1986; Zimbabwe, 1987a). Most of the published workavailable on housing in Zimbabwe examines these attempts and so furtherdetail will not be given here.Serviced-plot programmesOne of the strategies adopted to reduce costs was that of aided self-help.Early core-housing schemes date from the 1960s when Kambuzuma andWestern Triangle (part of Highfield) townships were started, in 1961 and1962, respectively. Since the late 1970s, most of the public-sector low-12 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Iincome housing programme has concentrated on the provision of servicedplots, with or without some form of wet-core or core-house. The earlypost-Independence achievements are, therefore, rooted in pre-Independence programmes. At the beginning of 1980, 7 375 plots of 200 m2with wet cores were allocated in Glen View on payment of a Z$30 depositand Z$ 11,50 per month charge which included rates and water. Allotteeswere expected to complete one room in three years and a complete housewithin ten years, the freehold of the plot to be transferred when the housewas complete. However, in the initial absence of construction loans andtechnical assistance, progress was slow (Patel and Adams, 1981; Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a). Similar aided self-help schemes with varying, but higher,standards for ablution units and core houses and differing financial arrange-ments were implemented in Chitungwiza, Warren Park D, Dzivaresekwa,Hatcliffe and Kuwadzana. A minimum plot size of 300 m2 was adopted.Target income groups varied slightly, but the schemes were generallyaimed at those with incomes around Z$150 Š the median income of theexisting population of high-density areas in 1982 was Z$175. Cash loans ofZ$2 500 on average were made available, and on 10 per cent of the plotshouses for rent were constructed (Taylor, 1985).Kuwadzana, for example, was a USAID-funded project on two farms(Parkridge and Fontainbleau) 14 km to the west of the city centre, onwhich 7 500 plots were provided. Between February 1984 and December1985, 6 000 plots were allocated to families from the housing waiting-listwith a maximum income, insisted upon by USAID, of Z$175; and within afew months of construction starting 2 200 artisanal builders had registeredon the site. Allottees qualified for a loan of between Z$294 and Z$3 230(average Z$2 500) according to their incomes (a maximum of 27,5 per centof income was allowable for loan repayments over 30 years), which couldbe used for the purchase of materials, some available from a store on site,or payment of labour, and had to complete a four-room 'core' house of atleast 50 m2 within eighteen months (later extended by six months). Althoughmany allottees failed to build a four-room house, the estimated cost ofwhich was Z$4 870 (of which labour constituted 23 per cent) in 1984(Schlyter, 1985; Gore etai, 1985; Mafico, 1987), this new minimum standardwas generalized to all urban areas (Zimbabwe, 1986b). Allottees make a 5per cent down-payment and monthly payments of Z$7 for purchase of theplot, Z$14,47 service charge and housing loan repayments (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a). The lower-income residents can often afford to constructonly a 50 m2 floor slab and one complete room, but are prohibited fromselling on the open market until the house is complete. Plot-holders arepermitted to build additional rooms for rent to lodgers, of whom 16 000were registered in 1985 (Schlyter, 1985). It is suggested that unregisteredroom rental is widespread, and also that construction of rooming-housesCAROLE RAKODI AND N. 0. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 13for rent by absentee landlords has occurred in all the aided self-helphousing schemes (Patel and Adams, 1981; Schlyter, 1985). Furtherinformation on this and on the results of the sale of complete dwellingswhich, in the face of the apparent shortage of lower-middle-cost housing,one might expect to be sold to higher-income groups is not available.In the public sector, therefore, more than one form of housingproduction is operating. The industrialized production of physical infra-structure and dwelling or ablution units signifies the presence of large-scale contractors able to make a profit because of the size of public-sectorcontracts and the standardized nature of the components. That the units,especially complete houses, are then not affordable by the majority of thepopulation is as much a function of the standards insisted upon by thepublic authorities as the profits expected by private contractors. Alsooperating are small-scale labour-only building contractors, used by owner-occupiers for house construction or extension and described in somedetail in a report on Kuwadzana (Gore et ai, 1985). Hired labour of thistype is seemingly more important in the construction process thandomestic labour inputs from the household itself.In Kuwadzana allottees were given the choice of using artisan builders,building brigades or setting up co-operatives. These last two ways oforganizing housing production were incorporated in the long-term policypackage given in the Transitional National Development Plan (Zimbabwe,1983). Building brigades were intended to reduce costs by removal of theprofit motive, reduce construction time (based on a belief that the privatesector could not cope with anticipated increased demand) and provideemployment for casual and informal workers in the construction sector.They were to be established by local authorities for materials production,building and for renovation and upgrading at a later stage, ultimately toreplace private contractors in low-income house construction (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985b; Mutizwa-Mangiza and Marciano, 1987). The exclusive useof building brigades for block production and house construction inKuwadzana was resisted by both City Council and USAID on grounds ofcost, and in practice the vast majority of participants decided againsttheir use, although they have been used by the City Council to builddemonstration houses selling at over Z$7 000 (Gore et ai, 1985; Teedonand Drakakis-Smith, 1986,320). The imagined constraints of undercapacityof the construction industry, either large- or small-scale, and shortage oflabour clearly do not apply in Zimbabwe, while building brigades, wherethey have been established, have been relatively costly because of theiradministrative and overhead costs and the difficulty of enforcing workdiscipline amongst what is essentially a local authority direct labour force(Schlyter, 1985; Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a; Teedon and Drakakis-Smith, 1986;Mafico, 1987; Mutizwa-Mangiza and Marciano, 1987).14 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART ICo-operatives are, in general and in the housing sector (Zimbabwe,1987a), encouraged as they represent a move towards the socialization ofproduction, but they have not, unsurprisingly, proved attractive toparticipants in urban serviced-plot schemes, who are, by definition, workingfull-time and so are uninterested in contributing significant labour inputs,do not need to bulk buy or manufacture materials which are available inurban areas, sometimes on site, and are strangers to each other. Nonewere set up in Kuwadzana. Disadvantaged households who might benefitfrom co-operative arrangements Š whose income perhaps comes fromunlicensed informal-sector activities, which contain unemployed adults,or which have women heads Š are generally not eligible for serviced-plotschemes (Lee-Smith, 1987). By 1987, the government had recognized thepractical advantages of individual labour-only contracts and had promisedmore support for this mode of construction (Zimbabwe, 1987b, 9).According to Taylor (1985), the public housing stock in Harare in 1984consisted of 3 400 flats and 55 600 houses for families, and over 11 000bedspaces for single people in hostels and flats. Since then 7 000 or moreplots have been added, on a few of which houses for rent or sale havebeen constructed by the public sector, while the entire housing stock inChitungwiza has been provided or initiated by the public sector. Table Ishows the latest figures on public-sector housing available. It is intendedthat a further 18 000 units per annum will be provided between 1987 and1990, including serviced-plot schemes in Budiriro (at least 7 000 plots, ofwhich 2 600 have so far been completed) and Sunningdale (2 576 plots sofar completed).* Although the Budiriro and Sunningdale schemes havealready started, the availability of funds for this ambitious programmemust be in some doubt, as the Ministry of Public Construction and NationalHousing's allocation (as a percentage of its bid) declined from 81 per centin 1982/3 to 30 per cent in 1985/6 (Zimbabwe, 1986b, 32). While over three-quarters of the population of Harare were accommodated in low-incomeareas in 1978, they occupied a mere 8 per cent of the residential area. Inaddition, it must not be forgotten that at Independence nearly a third ofthe Black population were living in domestic servants' quarters, althoughthis number has declined since 1980 with the emigration of Whitehouseholds.Unauthorized housing productionThe final form of production to be considered is unauthorized housing insquatter areas, which both pre- and post-Independence governments haveattempted to eradicate. The volume of construction has, therefore,* The Financial Gazette, 21 Aug. 1987, 3.CAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 15fluctuated markedly, increasing during the late 1970s with the influx ofrefugees from war-torn rural areas. Housing has varied from temporaryshacks to houses built by household or hired labour for owner-occupationand some renting to some larger-scale construction of rooms for rent inEpworth. The source of capital for larger-scale rented housing is notknown, but is assumed to be external to the area (Butcher, 1986).In the early 1960s, squatters from Hunyani were resettled in St Mary's:otherwise squatter areas were demolished without provision for resettle-ment until the mid-1970s (Patel and Adams, 1981). By then, the pressuresof the liberation war in the rural areas were swelling the population ofHarare; those ineligible for high-density housing were growing in numberand squatter areas were beginning to grow more rapidly than before,notably Chirambahuyo-Derbyshire, from which about 2 600 householdswere relocated in 1977 to plots serviced to a very basic standard atZengeza 4 (Seager, 1977; Patel and Adams, 1981). The aim was to move theresidents again, to a permanent scheme at Seke and also to communalfarming areas, but as soon as they were moved out to the ultra-low-costhouses provided, others moved on to their vacated plots and Zengezaactually increased in size.The first government of independent Zimbabwe inherited a number ofsquatter areas and continued with the earlier policies, combined withpressuring the squatters to return to the rural areas, moving familiestemporarily into hostels no longer used for single male migrants, orrelocating them to serviced-plot schemes of various sorts. Thus in 1981Mbare Musika and Chirambahuyo in Chitungwiza (30 000 people) weredemolished (Patel, 1984; Butcher, 1986), and this was followed in 1982 bythe demolition of Mayambara, to which some people from Chirambahuyowho could not afford the Z$14 per month for an ultra-low-cost housewhich they were offered had moved, and in 1983 by Russelldene, whichwas located between Harare and Chitungwiza (Butcher, 1986, 10).Only in one area, a long-standing settlement at Epworth, on landoutside the municipal boundary, which originally belonged to a mission,has the notion of regularization and improvement been grudgingly accepted(Patel, 1984; Butcher, 1986). Since May 1983, development in the area hasbeen frozen and all unused land allocated for public purposes, while in thetwelve months following, 200 notices of eviction were served (Teedon andDrakakis-Smith, 1986). Although Development Committees were elected inmid-1983 (Schlyter, 1985) and put forward far-reaching proposals (onemployment opportunities, for example), the inability of government anddonor agencies, especially the World Bank, to reach an agreement onfunding, and government's prevention of initiatives being taken by theDevelopment Committees, resulted in reduced enthusiasm by the time adecision was taken in June 1985 to develop an interim water-supply and16 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Ipit-latrine programme and a clinic, as a first stage of up-grading (Under-wood, 1987).Illegal sub-letting is the other form of unauthorized housing production.As noted above, extensive unregistered lodging in municipal townshipsoccurs, despite continued attempts at its control. The maximum roomrent is officially Z$8 per month, although in 1984 rooms were said to be letat rents up to Z$30 (Patel, 1984) and the housing stock was said to be nearsaturation point. Average rents at the time of writing are between Z$40and Z$50 per room. In recent years increasing shortages have led to theconstruction of side-structures of wood adjacent to houses which cannotofficially be extended. For example, in Mbare New Lines, up to six structuresper plot are said to have been constructed, accommodating more peoplethan in the main two-room houses and being let at rents of Z$18 or moreper month (Moto, LIV, 1987). Government policy is to demolish theseillegal dwellings, especially on plots of less than 300 m2, in the hope that ashostel occupants move on to serviced-plot schemes, rooms will be vacatedfor the displaced tenants. However, the demolition was being delayed inmid-1987 by public protest. A survey of 968 migrants at the end of 1985showed that just over a third were lodgers (Potts, 1987) and one estimatesuggests that 40 per cent of all low-income households are lodgers (Butcher,1986, 10).Factors influencing housing supplyPotentially, since 1980, each of the forms of house production above couldhave been utilized to accommodate population growth, depending on itscapacity to expand production, its compatibility with the developmentobjectives and policies of the new government and particular constraintson supply. Such constraints will now be examined in turn.Land and tenureLand availability is considered in the long-term housing plan of the Ministryof Public Construction and National Housing (Zimbabwe, 1985, 37). Theplan notes that, whilst in most urban areas sufficient land is owned by thelocal authority to accommodate urban growth over the next few years,Harare is an exception. Thus land-development costs are a more significantconstraint than land-acquisition costs. While acknowledging the need toeconomize on such costs by the use of more efficient layouts, the recentlyadopted increase in minimum plot size from 200 m2 to 300 m2 is not ques-tioned. In practice, release of land for development has been pragmatic,continuing the pre-Independence pattern of:(a) confining the low-income population to the south and west of thecity centre by expanding existing areas such as Warren Park,Dzivaresekwa and Chitungwiza; andCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 17(b) using peripheral locations for large-scale development, again inChitungwiza, but also Kuwadzana, the location of which appearsto have been determined by the chance availability of land forsale.The racial land tenure legislation which underpinned the settler regimewas abolished in 1979, making it possible for all residents to purchaseplots in urban areas. The subsequent White exodus flooded the marketwith a supply of high-cost houses, many of which were purchased at lowprices by Black professionals ana businessmen Prices plummeted andthose who were able to raise the funds were able to obtain houses atprices which were much lower that the cost of new construction. Althoughprice levels gradually increased from 1984 onwards as the market tightened,in 1985 they were still only 60 per cent of the cost of new construction(Zimbabwe, 1985, 10) and were said still to be so in 1987. Although theinitial results of Harvey's recent research (1987) give some indications ofwhere this process of exchange was most active Š in the zone of apartmentblocks near the city centre, in areas near the main commercial and industrialemployment centres and near the existing high-density areas (especiallysmaller and older houses and plots) Š no other research appears to havebeen done on the characteristics of buyers, sources of capital, subsequenthouse occupancy or price trends.Only towards the later 1980s did indications appear of a demand fornew middle-income housing (Martin et al., 1985). It is suggested thatmiddle-income households, no longer able to afford houses coming on tothe market in low-density areas, are competing with the low-incomehouseholds for whom recent aided self-help housing schemes are intended(Mafico, 1987). In addition, in 1987, there were indications of the beginningof new private-sector residential construction in low-density areas. So far,this seems to be in-filling and there is considerable scope for this and,indeed, for increasing the density of these areas by subdividing existinglarge plots.In public-sector residential areas, a policy of encouraging houseownership has been adopted and women's legal rights to land and housinghave been strengthened (Lee-Smith, 1987). About 9 000 public rental unitshave been or are in the process of being sold at considerable discounts(up to 100 per cent for sitting tenants who had occupied the property for30 or more years) between 1980 and 1984 (Zimbabwe African NationalUnion (Patriotic Front), 1985), encouraged by the threat of a 30 pc-i r<->:rent increase if the option to buy was not taken up.As a result, by 1985 only 22 per cent of the local authority familyhousing stock was rented (Hoek-Smit, 1982). No consideration appears tohave been given to the likely future pattern of exchange and the prospects18 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Iof gentrification in a situation of continuing housing shortage and stagnantor falling real wages, both of which create pressure to sell and an incentivefor doing so.While some changes to tenure have been introduced, therefore, thesystem of private property has not been challenged and only ZANU(PF)leaders are supposed not to benefit from opportunities for profit in themarket, in terms of the party's leadership code. Wide discrepancies instandards and asset ownership between the current occupants of whatwere previously European and African areas persist, maintained by strongregulatory control over subdivision and construction exercised under the1976 Regional, Town and Country Planning Act, including specification ofminimum plot sizes, subdivision regulations and minimum building clauses.For example, high-density in-filling and subdivision of large plots in thenorthern suburbs does not appear to have been seriously considered.Although there have been major constraints on radical land policy imposedby the provisions of the Lancaster House Agreement, resource availability,infrastructure and the inherited urban form, no consideration seems tohave been given to the implications of continuing the present pattern ofurban development and property ownership. This does indicate, perhaps,that an already established Black middle class appears set to protect itsgrowing property interests. It appears instead that the policy is to closethe gap by insisting on high-quality construction for low-income residents,regardless of the feasibility of this strategy. The outcome is that public-sector programmes satisfy the demand of the growing middle-incomegroup, while the poorest are increasingly marginalized in housing terms(Teedon and Drakakis-Smith, 1986).InfrastructureHarare has a high standard of utility provision. Even among low-incomeplots, 90 per cent have an individual water connection, although this isoften shared by two or more families occupying the plot, and currentsources of supply are thought to be sufficient to provide the city withwater for the remainder of the century. A similar proportion of low-incomeareas have water-borne sewage disposal, although many low-density areasrely on septic-tank sanitation, which may be a constraint to locatinghigher-density development in the northern suburbs. While only 55 percent of low-income plots currently have electricity connections, all officiallow-income areas have street or tower lighting (Hoek-Smit, 1982). In thepast, all low-income plots were also provided with road access, despitelow rates of vehicle ownership and demonstrations that the layouts usedare costly and inefficient (Atkins, 1983). It is policy to continue this veryhigh standard of physical infrastructure provision (Zimbabwe, 1986b),despite the cost, both in terms of public capital for development and toCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 19individual plot buyers, especially from the lower-income groups. Thisinsistence on a very high standard of physical infrastructure also appearsto be irreconcilable with the official emphasis on housing programmeswhich are affordable by the majority (Zimbabwe, 1985). Although the CityCouncil has the technical and administrative capacity to implement large-scale infrastructure programmes, the availability of public-sector financehas, especially since 1983, been a major constraint on the supply ofserviced plots (Zimbabwe, 1986b, 7). It has been shown that the monthlypayments for a plot with a wet core cannot be afforded by over half (54 percent) of all households in high-density areas and, if the cost of constructinga four-room core is included, 86 per cent are excluded (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985b).Decision-makers appear unwilling to consider alternative standardswhich would have significant saving effect, such as:(a) providing footpath or service-lane access to a proportion ofhouses;(b) a range of plot sizes, including some smaller than 300 m2;(c) use of up-gradable, ventilated, improved pit-latrines (Blair toilets),on the grounds of groundwater pollution, although the evidencefor this seems inconclusive, except perhaps for stream-banksettlements; and(d) postponement of individual electricity connections, althoughenergy and environmental considerations might on balance favourthe use of electricity over alternative cooking fuels such as coaland charcoal.Capacity of the construction sectorResidential construction is divided between the public sector, which has,in recent years, initiated most new development, and the private sector.Little has been published about the latter, other than references to itsdeclining contribution to GDP and considerably underutilized capacity,despite a post-1980 loss of skilled manpower and increasingly obsoleteequipment (Colquhoun, O'Donnell and Partners, 1985; Zimbabwe, 1986b).Thus the absolute contribution of the construction sector to GDP fellsteadily from an immediate post-Independence boom of Z$105 million in1981 to Z$64 million (at 1980 prices) in 1985, rising to only Z$75 million in1988 (Zimbabwe, 1989,12). This represented a decline from 3,4 per cent ofGDP in 1981 to 2,9 per cent in 1986 (Zimbabwe, 1987a, 10). Employment inthe formal construction sector fell from a peak of 64 300 in 1974 to only 40600 in 1979. Following an upturn from 1980 to 1982, employment fell againto 44 000 in September 1985, since when it has increased again to 60 200 inJune 1988 (Zimbabwe, 1989, 8). An increasing proportion of construction20 HOUSING POUO IN HARARE: PART Iwork (including civil engineering and building) was carried out by theprivate ector in the early years after Independence: 59 per cent in 1980,increasing to 64 per cent in 1983. However, this decreased again to 50 percent in 1987 (Zimbabwe, 1989, 56). Much of the new private sector work isfor public clients (70 per cent in 1985, 54 per cent in 1987, Zimbabwe, 1989,56), especially the Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing,which accounts for 24 per cent of total and 53 per cent of buildingconstruction (Zimbabwe, 1985, 5). Residential construction has decreasedin relative importance, from 42 per cent in 1981 to 21 per cent in 1984(Zimbabwe, 1985,2). However, in the second half of the 1980s, new privateconstruction revived: between 1980 and 1985 an average of 231 high-costhousing plans were approved in Harare each year, 824 were approved in1986, 964 in 1987 and 625 in 1988 (Zimbabwe, 1989, 53).The main constraints on capacity are as follows:Ł the difficulty of obtaining public-sector finance and credit forhouse construction or purchase;Ł the lack of attraction to the private sector of the construction ofmiddle-income housing because of government insistence on themaintenance of high standards, although there is no real analysisof the basis for this assertion;Ł the limited availability of serviced plots to the low-income sector,although this does not yet seem to be a constraint in the high-income sector;Ł a loss of skilled manpower in the construction sector (particularlyvaluers, quantity surveyors and architects); andŁ the shortage of foreign currency which is necessary for thereplacement of obsolete equipment and for the importation ofcertain raw materials.Building materialsZimbabwe has, partly because of years of sanctions, a well-developedbuilding materials supply industry and it is estimated that only 7,6 percent by value of the materials necessary for a four-room low-cost househas to be imported (Martin et al., 1985, 8). A wide range of materials ismanufactured locally by formal-sector enterprises, including cement,asbestos, cement pipes and roof sheets, clay and concrete sewer pipes,wire, timber, cement blocks and other cement products, clay bricks,gravel and aggregate, some metal components such as window and doorframes, enamelled cast-iron sanitary fittings, cemwash and limewash. Themain imports are PVC, parts for water-meters, electrical fittings, aluminium,bitumen, glass, some steel, glass fibre and paint (Colquhoun, O'Donnelland Partners, 1985). Many of the materials manufactured locally appear toCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 21be produced by monopolies, in which the extent of foreign capitalownership is not known. A possible joint venture to establish local glassmanufacture in Kadoma is being investigated. A consultant's reportcommissioned by the Ministry of Public Construction and National Housingrecommends the continued use of formal private-sector production ofbuilding materials for large-scale urban housing programmes, where theprivate sector is capable of production at 'economic costs' and of a 'highcompletion rate', while public-sector production of building materialsshould, it is recommended, be limited to low-technology products such ascement blocks (Colquhoun, O'Donnell and Partners, 1985). It is in thisarea, the report suggests, that the public sector is roughly competitivewith the private sector in price terms. It is also suggested that the publicsector would be competitive in more geographically remote areas. Thereport clearly has the interests of the private sector at heart in that itadvocated its predominance in the large urban markets where economiesof scale can be achieved and profit margins maintained.Although there is reported to be widespread production of informal-sector building materials (Mafico, 1987), this is not discussed in theconsultant's report and their use appears to be inhibited in public-sectorhousing programmes by strict quality control. The main constraints onbuilding materials supply are transport costs, which is less of a problem inHarare than in remoter areas Š to which manufacturers are being urgedto decentralise production (Zimbabwe, 1986b) Š and lack of foreignexchange for equipment, including vehicles and certain components. Afurther problem is the rapid increase in costs, on average 15 per cent perannum between 1981 and 1984 and 18 per cent in 1985/6. More modestannual price increases since then (12 per cent in 1986/7, 6 per cent in1987/8, 14 per cent in 1988/9) have been due largely to government-imposed price freezes (Zimbabwe, 1985; Colquhoun, O'Donnell andPartners, 1985; Zimbabwe, 1990). While a revival of public-sectorinvolvement in the materials production industry is recommended, focusingon dissemination of information and advice, drafting regulations andstandards and research into materials suitable for low-cost construction(Stevens and Eaton, 1984), this does not seem to be a priority need.A severe constraint which has emerged recently is a shortage ofcement. This has resulted from a combination of increased demand andthe breakdown of obsolete machinery. It has also been suggested thatcement manufacturing firms prefer to continue exporting, even whenthere is a shortage locally, because export products are not subject toprice-control regulations. The shortage of cement has had ripple effectsthroughout the construction sector: there has been a severe drop in thesupply of cement-based products such as roofing tiles, asbestos roofingsheets, cement building blocks and other products. The necessary foreign22 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Icurrency allocations have recently been made and it appears that cementproduction will soon return to normal. A government-owned company,the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company (ZISCO), based at Redcliff, has alsorecently announced its intention to start the manufacturing of cement. Itwill, however, take some time to eliminate the current construction backlog.There is also a shortage of clay bricks, caused by the same combinationof factors as in the case of cement. However, a locally-based company hasrecently imported equipment for the manufacturing of terra blocks. Theseare building blocks made from earth compressed under immense pressure,which are used immediately after manufacture without being burnt. Theyare reported to be several times stronger than ordinary clay bricks andcement blocks. In addition, the Zimbabwe Development Bank hasannounced an aggressive assistance package for those intending to investin the manufacture of building materials, particularly bricks.Construction skillsConstruction skills are needed at a variety of levels, including themanagement skills needed to run large-scale materials production orcontracting firms, professional skills such as architecture, engineeringand surveying, and trade skills in both the public and private sectors, andperhaps, too, the ability of individuals to make materials or build housesthemselves. The loss of professionally qualified Whites, both by emigrationand from the depressed construction industry to other sectors, andshortages of local replacement staff may hinder future expansion of thelarge-scale sector, as it is presently organized. The public sector's adoptionof responsibility for all low-income plot and much core-house provisionand control over all house construction, and the allocation of largecontracts to the private sector to carry out the work, make heavy demandson such high-level manpower. A commission of inquiry into theestablishment of a Faculty of Architecture at the University of Zimbabwesuggested that degree programmes in Architecture, Building Economics(Quantity Surveying) and Land Valuation should be started. Programmesto train highly-qualified professionals are not, however, the entire solution:it would appear to be sensible, particularly in view of the evident ability ofinformal builders to meet the house construction needs of individual plot-holders, to reorganize the low-income housing programme to incorporatepetty commodity/informal building material producers in aided^elf-helpschemes.Rented housingA rented housing market (though declining) exists in the relatively high-income housing areas, especially in apartment blocks near the city centre.However, the pervasive low-income public rented housing sector hasCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 23been considerably reduced. At the same time, the large-scale public high-income subsidized rented housing sector, typical of other African countriessuch as Zambia (where it was used to accommodate colonial administratorsbefore Independence and has, with every year that passes, proved moredifficult to reform as the size of the public and parastatal sector bureaucracygrows) has never existed in Harare, or elsewhere in Zimbabwe. Theremaining types of accommodation for rent bridge the divide betweenlegality and illegality and meet the needs of the poorest.Although rented housing is no longer used as a means of ensuringcircular or longer-term return to rural areas (Moller, 1974), the lattermovement has persisted because of the cost of urban living, overcrowdingand the maintenance of socio-cultural links and rights of access to land inthe rural areas (Potts, 1987).The high-income private rented housing market has, since 1982, beenregulated, with the introduction of Rent Appeal Boards through anamendment to the 1979 Housing and Building Act. These Boards candetermine a fair rent for all properties, based on the assumption thatdemand and supply are in balance. Complex procedures deter landlordsfrom applying for a fair rent determination, so rents have been kept atrelatively low levels, to prevent tenants appealing. While benefiting tenants,the immediate result has been to deter private individual or institutionalinvestment, to inhibit new construction for rent, and to encourage the saleof rented property, and it is expected that in the longer term maintenancewill suffer (National Council of Savings Institutions, 1985). In thesecircumstances, the government would appear to have little hope ofenforcing its requirement that 10 per cent of units in new developmentshould be for rent. It is unlikely that the controls were introduced with theintention of eliminating the private rental sector, and more needs to beknown about its role in the housing market and the sources of capitalinvested before it can be accepted that this is a desirable, if unintended,outcome of the legislation. A little high-cost public-sector rented housingis available for a minority of civil servants and as a result of repossessionfollowing mortgage default by the Housing Guarantee Fund located in theMinistry of Public Construction and National Housing.Only 3 per cent of Harare's public low-income housing stock is madeup of flats for rent, while less than a quarter of the houses are rentedtoday. However, a fairly large amount of poor-standard hostel accom-modation, built originally in the 1950s and leased to private employers, isstill available. Most is now being renovated for the temporaryaccommodation of squatters whose houses have been demolished(Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a, 15). As has been pointed out earlier, rentedrooms for lodgers in high-density residential areas exist in large numbers.The maximum room rental has, since 1980, been Z$8 per month, but this24 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Ihas proved impossible to enforce for registered, let alone unregistered,lodgers and rooms are now let at rents up to Z$50. Rented accommodationis more important for meeting the needs of lower-income households thanowner-occupied housing. Hoek-Smit's 1982 survey showed that the averagehousehold income of squatter households was Z$90, of lodgers, Z$128, ofpublic-sector tenants, Z$120 and of public-sector owners, Z$150. Theserelatively low incomes, combined with the high building standards requiredby present policies, suggest a need for a more significant rentedaccommodation sector.Constraints on bousing supply: An overviewThe above discussion indicates that many constraints on housingproduction which are said to be typical of developing countries are notserious in Harare. The availability of land is not a major constraint atpresent, although the supply of subdivided and serviced smaller plots forlow- and middle-income families is inadequate. There does not appear tobe any lack of construction sector capacity to install infrastructure, norare there deficiencies in the supply of most building materials. The shortfallin supply cannot be blamed entirely on shortages of public-sector capital,for considerable funds have been devoted to serviced-plot programmessince 1980 Gust under Z$40 million per annum between 1982/3 and 1984/5).These resources have, however, been misapplied, owing to a continuedinsistence on unrealistically high standards and the absence of a moreserious concept of incremental improvement. The extent to which this ispart of a deliberate attempt to foster a Black petty bourgeoisie, as assertedby Schlyter (1985), is, however, unclear.In addition, a number of policies have actually constrained supply,notably attempts to control squatting and sub-letting in order to controlthe urban Black population socially and politically while harnessing itslabour. The settler government employed a variety of tactics, includinghousing policies, which enabled it to control the Black population in termsof both its total size and location Š these included the Vagrancy and theAfrican Registration and Accommodation Acts (Mutizwa-Mangiza, 1985a).Demolition of squatter areas was also consistent with these wider aims.The policy of strict control over illegal housing has before and sinceIndependence gone hand-in-hand with attempts to control all informal-sector activity by a system of licensing. Since 1980, waves of demolitionhave also often coincided with round-ups of unlicensed informal-sectortraders, beggars and prostitutes, often with the aim of returning them torural areas. Drakakis-Smith (1986) attributes this attitude by centralgovernment to the unimportance of urban popular support to the ZANU(PF)base, both during the liberation struggle and since. However, this appearsto be an oversimplified analysis. While government has generally not beenCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 25sympathetic to protest by the urban wage labour force (Astrow, 1983), ithas increased minimum wages, despite the existing inequalities betweenurban and rural areas and in the face of opposition from the businesscommunity (Libby, 1984). Periodic opposition to the settler regime wasexpressed by urban wage labour and the urban Black population in general,despite rhe successful emasculation of trade unions which left urbanlabour politically and organizationally too weak to play a leading role inthe liberation struggle (Astrow, 1983). The populist support base forZANU(PF) is not only rural (Bratton, 1981; Libby, 1984) and runs con-siderable risk of erosion by unpopular measures taken against groups oflow-income urban dwellers, as well as the failure to deliver promised ruralreforms, especially access to land (Libby, 1984). That such measures havegiven rise to remarkably little social unrest illustrates that public supportfor the the present government has not been exhausted. Wage gains havebeen eroded by inflation and by the elimination of food subsidies (Riddell,1984). The latter policy not only reflects the rural populist view ofdevelopment held by some ZANU(PF) leaders, but is also being urgedby what Libby (1984) calls a technocratic view of the road to development,advocated externally by the IMF and internally by civil servants and someZANU(PF) leaders and based on industrialization, export promotion anddecreasing state intervention. Further explanations for the control.ofurban activity must, therefore, be sought which do not rest entirely on theclass base of ZANU(PF). A preoccupation with order and control, fuelledby dismay at the deteriorating situation in other African cities and thedesire to 'succeed' in terms of criteria which Whites in South Africa mightfind reassuring, finds expression in a desire for tidiness in the builtenvironment, to which relatively more emphasis is given compared withother African countries. That strict physical control of the built environmentbears little relationship to social well-being and cohesion, or popularpolitical support, does not appear to have been appreciated. Perhaps theabsence of concern over official controls on unlicensed urban activity isalso partly due to people's inherited expectation that this is a normal wayfor governments to act.At the other end of the income spectrum, a desire to maintain controlsand standards in low-density suburbs has served the interests of anemerging bourgeoisie of professionals, bureaucrats and businessmen. Thisnewly-established property-owning elite is very unlikely to welcomedesegregationist measures (such as the mixing of socio-economic classesor increases in density) which might affect their living standards andproperty values in future.26 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART IReferencesANGEL, S. et al. 1977 'The low income housing delivery system in Asia',in R. P. Pama, S. Angel and J. H. de Goede (eds.), Low Income Housing:Technology and Policy (Oxford, Pergamon), 1177-218.ANGEL, S. et al. (eds.) 1983 Land for Housing the Poor (Singapore, SelectBooks).ASHTON, E. H. 1969 'Economics of African housing', Rhodesian Journal ofEconomics, III, iv, 29-33.ASTROW, A. 1983 Zimbabwe: A Revolution that Lost Its Way? (London, ZedPress).ATKINS, G. 1983 'Town planning and economic design', Zimbabwe En-vironment and Design, V, 5-9.BOLEAT, M. 1987 'Housing finance institutions', in L Rodwin (ed.), Shelter,Settlement and Development (Boston, Allen and Unwin), 151-78.BRATTON, M. 1981 'Development in Zimbabwe: Strategy and tactics',Journal of Modem African Studies, XTX, 447-75.BURGESS, R. 1978 'Petty commodity housing or dweller control? Acritique of John Turner's views on housing policy', World Develop-ment, VI, 1105-133.BURGESS, R. 1985 'The limits of state self-help housing programmes',Development and Change, XVI, 271-312.BURGESS, R. 1987 'A lot of noise and no nuts: A reply', Development andChange, XVIII, 137-46.BUTCHER, C. 1986 'Low Income Housing in Zimbabwe: A Case Study ofthe Epworth Squatter Upgrading Programme' (Harare, Univ. ofZimbabwe, Dept. of Rural and Urban Planning, Occasional Paper 6).CHRISTOPHER, A. J. 1972 'Urban encroachment on a large farm inRhodesia', Land Economics, XLVIII, 287-90.COLQUHOUN, B., O'DONNELL, H. AND PARTNERS 1985 'Overview ofConstruction and Materials Production Sectors for Inclusion in theNational Housing Corporation Study' (Harare, Report to the Ministryof Public Construction and National Housing).DAVIES, D. H. 1987 'Harare, Zimbabwe: Origins, development and post-colonial change', African Urban Quarterly, II, 131-7.DOEBELE, W. A. 1987 'Land policy', in L. Rodwin (ed.), Shelter, Settlementand Development (Boston, Allen and Unwin), 110-32.DOWALL, D. E. 1989 'Bangkok: A profile of an efficiently performinghousing market', Urban Studies, XVI, 327-39.DRAKAKIS-SMITH, D. 1986 'Urbanisation in the socialist Third World:The case of Zimbabwe', in D. Drakakis-Smith (ed.), Urbanisation in theDeveloping World (London, Croom Helm), 141Š57.ENGLAND, R. and ALNWICK, D. 1982 'What can low-income families affordfor housing?', Habitat International, VI, 461-70.GILBERT, A. and VAN DER LINDEN, J. 1987 'The limits of a MarxistCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 27theoretical framework for explaining state self-help housing',Development and Change, XVIII, 129-36.GILBERT, A. and WARD, P. 1985 Housing, the State and the Poor: Policy andPractice in Three Latin-American Cities (Cambridge, Cambridge Univ.Press).GORE, C. H. et al. 1985 'Small scale informal construction sector atKuwadzana low-income housing project' (Harare, Report to the Ministryof Public Construction and National Housing, mimeo.).HARVEY, S. D. 1987 'Black residential mobility in a post-IndependentZimbabwean city', in G. J. Williams and A. P. Wood (eds.), GeographicalPerspectives on Development in Southern Africa: Papers from the RegionalConference of the Commonwealth Gergraphicfal] Bureau, Lusaka(Townsville, James Cook Univ. of North Queensland for the Common-wealth Geographical] Bureau), 179-87.HOEK-SMIT, M. 1982 'Housing preferences and potential housing demandof low income urban households in Zimbabwe: Vol. 1' (Harare, Reportprepared for the Ministry of Housing, mimeo.).JOHNSTONE, M. 1984 'Urban housing and housing policy in peninsularMalaysia', International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, VIII,497-529.LEE, M. 1985 'Myths of affordability', Third World Planning Review, VII,131^2.LEE-SMITH, D. 1987 Overview of Women and Shelter in Africa (Nairobi,Mazingira Institute).LIBBY,R.T. 1984 'Developmental strategies and political divisions withinthe Zimbabwean state', in M. Schatzberg (ed.), The Political Economyof Zimbabwe (New York, Praeger), 144-63.MARCO, C. J. C. 1987 'An Analysis of Public Sector Urban Low IncomeHousing in Zimbabwe: Towards an Appropriate Housing Policy'(Liverpool, Univ. of Liverpool, Ph.D. thesis).MALPEZZI, S. and MAYO, S. K. 1987 'The demand for housing in developingcountries: Empirical estimates from household data', EconomicDevelopment and Cultural Change, XXXV, 687-722.MARTIN, R. et al. 1985 'National Housing Corporation: Feasibility Studyfor the Republic of Zimbabwe' (Harare, United StatesvAgency forInternational Development and United Nations Centre for Human Settle-ments).MEHTA, M. and MEHTA, D. 1989 Metropolitan Housing Markets: A Study ofAhmedabad (New Delhi, Sage).MOAVENZADEH, F. 1987 'The construction industry', in L. Rodwin (ed.),Shelter, Settlement and Development (Boston, Allen and Unwin), 73-109.MOLLER, V. 1974 'Some aspects of mobility patterns of urban Africans inSalisbury', Proceedings of the Geographical Association of Rhodesia, VII,22-32.MUTIZWA-MANGIZA, N. D. 1985a 'An Analysis of Low-income Housing28 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART IStrategies in Harare' (Bradford, Univ. of Bradford, Project PlanningCentre for Developing Countries, Discussion 111, mimeo.).MUTIZWA-MANGIZA, N. D. 1985b 'Post-Independence urban low-incomeshelter policies in Zimbabwe: A preliminary appraisal of affordability',in S. D. Romaya and G. H. Franklin (eds.), Shelter, Services and theUrban Poor (Cardiff, University of Wales Institute of Science andTechnology), 81-98.MUTIZWA-MANGIZA, N. D. and MARCIANO, M. 1987 'Building Brigades andUrban Low-cost Shelter Provision in Zimbabwe: A PreliminaryEvaluation' (London, International Centre for Technical Research,Paper presented at an International Conference on Urban Shelter inDeveloping Countries, mimeo.).NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SAVINGS INSTITUTIONS 1987 'Housing Finance InZimbabwe' (Washington, Report prepared for the United States Agencyfor International Development).PATEL, D. 1984 'Housing the urban poor in the socialist transformationof Zimbabwe', in M. Schatzberg (ed.), The Political Economy ofZimbabwe (New York, Praeger), 182-96.PATEL, D. H. and ADAMS, R. J. 1981 Chirambahuyo: A Case Study in Low-income Housing (Gwelo, Mambo Press).POTTS, D. 1987 'Recent rural-urban migrants to Harare, Zimbabwe: Themaintenance of rural ties' (Univ. of London, Centre for African Studies,School of Oriental and African Studies, Paper presented at a workshopon Rural-Urban Links, mimeo.).RAKODI, C. 1983 'La politique du logement pour les bas revenus a Lusaka,Zambie', trans. A. Durand-Lasserve, in Le Logement, Vetatet lespauvresdans les villes du Tiers-Monde (Talence, Centre d'Etude de GeographieTropicale et Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, PractiqueUrbaines 2), 155-72.RAKODI, C. 1987 'Land, layouts and infrastructure in squatter upgrading:The case of Lusaka1, Cities, IV, 348-70.RENAUD, B. 1984 'Housing and Financial Institutions in DevelopingCountries: An Overview' (Washington DC, World Bank, Staff WorkingPaper 658).RENAUD, B. 1987 'Financing shelter', in L. Rodwin (ed), Shelter,Settlement and Development (Boston, Allen and Unwin), 179-204.RlDDELL, R. C. 1984 'Zimbabwe: The economy four years afterIndependence', African Affairs, LXXXIII, 463-76.SCHLYTER, A. 1985 'Housing strategies: The case of Zimbabwe', Trialog,VI, 20-9.SEAGER, D. 1977 'The struggle for shelter in an urbanizing world: ARhodesian example', Zambezia, V, 83-90.SHENG, Y. K. 1989 'Some low-income urban delivery systems in Bangkok,Thailand', Environment and Urbanization, I, 27-37.SIMON, D. 1985 'Contemporary decolonization and comparative urbanresearch in Southern Africa', Comparative Urban Research. X, 32-41.SIMON, D. 1986 'Regional inequality, migration and development: TheCAROLE RAKODI AND N. D. MUTIZWA-MANGIZA 29case of Zimbabwe', Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie,LXXVII, 7-17.STEVENS, R. F. and EATON, K. J. 1984 'Feasibility of Setting up a BuildingResearch Establishment in Zimbabwe' (Harare, Report to the BritishOverseas Development Administration and to the Ministry ofConstruction and National Housing, Zimbabwe).STRASSMAN, W. P. 1980 'Housing improvement in an opportune setting:Cartagena, Colombia', Land Economics, LVI, 155-68.TAYLOR, J. C. B. 1985 'Zimbabwe: One local authority's response to thechallenge of decent shelter', in T. Blair (ed.), Strengthening UrbanManagement (New York, Plenum), 24-8.TEEDON, P. and DRAKAKIS-SMITH, D. 1986 'Urbanization and socialism inZimbabwe: The case of low-cost urban housing', Geoforum, XVII, 309-24.UNDERWOOD, G. C. 1987 'Zimbabwe's low cost housing areas: A planner'sperspective', African Urban Quarterly, II, 24-36.UNITED NATIONS 1976 World Housing Survey 1974 (New York, UnitedNations).UNITED NATIONS CENTRE FOR HUMAN SETTLEMENTS 1984a Community-basedFinance Institutions (Nairobi, UNCHS).UNITED NATIONS CENTRE FOR HUMAN SETTLEMENTS 1984b Government PolicyGuidelines to Improve the Efficiency of the Construction Industry (Nairobi,UNCHS).UNITED NATIONS CENTER FOR HUMAN SETTLEMENTS 1984C The Promotion ofNonconventional Approaches to Housing Finance for Low Income Groups(Nairobi, UNCHS).VAN DER LINDEN, J. 1986 The Sites and Services Approach Reviewed(Aldershot, Gower).WELLS, J. 1986 The Construction Industry in Developing Countries:Alternative Strategies for Development (London, Croom Helm).WORLD BANK 1986 'Financing shelter: The economic dimension', UrbanEdge, X, ix, 1-6.ZIMBABWE 1983 Transitional National Development Plan 1982/83-1984/85(Harare, Ministry of Economic Planning and Development).ZIMBABWE 1985 Long Term Plan 1985-2000 (Harare, Ministry of PublicConstruction and National Housing).ZIMBABWE 1986a 'Public and private partnership in housing', ZimbabweScience News, XX, iii-iv, 31-9.ZIMBABWE 1986b 'Public and Private Sector Partnership in Housing andUrban Development' (Harare, Ministry of Public Construction andNational Housing and United States Agency for International Develop-ment).ZIMBABWE 1987a Monthly Digest of Statistics: March 1987 (Harare, CentralStatistical Office).ZIMBABWE 1987b 'National Action and National Shelter Strategies up tothe Year 2000' (Nairobi, United Nations Centre for Human Settlements,30 HOUSING POLICY IN HARARE: PART Isubmission by the Government of Zimbabwe to the Tenth Session ofthe UN Commission for Human Settlements).ZIMBABWE 1989 Quarterly Digest of Statistics: June 1989 (Harare, CentralStatistical Office).ZIMBABWE 1990 Quarterly Prices Statistics Bulletin: March 1990 (Harare,Central Statistical Office).ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION (PATRIOTIC FRONT) 1985 Zimbabwe at5 Years of Independence: Achievements, Problems and Prospects (Harare,ZANU(PF)).