Zambezia (1992), XIX (i).TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRYAND MENTAL HEALTHE. M. CHIWOMEDepartment of African Languages and LiteratureUniversity of ZimbabweAFRICAN ORATURE STUDIES are relatively underdeveloped despite their focuson one of the most dynamic aspects of contemporary African culture.There have been very few studies of Zimbabwean orature except, notably,those by Carter, Fortune, Hodza and Kahari.1 The lack of interest in tradi-tional African aesthetics is the result of prejudices and theories emanatingfrom colonialist-evolutionist scholarship. These underlying prejudicesderive from an equating of technological simplicity with artistic back-wardness and therefore a conclusion that Africa is artistically undeveloped.However, in the past few decades this stance has been countered by theAfricanist school of thought, which asserts that there is an African aestheticwhich is very different from, but in no way inferior to, the modern Europeanone. Thus it has almost become a platitude that there is an African aestheticwhich is useful, proper and enjoyable.However, interest has centered on anthropological, sociological,historical, ethnological and literary aspects of the African aesthetic. Littlehas been said about the effect of performing arts on the minds of the participants.But there are signs in the United States of America of an interest in theperforming arts from a psychological and psychiatric viewpoint, althoughthe emphasis so far has been on the performing arts of pre-literate societies.If sustained, this interest could rescuscitate popular use of therapeutic artwhich was systematically marginalized by colonization.Research in psychotherapy attempts to explain art in scientific terms.The discipline of psychology has proved that human behaviour is scientific-ally observable and analysable. It explains the impact of art on the mind interms of the synchronized working of the left and right hemispheres of thebrain, that is, those areas controlling the rational and logical activities ofthe individual work together with those controlling the creative and theimaginative.2 Empirical and observational research has already shown1 H. Carter, 'Poetry and Society: Aspects of Shona, Old English and Norse Literature',Zambezia (1974), III, 11-25; G. Fortune, 'Shona traditional poetry1, ibid. (1971), II, 41-60; A. C.Hodza (comp.) and G. Fortune (trans, and ed.), Shona Praise Poetry (Oxford, Clarendon Press,The Oxford Library of African Literature, 1979); G. Kahari, 'The history of the Shona protestsong: A preliminary study', Zambezia (1981), IX, 79-101.2 A. Pasteur and T. Toldson, Roots of Soul: The Psychology of Black Expressiveness (NewYork, Anchor, 1982), 72.1TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHthat performing arts foster physical and mental health. It has beenestablished that anxiety may be a characteristic symptom of neurosis. It isnot clear, however, whether performed art is an actual therapy or a merecatalyst, or if oral art possesses curative or preventive qualities. If it is thelatter then modern poetry therapy is a rediscovery of the therapeuticvalue of the oral performance. This puts performed poetry in the limelightnot only as a living art but also as a health-giving practice.A noticeable characteristic of performed arts, such as dramatic orritual poetry, is that it has always involves the body, the emotions and themind as a unit. Interestingly enough, theories of psychotherapy recognizethat the unity of the body, the feelings and the intellect is fundamental tothe well-being of the individual. This unity has a bearing on how wellintegrated one feels oneself to be in one's society. It has also been observedthat children and adults who are deprived of art tend to suffer frominsecurity and mental instability. Various forms of art have been used inhospitals in the treatment of patients with neurotic and psychotic problems.Modern psychotherapists and psychologists have found a therapeuticvalue in lyrical poetry and music. Similarly, Hanna finds that there is atherapeutic potential in the expressive and deliberate rhythmic movementswhich are integrated to poetry and dance.3 She observes that when peoplemove synchronically they identify with each other. Their response to thesame art forms gives them a sense of unity. She also discovers thatrepetition of the same movement reduces inhibition which allows repressedfeelings to surface. Social and physical contact are found to reduce aggres-sion and counter withdrawal symptoms. Dance also synchronizes thelimbs, the imagination and the intellect. It makes the body function as asingle entity, reducing fragmentation of the body and the mind. Leedy andHaldane have found that this art has an ameliorating effect on manyphysical illnesses including colitis, migraine, asthma, low-back pain, sinus-itis, psychosis, neurosis and influenza.4Although a comparative analysis of Western-type therapy and Shonatherapy could be made, I do not attempt to do so here, neither do I wish todiscuss art therapy itself. Rather, the intention of this article is to showthat traditional Shona sung and danced poetry has a therapeutic potentialthroughout an individual's life from childhood to death. This perspectivelays due emphasis on the Shona world-view which is part of their psycho-logy. The traditional performing artist is his own patient and therapistand, because a performance usually involves two or more people, he isalso his fellow participants' patient and therapist.3 J. L, Hanna, 'African dance: Some implications for dance therapy', American Journal ofDance Therapy (1978), XI, 3-15.4 J. Leedy, What Poetry Is (Quebec, Ladysmith, 1970), 26.E. M. CHIWOMEThe performance of traditional Shona poetry is a holistic eventinvolving both serious and light-hearted activities. Poetry lends itself toritual and is often combined with other art forms such as music anddance. Traditional Shona poetry plays a part in the socialization of anindividual; it regulates individual relationships, the interaction betweenmembers of society and role definition. It is an art which deals withfeelings; its themes are human conflict, crises, unfulfilled and brokenwishes and hopes, as well as joys. The Shona traditional community isthus a poetic community and its poetry nurtures its members. In the lightof such observations Haasbroek hypothesizes that Shona poetry has healingpotential.5This may be observed in the very first type of poetry an individualencounters. Lullabies (nziyo dzokuvaraidza vand) calm children whenthey experience emotional and physical distress. As the mother or maidsings soothingly the music attracts and tranquillizes the restless baby.The effectiveness of lullabies is evident by their frequent use in oralcultures in many parts of the world. Among the Shona classic lullabies areMwana Ochema (The Child Is Crying'), Shanga Yangu Yawa ('My GrainHas Fallen Down') and Mwana Anochemei? ('Why Is the Child Crying?').There is an all-pervasive poetic genre in Shona traditional custom, thenhango. Nhango poetry, which has many sub-genres, is part of the estab-lished procedure for observing traditional customs. It is well known for itspower to socialize the young people and enable them to take on adultroles at the right time. The poetry mediates in secular and ritual procedurespromoting consensus and conformity. It promotes social cohesion. Itforms part of celebrations marking marriage and the birth of children andinforms the conduct of courtship, of drinking parties, of debates, of huntingand of law trials. Observance of the 'proper' ways of doing things givesone group identity. Lack of observance leads to castigation and possibleostracism and alienation. Children's dramatic lyrics are part of this sociali-zation process.Through poetry children are taught many aspects of adult life,especially those which are punctuated by rites of passage. The childrensing and act out roles which they are supposed to assume in maturity. Thefollowing song is one such example:6Leader: Pote poteChorus: SakariendeLeader: Ndinotsvaka wanguChorus: Sakariende5 J. Haasbroek, 'From Oracy to Literacy' (Salisbury, Univ. of Rhodesia, Dept. of AfricanLanguages, unpubl. lecture, 1970).6 This classic lyric is known in various versions throughout Mashonaland.TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHLeader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Musuki wendiroSakariendeAnodzichenesaSakariendeSomwedzi muchenaSakariendeSimuka hendePole poteSakariendeNdinotsvaka mangaSakariendeMukuyi wezviyoSakariendeAnozoitsetsetaSakariendeSimuka hendePote poteSakariendeNdinotsvaka wanguSakariendeMureri womwanaSakariendeAnomunyaradzaSakariendeGoing round and roundThat's why he's travellingI'm looking for my ownThat's why he's travellingWasher of platesThat's why he's travellingWho Welshes them clean.That's why he's travellingAs clean as full moon.That's why he's travellingStand up, let's go.Going round and roundThat's why he's travellingI'm looking for my ownThat's why he's travellingGrinder of cornThat's why he's travellingWho grinds it fineThat's why he's travellingStand up, let's 20.Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:E. M. CHIWOMEGoing round and roundThat's why he's travellingI'm looking for my ownThat's why he's travellingMaid for my childThat's why he's travellingWho soothes her.That's why he's travellingStand up, let's go.The leading singer, who can be either a boy or a girl, stands up andsings the first and every other line while the rest of the children who aresitting in a circle sing the chorus. As the leader sings the last line of theverse he chooses someone of the opposite sex who supposedly meets therequirements sung of in the verse. He sits down and the chosen childtakes over the leadership and in a similar fashion goes looking for apartner whose qualities are spelled out in the next verse. This songencourages free interaction between the sexes, which is an essentialaspect of a heterosexual society.Some children's songs fall into the category of nziyo dzamahumbwe(nursery songs). The following song is an example of this:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chours:Leader:Chorus:Leader:Chorus:Zirume ruvakoma tine mwoyo,HwentreKuswerondibikisa masikati,HwerureWareva seiko muramu?Ndareva neshungu dzomwoyo.My elder sister's husband is greedy,HwerureHe makes me cook for him in the afternoonHwerureWhat's the matter, sister-in-law?I am mad about it, brother-in-law.Other songs include Sarura Wako ('Select your mate') and Amai VaChido('Chido's Mother').7 These teach boys and girls the interdependence ofthe sexes and the complementarity of roles and of the status of husbandsand wives. Through them the children learn the social values of the widersociety. These values are learned in the security of the group, the samegroup which enforces the laws of the game, thus teaching its members theimportance of social acceptance and social control. Group dancing gives7 The full text of all these songs may be found in A. C. Hodza, Mitambo YavakomanaNavasikana Pasichigqwe (Harare, College Press, 1984), 51, 62, 67.TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHone group identity which is essential in a communal society. Althoughsuch dances do give dancers and singers a chance to distinguish themselvesin an art that is acknowledged by all participants, it is also very similar towhat the dance therapist Barbara Nassbaum terms 'group therapy'.8 Suchdances help children cope with stage fright which is necessary if they areto become effective public speakers and to participate meaningfully in theactivities of the community as adults.The performance may also provide a healthy outlet for excess energywhich is found at all ages. According to Freud, impulses which are sociallyunacceptable can be expressed in alternative ways.9 Some of the ways arehealthy while others can cause neurosis. Adolescent moonlight dances(nziyo dzavakomana navasikana pajenaguni) involving songs are sociallyacceptable as well as healthy ways of ridding performers of energy builtup from repressed feelings. In the dances boys and girls from neighbouringvillages come together and dance and sing late into the night. Some of thesongs deal with courtship, while others are expressive of more intimaterelationships. Jerusarema, mbende, chinyambera, shangara, jiti andmbakumba are the names of such dances. In them dancers rid themselvesof libidinal energy through lyrics and body movements which are suggestiveof the fulfilment of their desires. At the end of the vigorous dances, peopleretire to their homes in full substitute-satisfaction. In a way the fatiguehelps abate their desires which can have no immediate outlet. The samecan be said of the highly figurative nduri dzorudo (courtship poetry) whichallows the young people to express their romantic feelings in extravagantmetaphors and similes. The expressions, which can be mistaken by anoutsider as eroticism, are in fact useful in vocalizing and momentarilyridding the body of desires that may not be satisfied before marriage. Thisis an important psychological exercise in a situation where a strict moralitycould cause neurosis and crime.10The Shona also sing and dance for pleasure. Musical instrumentsusually accompany the songs to heighten the feeling of pleasure. Mbira(thumb-piano), ngoma (drum), marimba (xylophone), chigufe, (a flute-likeinstrument) chipendani (a bow instrument) and hosho (rattles) are someof the common traditional instruments used for this purpose.Village elders spend their leisure time listening to vanhu vane nyambo/ndyaringo (gifted speakers). The story-teller keeps his audience entertainedby his captivating and highly dramatic (even satiric) narratives and graphic8 Interview with Barbara Nassbaum, Harare, 1990.9 Freud, the father of modern psychoanalysis, relates neuroses evident in Europeanfamilies in his period of study to repressed instincts. He generalizes this observation into auniversal truth.10 This is the subject of Fanon's Manichaean psychology as expounded in H. A. Bulhan,Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression (New York, Plenum, 1985).E. M. CHIWOMEdescriptions whose focus can be social institutions, events, anecdotes,extended riddles and even dreams. The picturesque language approximatesreal life through its evocative language. Kinesthetic ideophones, idiomaticexpressions and proverbs are used extensively in such art.The poet Hamutyinei has transposed such tales into modern poetry.His poems largely contributed to the popularity of two anthologies, Ma-bvumira Enhetembo and Nhetembo11 among people who do not usuallyread or enjoy printed poetry. The poem Zinyoka Mugumbeze ('Big Snake inBed') is one such example:12Ndainge ndiri ishe zvake, Muzvinanyika,Ndiri ndoga chikara kubva kudoro.Chakanga chakandikiya kuti shwe,Hwahwa hwaVaMuchikunye chipanda.Ndaingunotsika matama enziraKudzadzarika.Svikei mugota mangu surururu,Rupasa rwangu chee, gumbeze pamusoro wazviona,Hope dzikati tasvikawo changamire,Hezvi ndava mungoro yavaShakabvu chinyeponyepoNdakatanga kunzwa kuti nyau nyau nyau.Chati chipepuka chikati nhasi,Iro gara riya tsvimbo nyoro ronditekenyedza,Roteseketera kupfuura napaguvhu rangu,Ndongonzwa kuti nyau nyau nyakata nhonhoo-nho.Kuti chipepuka wanei midzimu yandikaka mbira dzakondofieri rojakacha mugumbeze rangu pasinai mugombedzi,Ropikita kutsvaka zvinoda mwoyo waro.Rakazoti rava muhuro mangu zinyakatira,Phtngwa dzangu dzakaungana chiriporipoMeso angu kuti bhaa, hana kurova hecho chigayo.Ndakanyatsosimudza ruoko rwangu zvinyaiNdokuwerevedza kutsvaka musorowaro,Ndokuti tsvanzvadzirei, tsvanzvidzirei, tsvanzva!Ndokuti 'Makara asionani'!Ndiye tsuku tsuku tsuku. .. dzamara fototo.I was the chief, owner of the land,Alone from a beer-party.I was undone by beer,The beer was at Muchikunye's.11 Rhodesia Literature Bureau (comp.), Mabvumira Enhetembo (Gwelo, Mambo Press,1969), Nhetembo (Gwelo, Mambo Press, 1972); Rhodesia Literature Bureau (comp.).12 M. A. Hamutyinei, 'Zinyoka Mugumbezi', in Rhodesia Literature Bureau, MabvumiraEnhetembo, 25.TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHI was staggering along the path.I entered my hut,Spread the mat, got under the blanket,Sleep quickly visited me.I feigned death for a while.I started feeling a cold sensation.I couldn't wake up,The cold stick of the wilds was tickling me,It slithered past my navel.The sensation was very cold.I could not wake up, the ancestral spirits suppressed me.It surveyed my bed without being checked,It busily went on looking for the desires of its heart.When the cold was close to my neck,I suddenly recollected my thoughts,My eyes shot wide open, my heart beat very fast.Furtively, I moved my hand,I went on gropingAnd then we clashed!I stealthily groped for its head,searched and searched and then ...I said, 'two hostile forces have met!'I squashed and squashed and squashed ... until it stopped wriggling.The narrator describes his drunken return from a beer party and hisencounter with a snake in his bed, painting a vivid picture of a drunkenman staggering home, making his bed and going to sleep. Next he describeshow he was swiftly shaken out of stupor and inebriation by a cold sensationwhich he identified as a poisonous snake. He then boasts how he takes thesnake by surprise and squeezes it to death.The poem takes the reader or audience through an intense fearfulexperience of encountering a snake at close quarters. The reader empath-izes with the narrator and the tension experienced by the narrator isrelived by the reader. The build-up and subsequent release of tensionexperienced in the reading (or hearing) of the poem relieves the audienceof boredom or bad temper. This was the function of such poetry at thevillage council (dare).Enjoyment of the poem may also be derived from the double meaningsuggested in the word used for snake; 'zinyoka', apart from its literalmeaning, may also be a penis. When interpreted accordingly the meaningof the poem changes, reducing the encounter to a ridiculous, drunken,self-victimization. (High-school students tend to enjoy the second inter-pretation most.)Modern psychotherapy observes that humour is a powerful antidoteto anxiety. Expressing one's anxieties may also be effective in relievingE. M. CHIWOMEthem. For example, in Shona tradition when a woman marries she leavesher home and joins that of her husband. She is expected by custom torespect and be subservient to her mother-in-law, who often competes withher daughter-in-law for the love and attention of her son. She is oftennaggingly critical and hard to live with and she may often scold thedaughter-in-law. Since the mother-in-law is a highly respected person(munyarikani), she cannot be openly challenged or reproached by herdaughter-in-law. The daughter-in-law may, however, sing out her grievancesin a critical poetic song known as nheketerwa or jikinyira Š even if hermother-in-law is within earshot. The following song is one such example ofthe nheketerwa song:13Vamwene vangu godo vanaroVamwene vangu godo vanaroNdiende kuhuni zvonzi tutsotso.Ndiende kumvura zvonzi mabvongwe.Ndigeze zvangu zvonzi ipfambi.Ndirege kugeza zvonzi ipfende.My mother-in-law is jealousMy mother-in-law is jealousIf I fetch firewood she says its too thin.If I fetch water she says its muddy.If I bathe she says I'm a prostitute.If I do not bathe she says I'm filthy.The song is sung while grinding corn. It enables the annoyed womanto release her pent-up feelings both by singing and by vigorously grindingcorn. This aggressive work-song helps her to cope with her mother-in-law's criticism and fosters the peaceful co-existence that is essential incommunal village life. (It may also persuade the mother-in-law to try to bemore accommodating to her daughter-in-law's seeming imperfections.)Such verbalization of anger is termed displacement or ventilation; tranquil-lity and self-restraint are the results of such displacement.Similarly conflicts arising from polygamous marriages or extendedfamily situations which are common in traditional Shona culture may alsobe verbalized in poetry; for example, women may express criticism of thebehaviour of their husbands and of each other, as is the case in IgnatiusZvarevashe's poem NdezvaVaNyachide ('The Goodies Are for the Favourite[wife]'), a written poem which closely resembles this genre of oral poetry:14131 remember this song being sung in my childhood in the Chivi District, MasvingoProvince, in the 1950s and 1960s.14 Rhodesia Literature Bureau (comp.), Nhetembo, 51.10 TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHVaNdingoveni mumvuri wavashe,Changowanikwa chopiwa vashe,Hwenyu hwava hweguyo nehuyoIni ndava ndekedzerwa yenyu.Rinodyirwa nenyama nderaVaNyachideRinozipa souchi nderaVaNyachide.Rangu zvangu rinopiwa mambwa avashe.Harinaki asi iro raVaNyachide.Mwana anobatwa waVaNyachide,Wangu anorezverwa kuzvigunwe.Munda unomemwa ndewaVaNyachide.Munogatwa mumba ndomaVaNyachide,Meguuriro munogarwa nepwere,Vaeni vebvupa gobvuNdavaNyachide,Vedzimba nhete vanosairirwa kuguuriro.VaNyachide vagara rugare nomuhuro;Ini nenhamo ndoshungurudzwa.Chava chigumegume chaMandiwanisa,Svosvi yashe yaipnga musuo nechihuri chenyama.Miss Let-it-always-be-me is the shade for the husband,Whatever is found is given to the husband,Your relationship is that of a grinding stone and an upper grinding stoneI'm your chattel.The favourite wife serves her sadza with meat.It's the favourite wife's sadza which is as sweet as honey,My sadza is served to the husband's dogs,Mine is tasteless, the favourite's is delicious.Only the favourite's field is tended.The favourite's child is caressed,Mine is only slightly tickled on the toes.The husband lives in the favourite's hut,Only children live in the unloved one'sImportant visitors are entertained in the favourite's hut,Poor ones are driven to mine.The favourite is enjoying all the comfort.I'm depressed by this predicament.But I know its 'Mandiwanisa's happiness',The favourite wife of the chief who would latch the door with biltong.1515 This proverbial expression comes from a well-known anecdote about a woman calledMandiwanisa whose husband is so liberal that she becomes extravagant. Such allusions arevery common in Shona critical poetry where morals are derived from actual experiences ofpeople in the neighbourhood.E. M. CHIWOME 11Here an irate woman criticizes her husband's favourite wife. She is bitterabout her husband's attention to his other wife which has led to hisneglect of her. This grievance is a common cause of stress in a polygamousfamily. Ideally, the husband is supposed to give equal attention to all hiswives but frequently he prefers one, to the displeasure of the other(s).Instead of breaking down in tears or engaging in a physical confrontation,the wife articulates her anger in anheketerwa which releases her emotionaltension by verbalizing and thus exteriorizing her frustration.Nheketerwa can also be useful in political circles allowing the peopleto criticize their chief and vice versa. If the people are confronted by apredicament of unusual magnitude and they fail to get guidance from theirchief, they can express their displeasure about his failure to perform hisduty. The poetry reconciles the chief and his subjects, modifying the love-hate relationship which is inherent in such a political structure. Thepoetry is referred to as Kutuka mambo (correcting a chief) and the reverseis called Kurayiwa kwaVanhu namambo (the admonishing of subjects by achief). Greater literary freedom of expression after the attainment ofIndependence created more latitude for the use of this mode of expressionand some post-Independence Shona novelists and poets have producedand continue to produce works within the traditional genre criticizingpolitical institutions. Even if the art does not directly lead to any change inthe status quo it nevertheless provides an outlet for a great deal offrustration, anger and disillusionment with the new order.The threshing song (rumbo rwejakward) is another poetic sub-genre.The jakwara is a post-harvest communal grain-threshing party which isaccompanied by beer and singing. The jakwara songs are characterizedby ribaldry and lewdness which is a unique feature in the songs of asociety which is characterized by a strict code of ethics and verbal modesty.The following Karanga song is an intriguing example of a rumbo nuejakwara:16ChimboroniChandanonga muguyo?ChimboroniChandanonga muguyo?ChimboroniChandanonga muguyo?What type of penis is this?That I picked up under the grinding stone?What type of penis is thisThat I picked up under the grinding stone?What type of penis is thisThat I picked up under the grinding stone?16 This song used to be sung at threshing parties in the Chivi District in the 1960s.12 TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHA similar work-song was recorded from a group of married women inChipinge who had been conscripted to work for a couple of weeks on ruralroads.17 This entailed leaving their homes and being accommodated at thechief's homestead. They sang the song to any man who passed by theirworking party. As they sang they charged at him, tried to overpower andundress him and challenged him to make love to all of them. Aftertormenting and embarrassing him they would then release him. The songhelped them to express their libido which had built up as a result of beingaway from their husbands for an extended period. Such a work-song issimilar to the jakwara songs in which people are allowed to sing aboutvillage scandals, rumours and secrets. Such secrets are termed chihwerure.They may not be repeated in any other social context and neither can theybe used to incriminate anyone if they involve a criminal offence. Suchsongs help people who are burdened with secrets and with rebellious andeven vindictive feelings to express them in a controlled manner whileengaging in an economically productive activity.Religious poetry is useful in coping with fears which stem from Shonabeliefs about good and evil. Incantations by a traditional healer (n 'anga)are recited in the diagnosis and treatment of illnesses (kushopera nokumpd)and at inquests (gatd). As the n'anga throws his divining sticks (hakatd)16he recites an incantation which is similar to the one that follows:19Nhai van kumhepo,Mukuru an pano anochema nerokutiHaazivi chakadya mwana wake.Mwana anga an mukukute zvakadai agomedzwa nei?[anorvva hakata]Usahwanda zvako sen komunweUyo! Uyo!Buda zvako pachena tikuone.Nhasi watatapurana nezvisingabviri,Ndingopika naamai vangu vanoera here.[Akadzungudza musom otoraHakata dzake odzirovanisazve]Daka ndereiko?Chemaka tinzwe.Unonoeiko?[Pava kacha]17 Recorded in Chipinge in 1989 by H. Dhlakama, an undergraduate research assistant inthe 'Oral Traditions of Zimbabwe' project led by A. J. C. Pongweni, C. Dube and E. Chiwome.18 Hakata may be sticks, stones or cowrie shells depending on the area of Mashonaland inwhich the n'anga practises.19 J. Gombe, 'The Language of Purposeful Shona Gatherings' (Salisbury, Univ. of ZimbabweDept. of African Languages and Literature, M.Phil, thesis, 1981), 139-40.E. M. CHIWOME 13Uu mhanduwe,Nyaya iri pano yakakora muto.Muvhimi wenyu ari makare mumusha menyu.Ndiri kuona kuti munhu wenyu akaita zvokuposwa.Paairwara anga asingati gumbo rangugumbo rangu,' here?You who are in the spirit world,This elder who is hereIs complaining that he does not know what killed his child.What could have swallowed such a healthy person?[He throws his hakata again]Do not hide behind a fingerThere you are! There you are!Come out in the open for us to see you!Today you have challenged the invincible.I swear by my mother of the hyena totem.[He shakes his head, picks up the hakata then throws them again]What caused this irreconcilable hatred?Spell that out!What are you striving for?[The hakata clatter on the ground]Sir, the case that is before me is a serious one.Your enemy is there in your village.I can see that your child was bewitched.When he was suffering was he not saying 'Oh my leg! Oh my leg!'In this example the diviner is conducting a post-mortem in accordancewith the funeral rites at the request of the bereaved family. He identifiesthe death as the result of witchcraft on the part of someone from thevillage. This is an acceptable solution to the consultants as it is widelybelieved that witchcraft is a frequent cause of deaths. In this way then'anga expresses the villagers' fears and tensions which they cannotexpress without threatening peace and harmony. The fear and sense ofinsecurity caused by the occurrence of death is dispelled by the n 'anga,who not only threatens the witch with death but also assures the consul-tants that the cause of the death is under control.Some diviners and 'prophets' are possessed by spirits. While underpossession (kusvikirwd) the n 'anga becomes a mediator between the deadand the living and his diagnostic and healing incantations bridge the gapbetween the natural and supernatural. Illnesses are believed to be causedby natural and unnatural causes. Unnatural causes are handled with thehelp of diviners who can intervene on behalf of patients. Evil has to beexpelled or ancestral spirits appeased as part of the long-term cure ofpatients. These incantations give the living the confidence that the universeis under control. They create a sense of oneness with the universe with14 TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHthe n'anga as the contact point. Various ceremonies to appease aggrievedancestors and herbal treatments follow this satisfactory explanation ofthe cause and treatment of the ailment. Divination poetry (jnaga nama-zembera en'anga) gives the sick person confidence and helps him to copewith his ailment and thus facilitates his recovery. Possession gives esteemto the spirit medium or n'anga who could otherwise be considered anordinary person.In the countryside rural people organize dance-song festivals after theharvest to thank the ancestors. A good harvest is attributed to the ancestorswho are believed to prevent drought and to guard the crops against birds,insect plagues, animals and rival farmers who are believed to use charms(divisi) to achieve a good harvest at the expense of others. Such festivalscelebrate a victory over natural and supernatural forces. Some poetrywhich is recited on the occasion encourages the ancestors to rememberto perform their duties to the community. Such poetry helps the agrariansociety to overcome problems they encounter in tilling the land andmanaging crops.The Shona also recite and sing poetry to the spirit of the deceasedfamily member in the kurova guva ritual which takes place a year after thedeath and burial of a respectable family man. It is believed that when sucha man dies his spirit stays in limbo or wanders around until the performanceof this ritual which reunites him with the family, including living and deadrelatives. The performance of these rites helps to reconcile the minds ofthe living to the eventuality of death and helps dispel the pain of bereave-ment and the fear of death. The poetry which is recited on such occasionsis called nhembo or kudemba. Its themes are the expression of sorrow andanger at the death of a loved one and at those forces which are believed tobe the messengers of death. In participating in a ritual the people are ableto give their pent-up feelings verbal expression and the ceremony rids theparticipants of tension which could interfere with their health. The twomodes of therapy observed to be at work in this ritual are catharsis andparadox mediation. The death ritual re-affirms the value of life.The Shona have a long tradition of war songs (nziyo dzehondo), someof which were a great help in fighting the war of liberation. One suchexample is as follows:20Wafa wamva toisa musendere.Wafa wamva toisa musendere.Wafa woyere toisa musendere.Wafa nehondo toisa musendere.20 This war song was sung in the Masvingo Province In the 1960s by supporters of schoolsoccer teams.E. M. CHIWOME 15One who dies is gone we bury him.One who dies is gone we bury him.One who dies is buried.One who dies in battle is buried.In this song the soldiers anticipate death in battle but sing about theirfears and in so doing create a defence mechanism that insulates their mindsfrom the fear of death and reconciles them to danger. The Ndau people ofChipinge adopted an elaborate war song-dance, entitled Muchongoyo, whichwas originally danced by the conquering Nguni tribe led by Soshangananeat the beginning of the nineteenth century. In the dance warriors sing andenact a battle. They dance themselves into a frenzy, attack an imaginaryenemy, leap and charge, thrust their spears and clubs, and impersonatedying opponents. So, instead of waiting in fear to start a battle, the warriorssing and dance and their fear is replaced by courage. The dance is also anenactment of the military virtues which soldiers should possess. Thestrain arising from the fear of facing a hostile and possibly more powerfularmy is sublimated by such a dance and it also inspires them to want todefend the interests of their ethnic group.Muchongoyo is similar to 'boast poetry' which is recited before a fightin order to intimidate one's adversaries. The boasts are formulaic praisesof ancient fighters and are intended to transform timid men into bravefighters. Such poetry may be used to try and win the fight at a mental levelbefore it starts physically or even to help to scare the enemy off and avertthe encounter altogether. This partly explains the prevalence of pungwesduring the liberation war.21 At the pungwe people sang political songs ofdefiance to encourage themselves to fight. This encouragement was veryimportant to people who were not just fighting well-armed troops but whowere also suffering from an inferiority complex which was the result ofracial oppression.Hunting songs (nziyo dzokuvhima/dzechidzimba) have more or lessthe same function as war-songs. To hunters, the forest is an ambivalentsymbol of providence and uncertainty: the same forest which providesthem with meat also shelters man-eating beasts. Although hunting is adangerous enterprise men must hunt in order to provide their familieswith meat. Before uncontrolled hunting was interpreted as poaching andthus prohibited by modern law hunters recited poetry to enlist the help ofthe spirits who, according to their world-view, control game. Among thehunters would be a few men who were believed to be possessed by a shavi21 A pungwe was an all-night political seminar featuring anti-imperialist songs. They werepart of the guerrillas' political awareness campaign among the peasants during the war ofliberation from the mid-1960s to 1979. Pungwes also formed part of their system of psychologicalwarfare.16 TRADITIONAL SHONA POETRY AND MENTAL HEALTHspirit which was believed to distinguish them as celebrated hunters(hombarume). A successful hunt was enacted at the beginning of theexpedition and the songs and recitations gave both the experts and ordinaryhuntsmen the confidence to venture out and even to provoke dangerousanimals. Without the ritual dance hunters would worry about danger andpossible misfortune.Poetry therapy is not confined to the rural areas. Migrant labourersalso use it to acclimatize themselves to the alien city environment whichis socially and psychologically at variance with the rural life-style to whichthey are accustomed. For example, Solomon Mutswairo wrote poetry inorder to cope with homesickness while he lived in Natal, South Africa, inthe 1940s. This is evident in his poem Makomo eNyota ('The NyotaMountains'):22Anoyevedza sei makomo eNyotaAkashongedza nyika yaMambo Chiweshe!Zvinondifadza sei kana ndichirotaNdiri mhiri yaSawi pedyo nokwaGweshe!Kunyange ndova kure nenyika yeNyotaNdichiri nyika dzino dzinenge masowi,Zvinondifadza sei kana ndichirotaNdiri mhiri kwaGweshe, pedyo kuna Sawi!Lovely are the Nyota mountainsThat grace Chief Chiweshe's area!Happy am I to dreamOf the land beyond Sawi near Gweshe!Although I may be far from the Nyota areaAs I am now in this unreal land,I am filled with happiness as I dream,Of the land beyond Gweshe, near Sawi!In this poem homesickness is expressed through the portrayal of an idyllicimage of the Chiweshe area (situated in the Mazowe valley). Reading orreciting the poem becomes a way of coping with feelings of isolation andloneliness.In many towns and cities the migrant workers gather in recreationcentres during the weekends and sing and dance to the traditional musicof their distant home area. In this way they temporarily dispel the stressarising from the necessity of adapting to an alien urban existence andmaintain a living link with their roots.22 S. M. Mutswairo, Zimbabwe: Prose and Poetry (Washington, Three Continents, 2nd edn1979), 142.E. M. CHIWOME 17When people from the same Communal Lands sing and dance togetherthey experience a sense of belonging which is essential for their continuedexistence in the city. In so doing they dance out their fear of the city andattempt to stamp their identity on an alien environment, showing thatthey are coping with new challenges. New songs about the nature of citylife are also composed and form new dances. These songs help the rural-based sojourners to come to grips with the ways of the city quickly.Modern writers who have left their home areas to settle in the cities or inother countries have written poetry to cope with similar problems ofdisplacement. Many popular songs are composed to help modern Shonapeople cope with the sense of spiritual exile that comes with modernityand superficial political change. Thomas Mapfumo, a popular Zimbabweansongwriter, has given such music the name Chimurenga23 because of itsprotest and nostalgic nature. The same can be said of modern writerssuch as Joseph Kumbirai, Chirikure Chirikure and Samuel Chimsoro whohave often been termed crisis and protest artists.Research should be undertaken to establish the actual therapeuticvalue of Shona performed art so as to find how it could be used in rehabilita-tion programmes as well as in primary health programmes. This indigenousand readily available resource could be incorporated in the treatment ofstress-related illnesses to complement modern and often scarce drugs.This claim is echoed by the musicologist, John Nketia:Poetry (along with other arts) whether it be good or bad and at whatever level ofcrudity and refinement exists to fulfil a necessary biological function for asymbolizing class of life, that of helping to maintain psychological health andequilibrium.24In this way singers, composers and performers of poetry could find them-selves making a more meaningful and valuable contribution to the nation.23 Chimurenga Is the popular name for the war of liberation fought against the Whitesettlers In Zimbabwe. It was fought in two phases, the first in the 1890s and the second in the1960s and 1970s. Oral tradition has it that the name derives from Murenga, a legendary figurewho is believed to be one of the progenitors of the Shona people. He was such a great fighterthat brave men were described as being possessed by his spirit (Mweya waMurengei). Thecollective resistance of the Shona people was thus named Chimurenga. For the same reasonThomas Mapfumo named his political protest-songs Chimurenga.» J. H. Nketia, The Music of Africa (New York, Norton, 1974), 22.