Zambezia (1994), XXI (ii).THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH ANDTHE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEP. GUNDANIDepartment of Religious Studies, Classics and PhilosophyUniversity of ZimbabweAbstractThe adoption o/kurova guva as official liturgy by the Roman Catholic Churchin Zimbabwe in 1982 can be attributed to various forces within and outside it.The radicalization of the Catholic Association, a lay Catholic organizationfounded in 1934, during the nascent period of nationalism in Zimbabwe,provides one explanation. This lay movement not only found impetus in thegrowing cultural consciousness expressed in African nationalism; it alsofound a willing ally in the few Black clergy, the first of whom were ordainedonly in 1947, who were struggling to have their voice heard by the missionaryclergy and hierarchy. The Black diocesan clergy later became a force toreckon with in the Roman Catholic Church in Zimbabwe, from 1972 whenthey formed the National Association of Diocesan Clergy (NADC). This papertraces the change that took place in the church when the Catholic Association,in conjunction with the NADC and other lay members in the church steeredthe theological discourse which culminated in the adoption o/'kurova guva.The paper also investigates how the Vatican Council II teachings on liturgicaldevelopment provided the matrix to the discourse. This paper argues thatkurova guva represents a classic case of the dynamic interaction between thegospel and culture in Africa. It also argues that the process of change whichresulted in the new liturgy was unique within 'historical churches' in thesense that it started from the bottom and not from the top.THE RITUAL INTEGRATION of the deceased's spirit as an ancestor to the family(kurova guva) is viewed as one of the biggest doctrinal problems that theRoman Catholic Church in Zimbabwe ever faced.1 However, the ultimateacceptance of the kurova guva rituals as an approved liturgical practice inthe Church, has become a much bigger doctrinal and liturgical successthan most other adaptations.2This paper investigates the dynamics and factors that favoured orinhibited the process of change which finally resulted in the adoption ofthe rite of kuchenura munhu as an official Catholic rite in 1982.1 Fr. Alapont (SMI), 'Liturgy in an African", Paper on liturgy, Gen/Sec File, RhodesiaCatholic Bishops' Conference (RCBC), 2.2 Many interviewees ranging from bishops, priests, and lay Catholics echo this sentiment.123124 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEFirstly, we will examine the extent to which the second Vatican Council(1962-65) provided the impetus and framework for the Catholic Church inZimbabwe (then Rhodesia), to engage in the process of indigenizing theliturgy. Three distinct 'interest groups' within the Catholic Church inRhodesia will be crucial in the discussion: these are the White missionaryclergy, the Black indigenous clergy, and the Black laity. Of particularinterest will be to establish the contribution that each 'interest group'made towards the new rite.Secondly, we will investigate the extent to which the local Zimbabweanmilieu, especially the political struggle for the transfer of power from aWhite minority to the Black majority, influenced the theological discoursein the Roman Catholic Church of the 1960s and 1970s. However, beforegoing into these issues, it is necessary to shed some light on the Shonapeoples' beliefs surrounding death and the hereafter as well as therelationship between the living and the dead.DEATH AND THE DEAD AMONG THE SHONAThe Shona people, like many other African peoples, view death as an evilthat shatters the relationships in the family and the clan. Death is frighteningand brings with it confusion and uncertainty, not only to the family but tothe community at large.Immediately after death, the spirit of the deceased is considered'unpredictable and dangerous'.3 Consequently, the rites that are performedby the living relatives are based on the belief that the deceased's spiritleaves the body and continues to live. This life is, however, defined primarilyin terms of the influence of the deceased on the community he or she hasleft behind. The initial rituals that are performed immediately after deaththerefore 'emphasise separation of the deceased from the community'4and aim to ensure that 'the spirit does not find its way back to thehomestead to worry the living it has left behind'.5 People cannot associatewith it until such time as a ritual has been performed to welcome it intothe family as a spirit elder, and to induct it into the community of the spiritancestors. This is the ritual called kurova guva or magadziro or kuchenura.6Kurova guva often takes place between six months and two years afterburial.7 Apart from the two aims referred to above, the ritual is also3 M. F. C. Bourdillon, 'Traditional religion in Shona society', in A. J. Dachs (ed.), ChristianitySouth of the Zambezi, 1 (Gwelo, Mambo Press, 1973), 11.4 M. F. C. Bourdillon, Religion and Society (Gweru, Mambo Press, 1991), 44.5 Ibid.6 J. Kumbirai, 'Kurova guva and Christianity", in M. F. C. Bourdillon (ed.). Christianity Southof the Zambezi, 2 (Gwelo, Mambo Press, 1977), 124.7 Rev. Mafurutu, RCBC, Pastoral Service Supplement (June 1972). I, 1.P. GUNDANI 125associated with the final dissolution of the deceased's estate, theinheritance of widows and the installation of the new family head whocarries the name of the deceased.8Because of the perceived importance of the ritual of kurova guva, theliving descendants of the deceased do their best to facilitate the spirit'shome-coming. There are many steps taken before and after the actualkurova guva. We will briefly refer to the significance of these steps below.i) GataThe family of the deceased consult a diviner (the thrower of the dice,hakata) in order to establish the desires of the spirit.9 Another reason forgoing to the gata at this stage is to find out whether the grave wasdesecrated. If such violation occurred, there is need to rectify the anomalybefore performing the kurova guva.ii) Consecrating the milletIn the presence of the members of the family, the officiant, who in mostcases is the eldest partenal aunt of the deceased, mixes millet in a pot(kubata zviyo). She tells the deceased that the millet is for his or her beer.She also informs the deceased that he or she is about to be inducted intothe family and the world of the ancestors.10 This ritual is the first step inthe brewing of beer for the kurova guva ceremony.iii) Consecration of beer and the victimsOn the eve of the kurova guva ceremony, few other rituals are performed.These include the formal presentation of beer and one or two animalvictims. The victim is either killed at the homestead or driven to the graveto be sacrificed.11iv) Procession to the graveAfter offering the victim to the deceased, family members and close friendsprocess to the grave. Before anybody approaches the grave, the ritualfriend (sahwird) or nephew (muzukuru) sprinkles the grave with watermixed with medicine obtained from the diviner. The purpose of this ritualis to resacralize the grave which may have been desecrated by witches.128 J. Kumbirai, 'Kurova guva', 123.9 Rev. Mafurutu, RCBC, Pastoral Supplement, 2.1(1 Ibid.11 E. Magava, 'African customs connected with the burial of the dead in Rhodesia", inDachs (ed.), Christianity South of the Zambezi, 1, 155.12 Rev. Mafurutu RCBC, Pastoral Supplement, 2.-126 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEAt the grave, close relatives are invited to make a formal address tothe spirit. This is followed by pouring beer libations on the grave. This actsignifies the fellowship (udyidzani) between the living members of thefamily and the spirit being welcomed home.13If a victim is to be sacrificed at the graveyard, it is then slaughtered,skinned, roasted and some of the meat offered to the spirit while the restwould be shared among those present. After this people go back homecelebrating the home-coming of the spirit.Back in the homestead, the family elder addresses the spirit andinforms it that the family have done their duty to bring it home. It is thengiven a pot of beer which is shared with those participating. More dancingand beer-drinking follows.Once inducted into the family, the spirit can now be honoured in thehome. Beer can be brewed in honour of the spirit and whenever otherfamily ancestors are honoured (bira) the name of this spirit is alsoinvoked.14v) The inheritance ceremony (nhaka)According to Bourdillon, 'the general principle... is that a man's personalname and position can be inherited only by a son, but his position as headof a large family group may be inherited by a younger brother'.15 At theceremony attended by the deceased's brothers, aunts and nephews, thewidows are expected to accept an inheritor as the husband. If the widowsdo not wish to be inherited by a kinsman of their late husband then themarriage is dissolved.16As part of the inheritance process, the widows were often required toundergo a ritual test called kudarika uta. This was meant to show that theyhad remained faithful to their dead husband and his family.17Once an inheritor was accepted by the widows he would be expectedto perform the duties that were placed upon him by virtue of his newstatus. The first duty is to lead the distribution of the deceased's estate tothe appropriate kin.18 This ceremony concludes the kurova guva.The value of the ritualsThe major importance of the rituals surrounding kurova guva is to dramatizethe common bond between the living and the dead. They underscore andreassert the Shona people's most cherished value of community. Through13 Interview with Mr Maturure, Mukaro, 28 Aug. 1991.14 M. F. C. Bourdillon, The Shona Peoples (Gweru, Mambo Press, 1987), 212.15 Ibid., 216. is Ibid., 215.17 Ibid. i« Ibid.P. GUNDANI 127the rituals of kurova guva the deceased and the living are reunited.Bourdillon, however, makes an apt observation when he says that apartfrom the manifest purpose of kurova guva, there is a latent function, whichis 'to help the living to cope with death and perhaps to overcome theconflicts of inheritance'.19MISSION CHURCHES AND SHONA TRADITIONAL FUNERARY RITUALSWhen the Jesuit missionaries began their work in Matabeleland in 1879they were convinced of the liberating power of the Scriptures. Theydemanded 'not only a break with the traditional religious systems, butalso an abandonment of the African background'.20 After the defeat of theShona by the British South Africa Company in the 1896-7 Chimurenga war,most missions began to enforce regulations on Catholics at mission farmsagainst Shona practices. Proscribed practices included beer-drinking,polygyny, ancestral veneration and traditional dancing.21With regard to kurova guva, the early missionaries taught that to takepart in it was a grave sin. Taking part in the ceremonies was understood tobe participation in 'ancestral worship' and therefore contrary to the firstcommandment.22 The Chishawasha Catechism explicitly condemned thekurova guva ceremony.23 However, the missionaries apparently saw norelationship between the traditional burial rituals and the kurova guvaceremony and there is no documentary evidence to show that the formerwere banned.Although the catechism condemned kurova guva, many Jesuitmissionaries remained hopeful that the custom would die a natural death.24To their dismay, the practice continued unabated. Such a lapse into thenon-Christian ('pagan') habits was met with austere measures such asexpulsion from sacraments, prohibition from entering the church duringmass, or relegation to the back of the church when admitted.25 Thestrongest disciplinary measure taken against those who did not obey themission regulations was eviction from the Mission farm.26 At Chishawasha,19 Bourdillon, Religion and Society, 45.211 N. Bhebe, 'Missionary activity among the Ndebele and Kalanga, A survey', in Dachs(ed.), Christianity South of the Zambezi, I, 45.21 Ibid., 46.22 J. Dachs and W. Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe (Gwelo, Mambo Press, 1979). 9.23 Chishawasha Catechism (Salisbury, Chishawasha Press, 1934), Question 85.24 Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 244.25 Ibid.26 Bhebe, 'Missionary activity among the Ndebele and Kalanga', 46.Ł128 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEthe late Fr. Collin Zhuwawo notes, 'Fr. H. Quinn ... took the (kurova guvd)ban very seriously and as a result many families were evicted fromChishawasha between 1930 and 1932 for not keeping the ban'.27The African Catholics' responseThere was resistance to the ban on kurova guva from Shona Catholics.28Many Catholics viewed the prohibitions by missionaries as a negation of'the very essence of their (Shona) understanding of the spiritual world'.29It is within the context of the violated spirituality of the Shona that we canunderstand the resistance that emanated from Shona Catholics regardingkurova guva.The resistance often took subtle secretive forms.30 For instance, manyCatechumens and full members promised not to perform the ritual but,when death occurred in the family, they would secretly perform orparticipate in the kurova guva. Expulsion from the mission farm waspainful but it did not necessarily deter the practice. Some left the missionfarms and, indeed, the Church. However, the majority discovered otherways of continuing the practice without being detected by the missionarypriest.31Some Catholics developed compromise rituals which were heldpublicly, camouflaged by new rites, commonly called 'musande', or'bavhadheyi' or 'bigidina' depending on area.32 Before the ceremonies, apriest would be invited to come and bless the grain for the beer which wasto be brewed for the participants' consumption. At the ceremony thepriest was also asked to conduct a service of Christian prayers, mostlyextemporaneous, and hymns.33 At this ceremony both Christian and non-Christian relatives and friends would be invited to feast in honour of thespirit of the dead. This took place at the Christian village.Other Catholics, however, developed different ways from the onereferred to above.27 C. Zhuwawo, 'An Investigation of the VaShawasha Kurooa Guva Ceremony and theCatholic Teaching on Life After Death', Cf. Chishawasha Mission Archives at the Jesuit Archives,Box 1H7, File 3 (Harare, University of Zimbabwe, B.A. (Hons) dissertation, 1990), 25.28 Rev. Kapito, Report on Kuchenura Munhu Catechism, RCBC Gen/Sec. File Kg 78FMM, 2.29 Kumbirai, 'Kurova guva', 127.Ł ^ Kapito, Kuchenura Munhu, 2.Ł 3> Ibid.Ł 32 (i) Musande Š the feast in respect of the personal saint of the deceased Christian.fl (ii) Bavhadheyi or bigidina Š (lit). Feast or birthday feast, characterized by lots of eating,H drinking and dancing, cf. Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 9, and Kumbirai,B 'Kurova guva', 127.P. GUNDAN1 129These Christians, instead of performing kurova guva on the (mission) estate, . . .took some soil from the grave of the deceased in the mission cemetery and wentwith it to the Tribal Trust Lands (communal lands). When they got there the familythat wanted to perform kurova guva ritual killed a black goat and cut its head offand with some soil which they brought from the mission cemetery buried thegoat's head in a new grave.34This practice is known as 'kutora mudzimu' (i.e taking away the spiritof the deceased). In the traditional context such a ritual was performed byfamilies that were emigrating to far off places. The idea was to have theirancestors emigrate with them to the new place where they were going tosettle. However, the ritual was a sign that the members still cherished theancestor's protection.35 Taking away the spirit from the mission cemeteryto their original homes for a second burial enabled the Catholics on themission farms to honour their dead without incurring the wrath of themissionary priests, which invariably led to eviction. The kurova guvaceremony would take place in the communal lands over the weekend andthe priests at the mission were left in the dark regarding the ceremony.36The priests, particularly the mission superior, had the power to evictthe Catholic tenants from the farm. This meant loss of the 'new' life thatthe tenant had grown accustomed to. Evidently it was because of thepriest's capacity to accept or expel African tenants on a Mission farm thatthese clandestine forms of kurova guva were developed.Not much dialogue regarding policy issues or the African's spiritualconcerns took place. A new situation had to develop before a new mentalityemerged.The Catholic Association and its roleFrom the late fifties and early sixties some more directed oppositionagainst the ban on kurova guva came from the Catholic Association (CA).This was a Black lay organization that was founded in 1934.37 The CAbecame nationwide in 1955 and grew by 1961 to include over 5 000 paid upmembers.38 From the late fifties and early sixties, when few Black34 Kapito, Kuchenura Munhu, 2.35 Interview with Mr Makanyire, Nov. 26 1991; Also, Mr Manhondo of Gokomere referred toa case that he personally knew In which this was done, 29 Aug. 1990.36 Kapito, Kuchenura Munhu, 2.37 Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 193.38 Ibid., 194. See also CA Territorial Council Meetings, 1955 Š Apostolate of the Laity,Diocese of Harare Archives.130 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEindigenous priests were ordained, the CA invited some to say mass attheir congresses and the annual general meetings.39 Notable among theearliest African priests were Joseph Kumbirai and Raymond Kapito, whowere also asked to give talks on the Church's relationship to culture. Atthese forums the question of kurova guva 'came up again and again'.40 TheCA members are said to have persistently expressed their discontent atthe church's stance against the African ways of honouring their deceasedparents and relatives. They wanted the ban on kurova guva lifted and theChurch to give them guidance on how to practise the ritual in a Christianway.41There are a number of reasons that might explain this growing anxietyfor the Church to give guidance on how to practice kurova guva in aChristian way. Firstly, the fifties and sixties were associated with a militantnationalism that was to leave an impact on the social and religious scenein colonial Zimbabwe. After the collapse of the 1961 constitutionalarrangements some mission schools and churches, including RomanCatholic churches, were attacked and burnt in civil disorders.42 This wasapparently because of the late Archbishop Francis Markall's call onCatholics to vote in the 1961 elections.43 Markall called specifically onCatholic leaders, Robert Mugabe and Leopold Takawira to encourageBlacks to vote. However, only very few people voted.44 The Bishop's callmay have strengthened many Catholics' thinking that the Church identifiedwith the colonial state and colonial structures. A few CA leaders led byAmbrose Majongwe resigned and joined politics on a full time basis as aresult.45 The CA took advantage of this political situation to drive homethe need for reform in the church.Secondly, at the beginning of this period of nationalistic awakening, in1958, Pope John XXIII made an announcement on the need for reform inthe Church. He also announced the convening of the Second VaticanCouncil and called for the whole Church to prepare for it. Since the CA washeaded by Black educated Catholics, mainly teachers and trade unionists,the new wind blowing from Rome influenced them to be more forceful intheir demands on the Church.39 Kapito, Kuchenura Munhu, 6.40 Ibid., 2.41 Minutes of the Bishops' Conference Meeting, 2BM, 1963, 6.42 A. Astrow, Zimbabwe: A Revolution That Lost Its Way? (London, Zed Press, 1983), 37.43 I. Linden, The Catholic Church and the Struggle for Zimbabwe (London, CIIR, 1979), 36.44 B. C. D. Mugabe, 'The nationalist movement of Dzimbabwe', in Daniels (ed.). Drums ofWar (New York, The Third Press, 1974), 36.45 Lay Apostolate, Catholic Association (File 1946-67), Box 412 of Salisbury DioceseArchives, Minutes of the Executive of the Territorial Council of the CA, 10 Jan. 1962. 1.P. GUNDANI 131The ordination of indigenous priests provided great encouragementto the lay organization. Some of the indigenous priests were found to havekeen interest in the culture of the Shona. More than the missionary priests,they were viewed to be approachable on, and conversant with, the questionof kurova guva. The CA therefore approached them as potential mediatorswith the Bishops.46The availability of indigenous priests did not necessarily bring aboutan easy breakthrough. On the contrary, many of them found it difficult toexplain the custom intelligibly to the hierarchy, in spite of the fact thatsome of the missionary clergy had studied closely the Shona way of life.47The indigenous priests were, however, not discouraged by the apparentfailure to make an impact. Rather they began to view their role in a newlight; they decided to research on the kurova guva ceremony within itstraditional context and to advise the hierarchy on aspects that the churchcould adapt.48 In the early sixties the question of lifting the ban on kurovaguva rituals became a common item on the agenda of the African priests inthe Archdiocese of Salisbury.DEVELOPING LOCAL LITURGIES WITH VATICAN II IN PERSPECTIVEIn article 40 of the Constitution on Sacred Liturgy, the Second VaticanCouncil addresses the relationship between the gospel and local culturespleading for a multi-cultural and plural Church. The Council recommendedthat in some missionary lands, where circumstances demanded, a radicaladaptation of the liturgy was necessary. Under these circumstances, theCouncil requested the competent territorial ecclesiastic authority to'carefully and prudently consider which elements from traditions andcultures of individual peoples might appropriately be admitted into divineworship'.49In a post-conciliar document, Ecclesia Sanctae, produced a year afterthe Second Vatican Council, Pope Paul VI provided a framework of normsto expedite the council's recommendations regarding the liturgy. Thenorms requested episcopal conferences to set up study groups, the tasksof which wereto examine the thought of the people on the universe, on man and on his attitude toGod, and undertake theological reflection on what is good and true in their culture.5046 ZCBC File, Kurova Guva, 3.47 Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 225.48 RCBC Minutes, 1963, 2BM, 6.49 Vatican II, 'Constitution on sacred liturgy, article 40', in Abbott, W. (ed.), The Documentsof Vatican II (New Jersey, New Century Publishers, 1966), 151-2.50 Ecclesia Sanctae, 6 Aug., 1966. See Flannery, A. (ed.), Vatican Council II, The Conciliarand Post Conciliar Documents (New York, Costello Publishing Company, 1987), 857.132 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEPope Paul VI also called for the appointment of commissions on an adhoc basis to investigate cultural questions such as marriage and rites ofpassage.51 , ^ .In the teachings referred to above, we see a gradual conceptualdevelopment in the Roman Catholic Church, regarding the relationshipbetween the Gospel and culture. While this theoretical framework wasmeant to yield more pastoral benefits in each local church, it would makethe whole Church more dynamic and truly Catholic as the diversity ofcultures became reflected in it. However, this dynamism in some waysbecame a burden on some hierarchies since it laid on them the primaryresponsibility of studying and understanding the dynamics of the localsituation. Liturgical models would come from the local churches and besent to Rome for approval or disapproval rather than uniform liturgicalmodels coming from Rome to local churches. We now move on to theexperiments carried out with the blessing of the Bishops' Conference inZimbabwe, and then assess their value within the context of the localchurch.Towards a Shona-based liturgyCaught up in the web of political, social and pastoral changes operating incolonial Rhodesia as well as from Rome, the Catholic Church in Rhodesiaembarked on a programme of liturgical transformation. During the 1963recess of the Second Vatican Council, the Rhodesian Catholic bishopsdiscussed African customs vis-a-vis the Church. Since the bishops hadneither the time, (because they would soon go back to the Council inRome) nor the resources adequate to exhaust such a wide-ranging subject,they agreed to delegate the Inter-diocesan Liturgical Commission toinvestigate the degree to which African customs, which had a religiousnature, could be incorporated in Catholic worship.52Some local priests from both Salisbury and Gwelo dioceses beganstudying the Shona customs of kurova guva. Not a small number insistedthat the kurova guva practice could be Christianized.53 Of note was Rev.Joseph Kumbirai who pleaded with the bishops that the whole liturgyneeded a total overhaul in order that it should meet the spiritual needs ofthe African worshippers.54Gwelo diocese played a significant role in exerting pressure on thehierarchy's thinking towards kurova guva. Priests in Chilimanzi were in51 Ibid.52 RCBC, Minutes 2BM, 1963, 6.53 Fr J. Kumbirai was in the forefront of the kurova guva campaign. RCBC Minutes, IBM,1967.54 Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 225.P. GUNDANI 133the forefront in investigating the practice with a view to proposing asolution that would enable Catholics to take part in kurova guva with agood conscience.Bishop Haene of Gwelo diocese had observed that Catholics oftenperformed the rites despite the Church's prohibition. He was also convincedthat the custom was going to be practised for a period much longer thananticipated by the early Jesuit missionaries to Zimbabwe. He felt that itwas important to Christianize kurova guva since the pressure on Christiansremained very strong.55The enthusiasm to reform the Church seems to have becomeuncontrollable as bishops lost track of developments in their dioceses. Inboth Salisbury and Gwelo dioceses, African priests led 'uncontrolledexperimentation ... in regard to African customs'.56In 1968, the Archbishop of Salisbury heard from some diocesan prieststhat Fr. J. Kumbirai had devised a kurova guva ceremony which attempted'to accommodate the pagan rite to Christian beliefs'. The priests who toldthe Bishop thought that Kumbirai's position was too radical.57 In theSalisbury diocese, there was also Fr. Mavudzi who had drawn up analternative rite of kurova guva which was yet to be discussed.58 Meanwhilein Gwelo diocese, some missions had continued the ceremony of kuitamusande (celebrating a saint's day) and had adapted most of the elementsfrom the traditional kurova guva ritual.59Although the diocesan priests were not agreed on what sort of ritualthe church was to produce, many agreed that kurova guva had to beChristianized. They therefore stopped suppressing the experiments byother priests.In Umtali diocese, Bishop Lamont set up a commission to investigatewhether or not kurova guva was to be Christianized.60 A survey carried outby the commission revealed that while Catholics in the diocese weregenerally interested in kurova guva, their interest had been awakened bythe politicians for their own purposes. Many Catholics therefore advocateda cautious adaptation of elements in kurova guva like belief in the power ofancestors on the living, consulting diviners, making libations of beer onthe grave and the inheritance ceremony. The commission also found thatthe Church's explicit condemnation of the kurova guva was unacceptable.6155 RCBC Minutes, IBM, 1967, 225.56 RCBC Meeting, IBM, 1968, 3.57 RCBC Meeting 2BM, 1968, 9.58 Ibid.59 Ibid.60 RCBC Minutes, IBM, 1968, 11.61 RCBC Minutes, 2BM 1968, 9.134 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEAfter completing the survey, the Umtali Diocesan Committee madeimportant recommendations to the Bishop. They argued that since kurovaguva was only one aspect of a much larger problem facing the faithful, thewhole tradition of Shona culture had to be studied and consultation withthe elders and other churches be undertaken.62The Bishops' Conference found the recommendations made by theUmtali Diocesan Commission worth adopting. The bishops agreed to setup an Inter-diocesan Committee to investigate the matter in all its aspects,'to consult other churches, to call in anthropologists and priests engagedin pastoral work ... and not only local priests'.63 The crucial issues to betackled by the Committee werewhether the honour paid to the midzimu (i.e. ancestors) and the manner of ex-pressing it by offering rapoko was a sacrifice in the strict sense, and whether thepower attributed to the midzimu derogates the power of the Almighty.64In March 1969 when the Bishops' Conference met, it was reported thatthe Inter-diocesan Committee set up the previous year was in the process ofpreparing a final working draft on kurova guva. The report, submitted threemonths later was not unanimous but carried one minority report from Fr.Mavudzi of Salisbury. The report by the majority, however, argued thatkurova guva and similar ancestral rites were to be understood in the contextof the fourth Commandment ('Honour thy father and thy mother') ratherthan the first (against honouring false gods). Hence such practices were notidolatrous nor against Catholic faith. The committee therefore recommendedthe lifting of the ban on kurova guva, for pastoral reasons.65The committee's report, however, stressed the Church's duty to informthe faithful's consciences. They argued that it was imperative to producean adult Catechism that would form the basis of an inculturated liturgy onkurova guva. Without this, the lifting of the ban would resultin the great revival of mudzimu cult, mashave and mhondoro (i.e. the cult ofancestors and other territorial and foreign spirits) ... and could lead the faithful togo back to the pagan rites without any change of disposition.66The proposed Catechism was meant to bear a clear christocentriccharacter.The committee's stance on kurova guva was based on recent pastoraldevelopments within the universal Church. Its members took intoconsideration the fact that cremation, a practice formerly condemned by62 Ibid.63 RCBC Minutes, 2BB, 1968, 9.64 Ibid.65 Dachs and Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe, 225.66 RCBC, Minutes of the Pastoral Committee, 18th July 1973. 2.P. GUNDANI 135the Church for doctrinal reasons, had now been allowed. Secondly, theyviewed the acceptance by Rome of the second mortuary ceremony of'washing of the grave' in the Chinese rites as a classic case of inculturationworth emulating.Thirdly, the report argued, it was 'an accepted missiological principlethat Christianity must become a leaven in society and be present in all theimportant events and happenings in the way of life of the people'.67 Onthese bases, the committee argued that to impose a ban while doingnothing effectively to influence or direct the evolution of this traditionalpractice was not a good pastoral practice. It would only be counter-productive.Fourthly, the report stressed the principle that Christianity shouldpreserve what was good and purge the erroneous elements of the traditionalpractices and beliefs. They noted that the veneration of Saints in Europeevolved in such a way. A similar evolution had to be expected in the caseof kurova guva and other traditional practices. The committee stressedthe role of the Black indigenous clergy and laity, as against an impositionby the hierarchy and missionary priests in the evolution to be undertaken.However, the role of the hierarchy remained important as advisory.68The report produced by the Inter-diocesan Committee was extensiveand sounded progressive. However, a minority report referred to aboverejected the kurova guva and ancestor veneration in general. It calledupon Catholic members and their relatives to engage in a simple ceremonyof comforting the bereaved Š nyaradzo.69The conflicting recommendations and claims made in the two reports,and led by two prominent indigenous priests (Kumbirai and Mavhudzi),created some concern within the Bishop's Conference. The bishops decidedthat there was need for more intimate knowledge of local attitudes andpractices regarding kurova guva before any practical moves were madetowards developing it into a liturgical service. They also argued thatalthough the Shona comprised closely related ethnic groups (i.e. Zezuru,Karanga, Manyika, Ndau, Korekore, etc.) there existed ethnic differencesthat could not be ignored.The bishops placed the onus of identifying these fine differences andof pressing them into a liturgical service of kurova guva on the Blackindigenous clergy. This, however, was deemed practical only after theindigenous clergy were organized into a national association.The bishops further noted that since the dioceses were going througha general restructuring following the conclusion of the Second VaticanCouncil, it was important that as and when the process was concluded,67 Ibid. m Ibid.69 Ibid.136THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEthe indigenous clergy, in consultation with lay associations and councils,carry the burden of inculturation. But before such time came, the bishopsstressed the need for the laity to receive the required formation, theologicalor otherwise. Both missionary and indigenous clergy were therefore calledupon to make concerted effort in the formation of the laity regardinginculturation.No significant developments took place regarding kuwva guva untilthe founding of the National Association of Diocesan Clergy (NADC) inJanuary 1973.70 The purpose of the association was, among others,to Implement the Spirit of co-responsibility and dialogue recommended by VaticanII; to foster the unity of mind and action among the clergy themselves and theirhierarchy which has its source in the priesthood they share for the service of thepeople of God; to provide its members with an official channel of communicationand support, among themselves and with other pastoral bodies within and outsideRhodesia.71At their meeting in December, 1973 the indigenous diocesan clergysupported the recommendation of the majority report by the Inter-diocesanCommittee to lift the ban on kurova guva.12At a meeting in June 1974 the Bishops accepted the recommendationsby both the Inter-diocesan Committee and the NADC to lift the ban onkurova guva.13 It was at this meeting that the Bishop of Wankie proposedthat a pastoral guide be prepared which would preserve and stress allcultural values that were not clearly against the faith in order that they toocould be accepted in the church. He also proposed that the inculturationof kurova guva ceremony be undertaken without delay. Both proposalswere accepted by the Bishops' Council which in turn asked the PastoralCentre to prepare a pastoral guide. The Pastoral Centre was asked to workin collaboration with African priests.74Later in 1974, members of the Pastoral Committee met at Chishawasha,and formally dissolved the existing Inter-diocesan Committee on kurovaguva. In its stead, a theological commission was set up to work out thearguments put forward in the draft report presented to the RCBC by theInter-diocesan Committee and the NADC. The commission's mandate was70 R. Randolph, Report to Rome (Gwelo, Mambo Press, 1978), 32.71 Ibid.72 National Association of Diocesan Clergy (NADC) Meeting, 17 Dec. 1973, in NADC file,Gokomere Training Centre, Minutes, 4.73 RCBC Minutes, 7BM, 1973, 6.7/1 Ibid.P. GUNDANI 137to make a theological argument and not to examine the evidence nor topass judgement on the work produced by the former committee.75 It wasalso required to consider Fr. Mavudzi's minority report and the PastoralService Supplement on kurova guva, which had just been published by thePastoral Centre.76After the theological commission had analysed these documents, allmembers except one co-opted indigenous priest were in favour ofrecommending the kurova guva for liturgical purposes. The local priestwho abstained, Fr. Bernard Ndhlovu, argued that time was not ripe for afinal decision.77Fr. Ndhlovu argued that after a careful study of Shona, Ndebele andKalanga practices of reinstatement of the dead, he had arrived at theconclusion that what they did was at best a form of religious sacrificial act.This sacrifice, he argued, was directed to the spirit of the deceased andnot to God. He went further to argue that the whole ceremony was inviolation of the first commandment. Secondly, Fr. Ndhlovu wonderedwhether the church was going on to baptize the diviner too. He stressedthat it would be doing injustice to view kurova guva in isolation from thecultural practices such as divination and others.78Another point that he raised was that people performed the ceremonyout of fear based on the assumption that the spirit of the deceased had thepower over the living if they did not perform the rite. If the overall motivethen was to pacify the spirit, Fr. Ndhlovu argued, then the practice wasnot only evil, but incongruous with the Christian faith. Finally, Fr. Ndhlovutook exception to the idea of reinstatement of the spirit of the deceasedinto the family. He argued that the whole practice was against the Church'steaching regarding the disembodied spirit after death.79The majority of the commission's members felt that Fr. Ndhlovu'sunderstanding of sacrifice was not theological in the Roman CatholicChurch's view. The theological definition that this commission and previouscommittees on the kurova guva used viewed sacrifice as 'a special act ofexternal worship by which something which can be perceived by thesenses, is legitimately offered to God ... the action of offering involving acertain change in the thing being offered Š to show recognition of Hissupreme majesty'.80 The majority in the commission insisted that the73 Ibid.76 Rev. Mafurutu, 'Reinstatement of a deceased person', RCBC Pastoral Service Supplement(June 1973), II.77 RCBC Minutes, 7BM, 1973, 4.78 Ibid.79 Ibid. Fr. Ndhlovu viewed the concept of disembodied spirit as contrary to that of bodilyresurrection taught by the church. (1 Cor. 15: 35-30).80 Rev. Kapito, 'Kuchenura Munhu', 29.138 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEbeast (n'ombeyenhevedzo) and the goat (mbudzi yeshungu) should not beviewed as sacrifice in the theological sense but as food for the invitedguests and all participants and that it symbolized the honour and respectpaid to the deceased. The kurova guva ceremony was therefore primarilydoing one's duty to the departed spirit and fulfilling one's family obligation.While the majority agreed with Fr. Ndhlovu that kurova guva should not beviewed in isolation from ancestral veneration, they felt that this could notstand in the way of the rite being baptized as Christian.Kurova guva ceremony and other practices concerning midzimu wereviewed by these members as not intrinsically incompatible with theChristian faith and morals.81 The Theological Commission endorsed theInter-diocesan Committee's position that kurova guva and the overallShona belief in communing with and depending on ancestors providedfertile soil for the church's teaching and belief in the communion of Saints.The Church teaches that Saints have communion with the living andintercede on behalf of the living to God. The majority members thereforeviewed the status of the ancestors as comparable to that of Saints sincethe spirit brought back home to protect the family is also expected tointercede to the senior family ancestors (madzitateguru).On Fr. Ndhlovu's reservations regarding the fate of the spirit of thedead, the Theological Commission also adopted the position based on theCatholic teaching on the doctrine of purgatory. According to this teaching,those in a state of grace, but still retaining after-effects of repented sins aswell as those retaining unrepented venial sins, need to undergo purificationbefore they can receive the beatific vision. They also need the prayers andespecially the Masses of the faithful who can help them in their state ofpurification. The commission argued that since, according to the Shona,purification (kuchenura) was necessary because death was believed toinflict a 'black spell' on the spirit of the deceased, kurova guva was notincongrous with the Catholic doctrine of purgatory. Integral in the beliefsand practice of purification was the duty and responsibility of the living tothe dead performed in the hope that the spirit would be given a place inthe other world.82Apart from the theological justification that the majority membersprovided, it was also argued that pastorally one could not totally abolish acustom that was so ingrained in the culture of the people.83 A verdictpassed by the majority of the commission's members was that there wassufficient evidence in the history of the church to allow accommodation of81 RCBC Minutes, 7BM, 1973, 4.82 Ibid.83 Ibid.P. GUNDANI 139the kurova guva rites in the Church. The members envisaged thataccommodation would happen gradually and that perhaps both theChristianized and traditional rites might exist side by side for some timealthough eventually the erroneous elements would fade out while theChristian rite would prevail.84The theological commission recommended not only the lifting of theban on kurova guva, but that it be Christianized for liturgical purposes.They passed on however, the formulation of the pastoral procedures onthe new rites to the responsibility of the bishops with advice from Africanpriests and the faithful.85The role of local priests in the Christlanization of kurova guvaAs soon as the Theological Commission completed its assignment andreported to the Bishop's Conference, the bishops handed over theresponsibility of consulting Black clergy to Bishop Chakaipa, the newlyappointed and only African Bishop in the country. In turn Bishop Chakaiparequested the National Association of Diocesan Clergy (NADC) to presenttheir recommendations.86In 1977, the NADC set up diocese-based commissions, whose findingswere finally tabled at a special kurova guva workshop that they held laterin the year. The priests who headed the diocesan commissions wererequired to invite at least one lay person well versed in the kurova guvaceremony. This was viewed as an effective way of ensuring that there wasconsultation at the grassroots levels.87At the workshop, which was held at Driefontein towards the end of1977, the objective was to receive reports from the Shona-speakingdioceses, upon which to formulate the final guidelines for kurova guva.Only three diocesan representatives turned up at the workshop. Thesewere from Salisbury, Gwelo and Umtali. Of these, Gwelo diocese produceda well researched and comprehensive guideline that was later adopted bythe participants, with few amendments.In the three proposed guidelines presented at the workshop, therewere some views shared in common by the diocesan committees. Thesewere that kurova guva had to be Christianized as a matter of urgency; therole of the diviner (gata) was rejected; offerings of grain, an animal victimand beer was acceptable. Salisbury diocese's report, however, raised one84 Ibid.85 Ibid.86 NADC/B15, Letter to Fr. Makusha, Chairman of NADC, from RCBC Secretary, August1974.87 NADC, Dec, 1976.140 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEissue not given much attention by other diocesan committees. The reporttook exception to the singing of war (ngondd) songs by some Shonagroups, at the time when the spirit is symbolically being welcomed to thehomestead from the graveyard.88As the workshop went into discussion panels, much disagreementsurfaced from the participants on whether the diviner had to be totallyexcluded from the kurova guva ceremony. While some rejected the diviner'srole and methods of divining as 'pagan', others argued that the divinercould assist the family by offering advice on procedural matters regardingthe performance of the ritual. After more expostulation, the membersunanimously adopted a position that the diviner's role was unacceptableat any stage of the kurova guva ritual.89On concluding the workshop, the NADC had arrived at a majoritydecision that kurova guva be Christianized as a matter of urgency. Thesecretary of the Association was therefore tasked to send to the Bishop'sConference an amended version of the pastoral guidelines reflecting theNADC workshop's deliberations.90 At the NADC executive meeting held atGwelo on 6 March 1978, a final version of the rite of kurova guva wasproduced. Three days later, the NADC secretary sent the document to theRCBC. In a covering letter the secretary, on behalf of the NADC executive,requested the bishops to approve the proposed rite ad experimentum forthree years.91In its final version the NADC presented the purpose of the kurova guvarite asa) calling back the ancestor (kudana mudzimuy,b) purification of the ancestor (kuchenura mudzimuy,c) reinstatement of the ancestor to his/her home (kudzora mudzimumumushd); andd) giving the name and inheritance (kupa zita nekugadza nhaka).32They argued that any other rite of the kurova guva which did not meetsuch requirements and aspirations had no value for the Shona people.93They also argued that what made the rite Christian was not the removal of88 NADC, Dec, 1977.89 Ibid.90 Rev. Marimazhira, 'Kurova guva rite', 1975, 4.91 NADC, March, 1978, 4.92 NADC, 'The Christian rite of kurova guva', 3.93 Ibid.P. GUNDAN1 141questionable acts such as going to the diviner nor was it the presence andparticipation of the priest. Ratherwhat should essentially make the kurova guva a Christian rite is the Christianorientation of the proceedings ,. . What really counts is precisely the desire andintention of the rite in and through Christ as the only one who can effectively bringabout the real homecoming of the deceased. It is therefore the recognition inpractice, namely that only Jesus Christ, the saviour, has the will and power toreconcile our beloved dead with God and with their fellow men and protect andbless those whom they have left behind, which can and will make the rite a trulyChristian ceremony.94The document sent to the Bishops by the NADC executive presentedthe rites in seven stages. According to the document the climax of the riteis the Mass held as people arrive at the homestead with the deceasedbeing reinstated into the home and family.95When the Bishops' Conference got the proposed rite from NADC theyin turn referred it to the two indigenous bishops for comments. The twoBishops, Chakaipa and Chiginya, after careful examination, recommendedthe Bishops' Council to instruct the Commission for Christian Formationand Worship to redraft the proposed rite for liturgical purposes.From kurova guva to kuchenura munhuAt an administrative meeting of the Bishops' Council in June 1978, thebishops produced a memorandum to the NADC expressing their desirethat there should be a Catechism on the new rite of kurova guva. Thebishops argued that the new rite be referred to as kuchenura munhu. Thistitle was given as a result of their express wish to make the main aim of therite 'to achieve a purification of the departed spirit, in harmony with thatpurification which we believe purgatory to effect'.96The bishops went on to denounce the role of the diviner in the rites.We do not believe in the role of the n 'anga. We believe, with the certainty of faith,in God's providence over the deceased. We believe that this providence protectsthe dead person from all evil.97In the same vein the bishops unequivocally rejected the anxiety of theliving members regarding the desecration of the grave arguing that,94 Ibid., 1.95 Ibid.96 Memo to NADC, 7 June 1978.97 Ibid.142 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWESince, in his graciousness, God allows people to share in His saving action, we cansurely trust that the blessed ancestors, by their intercession with God, are able toplay a part in protecting the recently dead person from harm.98After making their position clear the Bishops' Council asked ArchbishopChakaipa to consult the NADC on the redrafting of the kuchenura munhurite.At their meeting in December 1978, NADC endorsed the RCBC's viewson the rite. On the point regarding the title of the rite, the NADC arguedthat whether the rite was called kurova guva or kuchenura munhu wasreally immaterial. The concepts express one reality." They also endorsedthe appointed members who were to rework the rite and to subsequentlywork on the catechism on the rite.According to Archbishop Chakaipa the committee had an unenviabletask of looking intothe honour and respect that the Shona pay to their ancestors and then write aCatechism whose aim was to give a chance to the faithful to overcome fear andcome to worship expressing ties of kinship and love beyond the grave.100For a viable catechism to be evolved, Chakaipa observed, a prototypecatechism had to be tested in a training programme of the faithfulthroughout the country. It was imperative therefore for the committee toundertake training courses with leaders of communities, teachers of faithand others who were expected to bring out some pastoralrecommendations that would elevate and purify the traditional ceremonyof kuchenura munhu.101A fully-fledged committee on the kurova guva catechism could notmeet. The major problem was that the members were full-time pastors,catechists and lay workers. And since the committee was broad-basedhaving members from Gwelo and Salisbury dioceses and Sinoia Prefecture,it proved impossible to find suitable times and places to convene andproduce a catechism and subsequently test it throughout the country.About half of the appointed members managed to meet to gather materialand to make pastoral recommendations for the catechism. However, thiscommittee finally submitted a catechism on kuchenura munhu which waswritten in Shona and did not consider Ndebele elements. The committeesent it to the Commission for Christian Formation and Worship for criticismand revision.102 The latter sent it to the Bishops' Conference for adoption.This was at the beginning of 1980. The bishops in turn, sent it on to Rome.98 Ibid.99 NADC, December 1978, 5. "» Rev. Kapito, 'Kuchenura Munhu1, 3.101 Ibid. >°2 ZCBC file, K/9 78, 2.P. GUNDANI 143Finally on 9 April 1981, after having received Rome's approval, theZCBC approved the catechism on kurova guva ad experimentum for threeyears. From then on the Christianized kuchenura munhu rite was acceptedas official liturgy.103 It was published in October 1982 by Mambo Press foruse by all members of the Church.SOME IMPORTANT THEOLOGICAL POINTSTO NOTE IN THE CATECHISMThe catechism on kuchenura munhu instructs the faithful on the relationshipbetween God and the ancestors. Because of the linguistic problemsurrounding the Shona word kupira, the catechism interpreted the wordin the context of presenting something to somebody. For instance 'kupiranyaya kunashe' (presenting a case to the chief), or presenting a pot of beerto a visiting grandfather (kupira hari yehwahwa kuna vasekuru vashanyd).Hence the stress is placed on honour bequeathed on somebody. Thecatechism therefore teaches that offering of libations to the ancestors orpouring libations of beer on the grave or the ground is not worshippingthe deceased. Such actions are acceptable in the rite because they are'purely symbolic gestures without sacrificial connotations in the theologicalsense'.104 Such honour is equated to that given to the living, notwithstandingthe element of fear of the dead by the living.The catechism also discusses the kuchenura munhu rite in the light ofthe Catholic views of death, purgatory and the resurrection of the saints.It stresses the christocentric nature of the ceremony and this makes therite different from the traditional ritual.105The rite for use in the church consists of guided prayers and scriptureteachings suited to,a) blessing and presentation of rapoko grain for the kurova guva,b) presentation and immolation of a goat victim for the purposes ofpurification and reconciliation between the family and the spirit of thedeceased and the rest of the ancestors.This is followed by the presentation and immolation of the beast(cow/ox, goat etc) to the deceased and to the rest of the ancestors. Finallycomes the symbolic induction or reinstatement of the spirit into the family103 Rev. Kapito, 'Kuchenura Munhu', 3.104 Shona Ritual: Kuchenura Munhu (Gweru, Mambo Press, 1982), 3.105 Ibid.144 THE KUROVA GUV A RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEand into the ancestor world and to heaven. These steps are followed bythe celebration of mass with communal eating and drinking between theliving and the departed elders.106The impact of the rite and catechismThe publication of Shona Ritual: Kuchenura Munhu in 1982 made publicthe Zimbabwean Catholic Church's acceptance of kurova guva as a liturgicalcelebration. In spite of the publication, however, it has not received muchpublicity among the faithful because it was not included in the hymn book(munamatd) which, since 1967, has become the handbook on Faith for theordinary Catholic. The popularity of kuchenura munhu as approved by theZCBC has depended more on the role of the parish priest and informedCatechists.107While the formerly controverted question regarding offering rapoko,the beast and libations to the ancestors and the deceased was specificallytackled in the rite and catechism, that regarding the consultation of divinerswas not. The published rite and catechism is silent on this issue. Thesilence regarding this question was apparently necessitated by the diversityof opinion among both clergy and laity on the specific purpose of gata(consulting a diviner).The position of many lay members interviewed regarding the role ofthe diviner in the kuchenura munhu rite is summarized by a leading layman.He argues that consulting a diviner is very important in order for him/herto shed light on the deceased's desires. 'This is part of the honour andrequest given to the dead. The family has to find out his/her mind beforeperforming the rite.'108 He goes on to argue that it is not all families thatknow the procedure regarding the ceremony.Some know, some do not, depending on the interest of the elders. Butbecause they now have to do it, it is important that they find out about theprocedure. They may go to an elder in the village but most likely to arespectable diviner in the neighbourhood.109The informant goes on to say that the rapoko porridge (nhopi yezviyd)eaten, using tree bark, by the immediate family members is mixed withmedicines derived from a diviner. It is accompanied by the meat from agoat victim (mbudzi yeshungu) Š indispensable in the ceremony in hisarea. The meal, he argues,106 Ibid.107 Interview with Fr. Jakata, Director of the Lay Apostolate, Gweru Diocese, 5 Aug. 1991.108 Interview with Mr Maturure, a seasoned Catholic leader of Mukaro Mission, 19 Oct.1990.109 Ibid.P. GUNDANI 145serves the purpose of preparing the members of the family for the ultimate recon-ciliation that occurs when the deceased is welcomed back home.11"It has already been pointed out that some Shona priests accepted theconsultation of a diviner for procedural reasons. What they resented,however, was to consult the diviner for purposes of finding the culpritbehind the death of the family member. Such consultation would lead torevenge, they argue.111 Other Shona priests argue that while the processof consulting a diviner is not always necessary, it is invaluable especiallyfor clarification on some areas of concern or ambiguity about what to do.These priests regard consultation of a diviner as a mere formality performedby people who generally know the procedure. This group of priestsconclude that since consulting a diviner is not imperative but circumstantialfor the kurova guva, banning it is not necessary.112While these arguments show the diversity of opinion in theZimbabwean Catholic clergy, the same diversity appears among its laity.Many people continue to consult diviners while others have moved awayfrom the practice. Some follow the letter and spirit of the Shona ritualkuchenura munhu while others, oblivious of the new developments in thechurch, behave as though kurova guva is still banned. They still talk ofhaving a musande when they perform the ceremony.113While the kuchenura munhu rite has been received with a sense ofrelief and triumph, the contest between some lay persons and clergy andbetween some Shona clergy and the hierarchy have generated anxiety inthe Bishops' Conference. As Bishop Karlen of Hwange diocese observed,the hierarchy has realized that old habits 'take some considerable time toalter. We live by Christian hope.'114 Perhaps that is the right attitude totake; that remains to be seen.CONCLUSIONClearly, the Second Vatican Council provided a major impetus for theShona Catholics' desire to adjust ritual and liturgy to closer conformity110 Ibid.111 Supra.112 Interview with Rev. T. Jakata on 5 August 1991 at Gokomere Training Centre. He arguesthat a number of culture conscious and theologically sound priests in Gweru diocese andother dioceses think the same on this issue.113 Interview with Mr Manhondo at Gokomere Mission. He made an announcement of aMusande service the researcher attended on 29 August 1991. 1 had an interview with himlater.114 Speech at the Roman Catholic Council of the Lay Apostolate Meeting on 5 October 1983.See Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference Newsletter (Oct. 1983). 4.146 THE KUROVA GUVA RITUAL IN ZIMBABWEwith African religious custom. The political situation in the country alsobecame a factor to reckon with as the vigorous expression of nationalismin the 1960s charged the churches with complicity in colonialism and theneglect of African values. A radicalized lay movement, the CatholicAssociation and some culture-conscious indigenous clergy respondedpositively and started to fan the demands for change in the Church. Thesefactors had a direct bearing on the liturgical developments that occurredin the Church in Zimbabwe. The acceptance of kuchenura munhu/kurovaguva in the liturgy stands out as a classic case of inculturation of thegospel in Zimbabwe. That the missionary clergy took note of the call forchange, and together with indigenous clergy and the laity found a wayaround the non-Christian rites was impressive. What they have come upwith is a superbly innovative case of the 'taking flesh' of the gospel and thechurch in a particular cultural milieu.