Zamheziu (19!)7). XXIV (ii).THE EARLY YEARS: EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANTAGRICULTURE IN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE, 1925-1929KIRA KRAMKRDepartment of Economic History, University of ZimbabweAbstractAn extension programme using African demonstrators was launched in thereserves of colonial Zimbabwe in 1927. These demonstrators were given thetask of teaching peasant farmers to farm intensively on small acreages usinga four<ourse crop rotation system. This was to replace the traditional extensivesystem of 'shifting' cultivation on large acreages. The scheme was started inorder to increase the carrying capacity of the reserves, and so enable them tocope with the increased numbers moving into them as a result of repressivegovernment land policy and segregationist moves. An Agriculturalist for'Natives', E. D. Alvord, was appointed and one of his principal tasks was tooversee the implementation of the demonstrator programme.'And outside the city ... all these people who were another colour lived;and beyond that the reserves, where an old order had died, and a neworder presented a slammed door.'Nadine GordimerHISTORICAL BACKGROUNDAT THE TIME Whites entered Zimbabwe in the 1890s, African farmers worefarming extensively using a system of rotational cultivation. As M. Yudelmanput it:The methods of cultivation used at the time the Europeans moved intothe area were remote from those evolved by Jethro Tull, the fattier of theEuropean agricultural revolution. Because there was no use for intensiveland use, low yielding extensive methods of production were employed.1It does not necessarily follow that the methods employed by peasantfarmers were inefficient; on the contrary, as Lord Hailey put it, 'Shiftingcultivation is less a device of barbarism than a concession to the nature ofthe soil.'2The view commonly held by settlers, however, was that Africans werepoor agriculturalists and that later deterioration of land in the reserves1 M.Yudelman. Africans on the Land (Cambridge. Massachusetts University Press, 1964). 12.2 W. Allan, 'Changing patterns in African land use'. Journal of Royal African Society of Arts,(1960), CVIll, 612. '159160 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREresulted from an inherent inability to adjust their agricultural techniquesas the need arose.3 A brief look at pre-colonial and early colonial peasanttechniques might go some way in dispelling this erroneous interpretation,as will a critical examination of colonial land policy. The latter, and notpoor techniques, was the primary contributory factor to poor peasantperformance in later decades. This article will show that lack of progressin the peasant agricultural sector was in fact largely due to the repressiveland policy adopted by the colonial regime, and consequent distrust ofmotives behind White policy concerning peasant land and agriculturegenerally.In pre-colonial years, when farmed extensively, land would be tilledcontinuously for up to four years, and then left idle for anything up to 15years before being cultivated once again. In this manner land would regainits fertility naturally. Land was prepared by scratching the soil lightly withthe hoe as this did not dislodge the valuable top soil; and then seed wasbroadcast onto the land. The viability of peasant techniques did not gounnoticed at the time of White settlement, when many settlers actuallyadopted African methods. In the 1960s W. Roder commented thus,under conditions of thin soils and a tropical ecology, the Shona were inmany ways, excellent agriculturalists. Their practises avoided the mainproblems that plague Southern Rhodesia: soil erosion and decliningfertility of the soil. Soil erosion was reduced by thick, mixed plantings oflow leafy crops which leave no bare ground between grain stems, whileroots of the tree stumps and pollarded trees held the soil together. Byshifting fields and letting land return to bush, they avoided prolongedperiods of baring soil to erosion.4Somewhat ironically, such a system of cultivation has in recent years,(and with modifications) regained popularity and is once again being usedand adapted to an intensive system of cultivation. This is known aspermaculture and is currently being used in Zimbabwe by some co-operatives; and is also used in some first world countries.5Not only were peasants competent farmers but they were quick torespond to the new demands made on them for agricultural produce bythe opening of the mines. Tax obligations were also met through sale offoodstuffs and cattle rather than by the sale of labour. One NativeCommissioner remarked that 'acreage under cultivation is increasingconsiderably every year and mealies are more plentifully grown; this is3 E. Punt, "The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia with ParticularAttention to the Interwar Years' (Durban, University of Natal, M.A. Thesis, 1979), 161.4 W. Roder, The Sabi Valley Irrigation Projects (Chicago, University of Chicago, Department ofGeography, Research Paper No. 99,1965), 57.5 The term permaculture was coined in 1974 by a Tasmanian, Bill Monison; B. Morrison,Introduction to Permaculture (Zimbabwe, Tutorial Press, 1991).E. KRAMER 161due to trade'.6 In fact in 1903, sale of agricultural goods constituted 70% ofall peasants cash earnings,7 and many were responding to marketopportunities by moving to areas of high demand:Natives sell a good deal of meal to those working on the mines, and ageneral tendency is observable to migrate nearer to the mines so as tobe nearer those markets for the more advantageous sale of produce.8Peasant farmers even changed the staple crop cultivated from rapokoto maize in response to demand from the mines:Mealies formerly were not grown in any quantity, it is only since theoccupation that they have gone in for it on a large scale with the purposeof trading it to the white man.9In the early years of the 20th century, there was no competition fromWhite farmers, no pressure on the land, and easy access to markets forpeasant producers. Although reserves had been established, many Africansremained on unoccupied White farms. No efforts were made either toevict them or push them into reserves. This situation was to come to anabrupt halt in 1905, however, when the British South Africa Company (BSACo.) started to make enquiries into land settlement schemes. The GoldRush had not come to anything, and instead land became the new sourceof wealth. By 1908 when the White agricultural system began to expand,peasant opportunities were gradually reduced.10At this time White farmers favoured maize and tobacco production,and cultivation of the former resulted in glutted markets.11The maize output, together with peasant production, quickly filled thecountry's tiny internal market causing the price of maize to fall by 30-50% between 1903 and 1912.12Tobacco too, experienced a setback in 1911 and 1914 when marketswere saturated.Consequent on changes in the White sector, the existing attitude topeasant producers underwent a metamorphosis. First and foremost wasthe need to eliminate peasant competition; and secondly, was the need forWhite farmers to compete with the mines for scarce labour. Initiallyagriculture and 'Native policy' were relegated second place and mining6 National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ), N9/1/4, Native Commissioner Annual Reports, NativeCommissioner, Chilimanzi, 1898.7 R. H. Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia (London, Heinemann, 1977), 72.8 NAZ, N9/1/9-11, Native Commissioner Annual Reports, Native Commissioner, lomagundi.1906.9 NAZ N9/1/5-6, Native Commissioner Annual Reports, Native Commissioner, The Range,1899.10 Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia, Ch. 4.1' I. Phimister, An Economic and Social History of Zimbabwe, 1890-1948 (Longman, London andNew York, 1988), 60.12 Ibid.162 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREneeds were given priority, but by 1912 the BSA Co. directors were tellingtheir shareholders that as a result of rising land prices it was now moreconcerned with issues relating to land than those relating to mining.13 So itwas not purely coincidental that African rights to land came into questionat the same time that White agriculture was attempting to establish itself.Among the first moves made in this direction was in 1907 when theBSA Co. started to charge rents of SI per annum to Africans on unalienatedland.14 'NC's were told that they (i.e. peasants) must either move intoreserves after their crops had been reaped or be prepared to pay therent.'15 This sword proved to be double edged, for those who chose toenter the reserves would lose their markets for agricultural surpluses dueto the remoteness of the reserves; and those who stayed on occupiedWhite land would aid settler farmers by providing rents or labour services.16This move was successful and African migration from White areasaccelerated, the proportion living in reserves increasing from 54%-64%between 1909 and 1922.17Reserve policy came into question as more land was required near therailway lines for White settlers. In the years following 1908, debates ensuedas to the desirability of making adjustments to the existing reserves, andin 1914 a Reserves Commission was set up which ultimately declared thatreserves should be reduced by 1 06 460 acres.18 These findings were notfinalised, however, until the 1920 Order in Council. Africans were given amaximum of four years to move into another reserve or start paying rent.Many reserves were now remote from markets and the railway, and asa result crop production declined due to costs involved in attempting tomarket produce. Furthermore, the post-war slump of the early 1920saccelerated the move into reserves. Peasant producers hadno incentive to remain near markets in areas in which they were obligedto pay rent when sale of produce was becoming uneconomic. Havingmade this decision to migrate to reserve areas, future possibilities ofgaining financial requirements through sale of crops was negligible.19Crop productivity declined further as congestion in reserves increased,and the practice of extensive cultivation added to this problem.13 V. E. M Machingaidze, 'Company Rule and Agricultural Development: The Case of the B.S.A.Co. in Southern Rhodesia, 1908-1923' (Salisbury, University of Rhodesia, Department ofHistory, Henderson Seminar Paper No. 43, 1978), 2.14 Land which had been appropriated but not yet sold or granted to individuals or companies'" NAZ, N9/1/11, Native Commissioner Annual Reports:ChiefNative Commissioner, Mashonaland,1908."' These tenants often had to pay grazing and dipping fees too.17 M. Loney, Rhodesia: White Racism and Imperial Response (London, Penguin, 1975), 53.1K Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia, 104.'Ł' E. Punt, The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia', 40.E. KRAMER 163In 1923 the settlers gained control of the economy and, under the newCoghlan ministry, they launched a further attack on the reserves whichwas to culminate in the Land Apportionment Act of 1930. In terms of theLand Apportionment Act, 81 areas were created adjoining existing reservesin which Africans could purchase land. They thus relinquished theirprevious right to purchase land anywhere. A further outcome of this Actwas that the next premier, Moffat, decided to take the advice of the NativeAffairs Department and bring to an end the system of rent or labouragreements on alienated White land. This phasing out period was to last atotal of six years, and by 1937 all Africans on this land were to have movedinto reserves and purchase areas.20Coghlan also initiated the policy of developing rather than augmentingthe reserves. An apparent paradox exists in these twin goals: simultaneouslymoving towards fuller segregation and attempting to develop the reserves.In keeping with this, African policy entered a new phase: 'the completedislocation and breakdown of the tribal system was to be reversed afternearly twenty years of attempts to foster its disintegration'. And further,'It was decided that reserves must be developed at all costs, particularlythose in remote areas, and Africans persuaded to settle on this land.'21Reserves were no longer viewed as a temporary expedient ceasing to benecessary once Africans were absorbed into the exchange economy.In 1930 there were approximately 919 000 Africans in Zimbabwe:587 000 lived in reserves; 300 000 lived on crown land; and 220 000 lived inurban areas.22 This meant that nearly one third of the African populationwould have to move into areas which were already congested andovercrowded. The purchase areas themselves did not offer a solution, aslarge portions of these were still communally occupied and these peopletoo, would require resettlement. The Land Apportionment Act ensuredthat settler farmers achieved their goals: the creation of Native PurchaseAreas meant the cessation of competition from commercial African farmers.Furthermore, as Africans moved into already congested areas, sale ofsurplus would no longer be possible and many would be forced to seekwage labour as an alternative source of income.THE MOVE TOWARDS FORMAL EXTENSION SERVICESDespite increased pressure on the land as a result of colonial land policy,the government was not prepared to allocate more land to Africans. In1927 C. L. Carbutt had stated:20 E. Punt, 'The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia', 5-1-55.21 Ibid., 44.22 E. Tawse-Jollie,'Native land tenure in Africa', American Geographical Society. Piom-crSettlement Cooperative Studies, 14, 1932), 185/6.164 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREAn adjustment in the agricultural and pastoral systems hitherto practisedby the Natives is essential if the land assigned for their use is to proveadequate to their needs .. . already there are signs of congestion andoverstocking in certain areas where the Natives have been left to followtheir own time honoured agricultural and pastoral methods.23Given the new role the reserves were now to play, this need could nolonger go unnoticed. The government, as mentioned above, was notprepared to take cognisance of the repeated pleas that the reserves wereovercrowded, and that more land should be allocated to them. Theymaintained that existing land should be used more intensively. Hence theidea began to take shape that schemes designed to improve peasantfarming methods should be devised. These would then increase the carryingcapacity of the reserves, and they would be able to cope with the increasingnumbers migrating into them as the six-year period envisioned by theLand Apportionment Act drew to a close. These desires were not entirelyaltruistic, and in part arose from the growing need for a ceaseless supplyof cheap labour. The Native Commissioner (NC), Charter, stated as earlyas 1903, 'It is the old and primitive and antiquated method which keepsthe Native so much at home and his constant excuse for not going out towork.'24 In 1907 the Chief Native Commissioner (CNC) commented:If the Native could be taught more practical things such as propercultivation of the soil, adequate housing of themselves and their families,wants would gradually arise which would necessitate working to earnthe necessary purchasing power, and so throw into the labour market agreater number of keen and intelligent workers than any taxation oramplified legislation could produce.25At this time, however, the pressure was not great enough to galvanisethe government into action, and the settler farmers were not yet a force tobe reckoned with.By 1910 these demands had made some headway and a Committee ofEnquiry into African Affairs was appointed under J. H. Graham. This reportdrew attention to the need for agricultural instruction.We recommend the establishment by government of central institutionsin reserves where teaching may be given by expert instructors, not onlyin regard to proper methods of tillage, but also to the treatment androtation of crops and to all other branches of agriculture.26The suggestion was made that members of government staff shouldactually travel around the districts advising peasants in their own areas.23 C. L. Carbutt, 'The racial problem in Southern Rhodesia", NADA (1934), Xli, 7.24 NAZ, N9/1/8, Native Commissioner Annual Reports, Native Commissioner, Charter, 1903.25 NAZ, N9/1/10, Report of Chief Native Commissioner for the Year Ending 31/12/07.26 Southern Rhodesia, Debates of the Legislative Assembly (Salisbury, Govt. Printer, 1923), 583.E. KRAMER 165This method was later adopted by E. D. Alvord when he began his schemeof demonstration work for peasant farmers.27 The proposals of thisCommission were then reaffirmed in 1911 by a conference of senior officialsof the Native Affairs Department.The BSA Company, however, was antagonistic to any suchrecommendations, possibly due to the threat that peasant farmers mightpose. This in part explains the delay in the inauguration of developmentprogrammes until 1925. Besides, the reserves themselves had not beenfinalised at this time. The Native Affairs Department must also shoulderpart of the blame at this point, because it had neither the capital nor thetrained staff to undertake the technical educational training needed to thisend.28 Thus education remained entirely literary and in the hands of themissionaries.As segregation became more probable, the BSA Company underwenta change in attitude. In 1920 a separate Native Development Departmentwas established, and H. S. Keigwin was its Director. This Department wassubordinate to the Native Affairs Department, and through it thedevelopment of African industries was to be promoted.In 1921 Keigwin wrote a report on the 'Industrial Development ofNatives' in which he drew attention to the following:The present methods of agriculture cannot long continue. As the reservesget filled up the soil is being exhausted faster than is practicable, whilethe extensive destruction of timber should be checked. Better methodsof tillage, improvement in seed selection, more constant cultivation,proper rotation of crops ...29Keigwin supported the move to segregation and advocated thedevelopment of Africans in their own areas. He recommended that aninstructor be appointed whose job it would be to go around the reservesand demonstrate to peasant farmers. He also advocated the establishmentof industrial training schools whose primary task it would be to educatethe Africans in order that they could then be self-sufficient in their ownareas. These schemes were eventually adopted and, with modifications,became the backbone of future African policy.Two industrial training schools were subsequently opened in theearly 1920s: Domboshawa in the Chinamora reserve in Mashonaland, andTjolotjo in Matabeleland. The aim of these schools was to compensate forthe inadequacy of missionary education by providing a more practicaltraining. The Government agreed to give financial assistance.27 NAZ, E. D. Alvord, 'The Gospel of the Plow' (Unpubl., 1950).28 This lack reflects the attitude of the BSA Co., at this time, towards improvements ofpeasant farming techniques, and agricultural education generally.29 H. S. Keigwin, 'Report on the Suggested Industrial Development of Natives. 1920". S. Rhodesia.Miscellaneous Reports, 1917-1923 (Southern Rhodesia. Govt. Printer. 1924).166 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREThe money voted to Keigwin's scheme was for a different purpose. Theystarted on the hypothesis that the Native wanted industrial rather thanreligious and literary education . . . the Missionaries trained a smallernumber of pupils to a higher level.30Domboshawa and Tjolotjo were essentially industrial schools andinitially agriculture was not accorded much attention. Nevertheless, it wasdecided that demonstrators were to be trained at these schools. Moyanais of the opinion that this was 'an attempt to resuscitate an already chaoticeconomy in the African areas'.31The CNC stated in his annual report for 1924:Several NCs report upon the continued refusal of the Natives to use kraalmanure as a fertiliser, although by precept and by demonstration theadvantages of these methods have been impressed upon them for someyears. In time to come, as the reserves become more densely populated,a more economical system of agriculture will become a necessity, and inview of this a certain number of Native Agricultural Demonstrators arebeing trained at the Government schools at Domboshawa and Tjolotjo. Itis intended that these Demonstrators will, on completion of their training,be drafted to the Native Reserves to instruct the local populations onmodern methods of agriculture.32In keeping with the above, Keigwin, in his capacity as Director ofNative Development, stated in 1924:An opportunity has at length been afforded of initiating the scheme forthe training of Native Agricultural Demonstrators for work among thepeople in the reserves... It is certain that it is only by Native agents thatthe masses can be reached, equally so that such agents must first bespecially trained at some central institution. Of the 21 authorised,Domboshawa is to take 12, Tjolotjo 9. Normally the course will begin inSeptember, and will continue with one month holiday in the dry seasonfor two full years. It will take the line of a thoroughly practical training infield operations, and care of stock, and will be reinforced by acomprehensive series of lectures in the elementary science of the subjectsstudied.33Keigwin stated further that practical field work was vital in order thatthe men gained actual teaching experience. In keeping with this they wereto be allocated four acre plots on which they were to practise a rotationsystem using the same methods that they would later advise progressive30 Southern Rhodesia, Legislative Assembly Debates, 1922-3, Vol.1,1-25 May, 1921, 375.31 H. V. Moyana, The Political Economy of land in Zimbabwe (Harare, Mambo Press, 1984), 92.32 NAZ, SRG3/1NT4, Annual Report of the Chief Native Commissioner, 1924 (Salisbury, Govt.Printer, 1925).33 NAZ, SRG3/1NT4, Annual Report of the Chief Native Commissioner, 1924; with Report ofDirector of Native Development.E. KRAMER 167farmers on. In their second year, Keigwin advocated, they were to go outinto the field in the reserves adjoining the two schools, and actuallyinstruct pupils on their own plots.THE INCEPTION OF EXTENSION PROGRAMMES: EARLY DIFFICULTIESIn 1924, 21 men were selected by various NCs and, at Domboshawa andTjolotjo, they embarked on the demonstrator training programme. Andyet this was only a very small percentage of the total number of studentsat these two schools. In 1925, Domboshawa had 187 pupils, and Tjolotjo76; of these only 13 and 6 respectively, were demonstrators in training.34Progress was slow and although agriculture was part of the syllabus,industrial training received greater emphasis.Administrative conflicts were largely to blame for the delay inimplementing these projects: there was antagonism between the NativeAffairs Department (NAD), and the missions who saw African education asbeing their responsibility. They did not approve of the fact that Keigwinwas awarded £7 500 for his schemes, a sum they saw as extravagant.35They also disapproved of Domboshawa School being isolated from therest of the education system and themselves.The missionaries advocated the creation of a sub-department thatwould take over the supervisory functions which were in the hands ofinspectors of the Education Department who were more concerned withWhite education. The Hadfield Commission, appointed in 1924 to enquireinto the matter of African education, was divided as to which departmentthe sub-department should fall under. Jackson, the CNC, felt that this sub-department should come under the Native Affairs Department and not theEducation Department. Under the Moffat government in 1927, the NativeEducation Department was created with H. Jowitt as its head, andDomboshawa under his control.36 The 1924 Hadfield Commission did notbelieve Keigwin to be suitable for the implementation and execution of thescheme, hence he resigned in 1926 and the Native Development Departmentcollapsed soon thereafter, having only been established in 1920. However,the Native Education Department too, was only to survive for the shortperiod of two years. The CNC believed that it was not a good thing tobroaden the already wide gap between African administration andeducation, by removing the industrial schools from the control of theNative Affairs Department. In 1929, as a result of the Hadfield Commission,the passage of the Native Development Act substituted the Native Education34 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Annual Report of the Chief Native Commissioner, 1925.35 Southern Rhodesia, Debates of the Legislative Assembly 1922-3, Vol. 1. 1-25. May. 1922. 370,36 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Chief Native Commissioner Annual Report, 1927.168 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREDepartment with a new Native Development Department that had Jowittas its director.From 1929 to 1930, the rivalry between the Native Affairs Departmentand the chiefs on the one hand, and the missionaries on the other continued,but not openly. As long as Jackson was CNC, the split was perpetuatedbecause he shared many ideals of the Native Development Departmentand the missionaries although he was in the employ of the Native AffairsDepartment. In 1930, a new CNC, Carbutt, was appointed and at this timethe NAD came to dominate Black development once again, as Carbuttrepresented the more conservative traditions of the NAD.37 The primaryconsequence of this continuing conflict and antagonism was that it hadthe effect of hindering the implementation, and later expansion, of extensionschemes.Despite the inner conflict in the Native Affairs Department, anAgriculturalist for the Instruction of Natives was appointed in 1926, butunder the Department of Agriculture. Then when the Department of NativeEducation was created in 1927, he was transferred to this branch of theNative Affairs Department. The Agriculturalist, E. D. Alvord, had this tosay about the difficult situation:I consider that April 1 marks the real beginning of my work asAgriculturalist for instruction of Natives. On this date I was transferredto the Department of Native Affairs. This was a wise move for it was quiteevident to me that an Agriculturalist for Natives was out of place in adepartment which was organised and conducted chiefly for theagricultural information of Europeans.38The 1925 Land Commission was partly responsible for the appointmentof Alvord, as it envisaged the migration of Blacks to the reserves on a morepermanent basis. It was realised that if these areas were to be capable ofcarrying a much larger population, then deterioration must be arrested,and development encouraged. Deforestation and soil erosion werebecoming rife, and continued practise of rotational cultivation was nowunviable.ALVORD AND HIS BACKGROUNDAlvord was an American missionary, initially stationed at Mount Silinda.He had been selected to instruct the pupils there on so-called 'improvedagricultural methods'. Alvord was disheartened by what he found uponarrival at the mission in 1920. He found that the maize crop had almostfailed, the soil was in a poor state: barren and arid, and other crops grown37 E. Punt, 'The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia', 68.38 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Report of Agriculturalist for Instruction of Natives, 1927.E.KRAMER 169were also in poor condition. He noticed too, that despite the abundance ofcattle manure, none was used to offset such problems. Consequently,Alvord gave himself the task of attempting to reverse these trends beforethe onset of the next rains.39 Alvord then selected six acres of overworkedschool land and formed demonstration and experimental plots. He fertilisedthese with cattle manure, two were planted to maize and the remainingfour were planted to a systematic crop rotation. He drew up a system of'Agricultural Work for Adult Natives'.40Alvord came under fire from the Industrial Missionary at the missionwho did not see the need for agricultural instruction. As was to be the caseat Domboshawa and Tjolotjo later, agriculture was neglected. Despite this,Alvord's five year agricultural course at Mt Silinda School was approvedby the mission and introduced.In March 1921, Keigwin, then Director, Native Development Department,having heard of Alvord's method, went to the mission to observe progressthere. Keigwin found that the six experimental plots were thriving and hewas very keen that Alvord go to Harare (then Salisbury) 'and advise himon the scheme for agricultural instruction at a new training school forNatives to be established at Domboshawa'.41 Alvord's scheme did notpass unnoticed by other authorities either, and news of the success hewas experiencing at Mt Silinda spread. In 1922/3 he was visited byH. G. Mundy, the Chief Agriculturalist, accompanied by the CNC andActing CNC, Taylor and Jackson respectively. In part, it was as a result ofthis visit that the government decided to take up Alvord's methods, and in1924 the first demonstrator trainees enrolled at the two schools. At thisjuncture Alvord was not to know that it would not be long before he was tobecome permanently involved with these schemes.In 1921, Alvord experienced what he considered to be a somewhatfortuitous setback, which was to provide the key to all his futuredevelopment tactics. Many people had come to the Before HarvestMeeting42 to observe the results of improved tillage methods. Alvordfound that the people were suspicious and loath to believe that suchresults could be achieved by themselves. He maintained that they saw itas 'White man's magic... witchcraft made them grow'.43 Alvord then wenton to say:39 NAZ, E. D. Alvord, The Gospel of the Plow.40 Ibid.41 Ibid.42 These were meetings held alongside one of the demonstration plots prior to harvesting. Atthese meetings, the results of extension methods could be examined by all present.43 NAZ, E. D. Alvord, 'The Development of Native Agriculture and Land Tenure' (Unpubl..1958), 6.170 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREIt was then I made my prodigious discovery. A discovery which was toinfluence millions and affect the economic development of a wholenation. I discovered that in spite of high qualifications and experience, awhite man could not teach agriculture to the superstition steeped African... I made the discovery that the African must see things demonstratedon his own level, within his reach by Demonstrators of his own blackcolour ... 44To a degree this may have been the case, but what he actually missedwas that the peasants were suspicious because they had no reason totrust the Whites. The initial creation of reserves, and then the NativeReserves Commission, were testimony to the fact that the White man wasnot to be trusted. The Africans naturally felt that if they demonstrated thatthey could successfully farm smaller acreages, then they would be allocatedeven smaller areas to live on.45Perhaps not coincidentally, a few years later in 1926, the CNC came tothe same conclusion that Alvord had earlier. He was commenting on thedemonstrators who were about to go out into the reserves toopen a campaign on the lines which have proved so successful in theTranskei, where Native conservatism had for generations been proofagainst knowledge acquired by Natives in the service of Europeans. Asimilar irreceptivity has been observed among the Natives of this colony.The projected method is analogous to the 'extension' system successfullypractised among the Negroes in the Southern States.46The CNC went on to quote the NC, Chibi, as saying,I consider that the sending of one or two demonstrators from thegovernment school at Domboshawa will effect more immediate andlasting results than any amount of working on European farms.47The NC, Victoria, was more sceptical, and somewhat ironically cameto the conclusion, 'Demonstration of better methods will be of no usewithout compulsion.'48 He cited as his backup 'Natives who work onEuropean farms without supervision but this has no effect on Nativeagriculture.'49 The NC, Makoni, was nearer the mark when he said, 'So longas European farmers continue to fail to produce good crops while theNatives regularly reap ample harvests, the Native can hardly be expectedto change much.'50 It is apparent, then, that the NCs were divided both ontheir attitudes to Africans themselves, and on the use of implementingextension services.44 Ibid.45 Vide Infra, 23.46 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Annual Report of the CNC, 1926.47 Ibid48 NAZ, SRG3/INT4. Annual Report of the CNC, 1926.49 Ibid.50 IbidE. KRAMER 171ALVORD'S EARLY YEARS AS AGRICULTURALISTIn 1926, Mundy, upon hearing of the imminent closure of Alvord's MissionSociety, offered him the job of Agriculturalist for the Agricultural Instructionof Natives. His duties were enumerated:to organise better the agricultural training of Natives at the Mission andGovernment schools Š also to organise agricultural instruction anddevelopment in the reserves by means of Native Demonstrators anddemonstration plots.51Alvord accepted, and took up the post in 1926. He was enthusiasticand out of step with the general colonial attitude. To a degree he wassympathetic with African problems and often at odds with the colonialgovernment. He undertook extension services in a genuine effort to relievethe lot of the peasant farmer, and not with attitudes such as those of thegovernment as his foremost priority. This notwithstanding, Alvord wasnot politically motivated, and he always operated within the limits set bythe settler regime and the official policy of the day. He was concernedwith the economic well-being of the Africans, and this primarily in so faras it was a vital factor in their spiritual vitality. It must be rememberedthat Alvord was a missionary by vocation.From the first, Alvord faced government antagonism. The governmentwanted to increase the carrying capacity of the reserves and reduce thefinancial outlay to those areas, but they did not want to create a competentand competitive farmer out of the peasants. It was feared that one resultof these schemes would be to create a surplus crop produced by peasantfarmers which would enter the market, flooding it with a low quality, lowpriced crop and lowering standards that the settlers had set, andunderselling their crop.It should be noted at this point that neither the settlers nor thegovernment deemed it important that the peasants respond favourably tothe agricultural changes that were now considered necessary. In factdevelopment policies were not viewed with regard to their benefit to thepeasant himself. Instead they were inaugurated in order to increase thecarrying capacity of the reserves and to prevent further soil erosion. Thiswould allow more Africans to subsist in the reserves and hopefully reducethe necessity for government support in the form of famine relief in timesof drought and crop failure. In 1930 the following was written on thepurpose of demonstrators,The aim of farming Demonstrators on Native Reserves is not to stimulatethe production of cash crops, but to teach the Native farmer how to get51 E. D. Alvord, 'The Gospel of the Plow'.172 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREgood returns from his labour, and at the same time build up and maintainthe soil fertility for himself and his children. It must be remembered thatland in Native Reserves is communal and it is limited. No individual canbe permitted to go extensively into the production of money crops, wearout the land and crowd out other individuals who have an equal right toa share of the land.52Hence Alvord was offered little government assistance for his extensionschemes. In part this may be attributed to his sympathy with the people,and in part this may be ascribed to the fact that he was a missionary and,as mentioned, 'missionaries and the Native Department were not inagreement over the question of Native policy'.53 Furthermore, Alvord wasan American; he was seen as tactless and opinionated and this was notwell received by a civil service consisting primarily of men of Britishorigin.54 Alvord, in his enthusiastic and often tactless way, created aresistance in the minds of NCs who felt that he was encroaching on theirdomains and their fields of expertise. It took many years to overcome thisantagonism.55When Alvord took up his post at Domboshawa, he found thatagriculture was not on the syllabus, and none of the 130 pupils studiedagriculture, only industrial courses. This was in keeping with currentgovernment attitudes towards Black agriculture. The six demonstrators intraining and some paid labourers simply ran the school farm. Even thedemonstrators' training was vague and superficial. The greatest emphasis,then, was given to industrial training particularly those skills which offeredno competition with Whites. Skills like carpentry and building were taughtat the highest levels, and agriculture was only taught at the lowest level.This, of course, reflected with the fear that adoption of improved techniquesmight create a class of independent African commercial farmers whowould pose a threat to White farmers who were themselves not fullyestablished at this time.Alvord's system was based on organic farming and crop rotation, butthe demonstrators in training had no knowledge of these principles. Inview of this, Alvord recommended an additional year's tuition. He then set52 NAZ, Official Yearbook of the Colony of Southern Rhodesia, Vol.2, 1930 (Salisbury, Govt.Printer, 1931), 745.53 E. Punt, 'The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia', 72, quoting R.Dinnis, retired Native Commissioner.54 On at least one occasion in later years, Alvord appealed to his superiors in the NADrequesting a salary increase. Their response was that as he was an American and hence aforeigner, he did not qualify for this. Alvord's first instinct was to resign, but his passion topreach 'the gospel of the plow' prompted him to continue in spite of such an obvious lackof support. NAZ, E. D. Alvord, 'The Gospel of the Plow'.55 E. Punt, 'The Development of African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia', quoting D. Hampton,ex-Principal, Domboshawa School, 72.E. KRAMER 173about restructuring the school syllabus which had not kept to the originalscheme drawn up in 1921 by Keigwin and himself. Alvord took over theagricultural side of the curriculum at both schools, but only after the CNCcompelled the Principal at Domboshawa to follow Alvord'srecommendations pertaining to agriculture.Thus the demonstrators in training were to have an additional year'straining, and during this year they were to carry out practical work on thereserves adjoining the two industrial schools. It was also decided toincrease the entrance qualification from standard 3 to standard 5, as theearly demonstrators did not have the literary qualifications necessary tocarry out their duties. Following this in July 1927, a five-year course inpractical agriculture (following Alvord's methods employed at Mt Silinda)was introduced and placed on the school curriculum. Students were tostudy soil conservation methods, gardening, animal husbandry, fishfarming, water conservation, crop cultivation, general farm practice andfarm mechanics. Alvord also inaugurated similar courses at several missionschools.56It had generally been believed that Africans would not be attracted byagricultural schooling: that they considered they knew all there was toknow about farming as they were farmers themselves.57 Ironically, anddespite all such expectations, numbers swelled at the two schools withthe majority of students seeking to enter the agricultural course. Ultimately,emphasis came to be placed in this area.It must be stressed at the outset, that agricultural instruction wasintended to raise the level of land use sufficiently in order that reservefarmers could eke out a subsistence livelihood from the land; thedemonstration schemes devised in the 1920s did not attempt to alter theexisting structure of the traditional system. Communal holdings were tobe maintained. Capital intensive, large-scale holdings were not encouragedat this stage, as this would defeat the main purpose of extension services:to increase the carrying capacity of the reserves.Our purpose is to teach these reserve Natives to make the most of theirarable and grazing lands. It is our aim to teach them how to grow on oneacre the quantity of crops they now grow on ten acres. Thus we shall beable to set free more lands for grazing purposes and greatly add to theresources of the Native reserves.58Thus the carrying capacity and productivity of the reserves would beenhanced without a notable increase in expenditure, or any alteration inthe existing communal system.56 E. D. Alvord, "The Gospel of the Plow'.57 NAZ, SRG/INT4, A. M. G. Jackson, Acting Chief Native Commissioner, Annual Report on theTwo Industrial Schools at Domboshawa and Tjolotjo, 1926.58 NAZ, SRG/INT4, Annual Report of Agriculturalist for Instruction of Natives. 1929.1TA EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREDuring the first year, demonstration plotholders were taught moderntillage methods suitable to intensive farming methods and the value ofmanuring the land. They were to be instructed in the proper use of theplough, land preparation and planting methods which would be suited tothe new intensive system of farming that they were expected to adopt.In the first two years, maize was usually plantedfor the purpose of teaching manuring, winter ploughing, cross ploughing,proper seed bed preparation and cultivation. At the end of two yearsdemonstration, the owner is either dropped or undertakes to have theDemonstrator teach him proper rotation.59Farmers were shown how to stump and clear lands in readiness forthe plough. It was hoped that Alvord's schemes would bring an end towhat he saw as the misuse of the plough, and in 1929 the CNC said in thisregard, thatIt is hoped that sound agricultural guidance will, through demonstration,surmount the difficulties that confront the husbandman in his transitionfrom the hoe to the plough. Such guidance is badly wanted, as ploughs atpresent are a doubtful advantage.60It was vital that ploughing be properly done in order to aerate the soil.Winter ploughing was encouraged as this helped retain moisture duringthe dry season. They were shown how to select seed and plant carefully inrows instead of using the original method of broadcasting.Those peasant farmers who had tried to modernise by adopting theplough had actually experienced lower yields. Even White settlers hadquickly seen the advantage of African methods of hoe cultivation: a lightscratching of the ground so as not to dislodge the top soil. Deep ploughingunaccompanied by cultivation, manuring and Irrigating, simply added tothe problem of soil erosion. The CNC stated in 1925 that although themore general use of ploughs must be regarded as a step forward, itbrings in its train problems unfamiliar to the Native agriculturalist, andInvolves abandonment to some extent of the method of which he wasthe master.61In 1929 the CNC compared lands prepared by hoe and ploughrespectively:In the one done with the hoe the contour of the ground has been studied,and the ridges made with a view to draining the lands from the heavyfloods, but still more to prevent erosion, the crop stands high and dry inthe heaviest rains, and gets all the benefit of the humus turned underbetween the sods which form the ridge. The other is a sacrificed piece ofground, the half turned drills running in circles or straight lines, no59 E. D. Alvord, Agricultural Demonstration Work on Native Reserves (Salisbury, OccasionalPaper 3, 1930), 26-27.611 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Annual Report of the CNC, 1929.61 HAZ,Sm/3\m4, Annual Report of CNC, 1925.E. KRAMER 175thought being given li> Hooding, wash or anything else, patches of grassleft where they could not (jet the plough to work, the crop existing whereIt can."The plough had become increasingly popular because it was a labour-saving device. This was an Important consideration in the rural economywhen so many members of the households were absent, having gone tourban areas in search of employment In order to get money to meet theirfinancial obligations. The plough allowed for more extensive cultivation,and could be used by women. As early as 1924 the NC Inyanga hadappreciated this difficulty.The Natives in the reserves are very slow to adopt European methods ofagriculture. Indeed, as nearly all the able bodied men go away to workand leave the agriculture to the women, it would not be much good theirlearning unless the women were taught at the same time and could beinduced to change their methods.*1Other NAD officials were also becoming aware of this factor, andindeed the Assistant Agriculturalist commented that women and girlswere to be encouraged to attend 'Before Harvest' meetings in order toaccelerate the extension movement.''4.Thus plough cultivation led to decreased yields per acre, but theincreased acreages planted compensated for this. The same yields weretherefore realised with the same, or less, amount of labour. As a result ofthe above, lands tended to be abandoned earlier. The necessity to increasethe carrying capacity of the reserves meant that such problems could nolonger go unnoticed. It was one of Alvord's primary tasks to tackle thisproblem of plough cultivation and so bring an end to one of the problemsbesetting the reserves.Initially then farmers were advised in the use of the plough and landpreparation. During the second and following years, plotholders were tobe taught crop rotation, the aim here being to build up and maintain soilfertility. Alvord drew up a crop rotation system which was intended tobuild up the soil to a high degree of fertility in a very short time. It wouldalso permit intensive and continuous cropping of the soil. One acre wasdivided into four plots. (This was later increased to two acres."5) Theseplots were to be rotated for a period of four years. Maize was planted inthe first year with a liberal application of manure: up to 15 tons per acre/'662 NAZ, SRG3/INT4. Annual Report of th<- (NC 1!>2!)61 NAZ, S138/206 1924-1927. Native Commissioner Inyanga to .Superintendent of Natives,Umtali 26/3/24.M NAZ, S1542/A4, Vol. 1. Report on Before Harvest Meetings in Demonstration Centres, 28/4/34.65 NAZ, S235/474, A. Pendered, 'Marketing of Native Produce Report', March 24, 1945, 31.M Ibid.176 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREThis was followed in the second year by maize or 'kaffir-corn' or any otherintertilled farniceous crop. In the third year a legume was planted, thesewould be ploughed in at the end of the season and had the vital task ofreplacing nitrates in the soil. Alvord advocated the planting of legumeswhich were already familiar to peasant farmers, like groundnuts or 'kaffirbeans'. In the fourth year rapoko or another close growing millet crop wasplanted.67 Such rotation principles would allow a much more intensivecultivation of the soil, and hence increase carrying capacity per acre. Eachreserve would then be able to sustain the increased numbers soon toflood into them.SPREADING THE GOSPELIn May 1927, the final examinations for the demonstrators were held, andall but one of the 12 passed. In August, preliminary meetings were held on11 different reserves and then the first demonstrators assumed duty.68 Atthis juncture it was envisioned that demonstrators would be located intheir own areas. It was hoped that this would prevent hostility to thedemonstrators.69 Demonstrators were instructed to:Question a likely man in his area as to the acreage he has under cultivation,what his returns have been . . . then he will tell him that he should beable to get better results with better methods. He will then offer to takeover one or two acres of this man's land, attend to the cultivation andgenerally handle the crop until it is reaped.70It was not intended that the demonstrator take over the plotholdersplots entirely, but rather encourage the man to work under his guidance.No-one was to be forced to take up the schemes; all farmers who followedthe advice of the demonstrators were called co-operators. Eachdemonstrator was to have between 16 and 18 plotholders and as many co-operators as were willing to follow him.71 'Before Harvest' meetings wereto be held alongside plotholders' demonstration plots, they were to besupervised by the NC and the demonstrator. Villagers were invited toattend the meetings and observe the results of adopting the new methodsof cultivation.All farmers who consistently followed the correct methods on all theirlands would then qualify for a 'Master Farmer' certificate. Once he attained67 E. Punt, 'The Development of African Agriculture In Southern Rhodesia', 75, quoting D.Hampton, ex-principal, Domboshawa school.68 NAZ, SRG/INT4, Annual Report of The Agriculturalist For Instruction of Natives, 1927.69 NAZ.S138/2061924/1927, Correspondence between ChiefNative Commissioner and Principal,Domboshawa School, 26/1/27-29/1/27.70 NAZ, S138/10 24/2/1927, Native Affairs Department Correspondence.71 NAZ, S235/474, A. Pendered, Marketing of Native Produce, 31.E. KRAMER 177this he was expected to help the demonstrators and give advice to othersin his neighbourhood. The first Master Farmer certificate was given out in1935.72Among the first reserves to be allocated a demonstrator was theSelukwe Reserve in 1927. In part this may be attributable to the fact thatrespective NCs in this reserve were persistent in their complaints as to thecondition of the reserve. As early as 1921 the NC remarked,A considerable amount of crown land has recently been taken over byEuropean farmers and it is estimated that about 50% of the Nativesresiding thereon removed to the reserves, the balance remaining on thefarms.73In 1926, the NC, Selukwe, observed that Africans were still moving intothe reserves. He maintained that this was attributable to 'high rentals,dipping fees ... and stringent labour clauses'.74 He went on to say that 'Inthis district the only reserve is, even today, very thickly populated and thepresent occupants complain of having insufficient ground for cultivationand grazing.'75 It was at this time that he first requested a demonstrator.The time has now arrived as far as this district is concerned at any rate,for the trained Native Agricultural Demonstrators. The Native Reservehere is small for the population it has to carry and, unless improvedmethods of agriculture are introduced and the Natives taught to makebetter use of the areas at their disposal, it will become more badlyovercrowded.76It was partly owing to such insistence that a demonstrator was allocatedto the Selukwe reserve in 1927; and in his Annual Report for that year theNC pronounced,The Natives appreciate the beifits (sic) which they will receive from thedemonstrator, particularly as it is becoming more apparent, even tothem, that with the removal of Natives from farms each year, the reserveis gradually becoming too congested to permit of the wasteful methodsof cultivation adopted by them in the past.77The work of the new demonstrator, Mapolisa, was a resoundingsuccess, and many peasant farmers were soon enthusiastic to becomeplotholders. Others became co-operators, and adopted improved methodson their own.In the successful first year of demonstration, Alvord was unwittinglyaided by the fact that 1927/8 was a drought year; crops were failingnationwide.72 Ibid73 NAZ, N9/1/24, Native Commissioner, Selukwe, 1921.74 NAZ, S235-504, District Annual Reports, 1926.75 Ibid.76 Ibid77 NAZ, S235/505, Native Commissioner Annual Reports, 1927.178 EXTENSION SERVICES IN PEASANT AGRICULTUREThe season, though a bad one in all other respects, was most suitable forpurposes of demonstrating the effects of proper cultivation ... severalplots were surrounded by Native lands in which maize had almost entirelyfailed to withstand the drought conditions. The tall healthy plants in thedemonstration plots formed a very marked contrast to the immatureand stunted ones in the adjacent lands.78The NC, Selukwe, stated further that all suspicions on the part ofpeasant farmers abated in the face of such a resounding success. Indeedcountrywide, average yields on demonstration plots were 13.5 bagscompared to 1.5 bags on 'ordinary Native Lands'.79In 1928, Alvord observed that there were now 17 demonstrators on 11reserves, demonstrating for 88 different village leaders, on a total of 92acres. These yielded four times more per acre than similar crops onadjoining lands farmed by traditional methods.80CONCLUSIONExtension services were initiated by the Native Affairs Department in themid-1920s. They were a result of changing settler opinion as to the role ofthe Africans in the colony, the creation of permanent areas for them toreside in, and the segregationist policies that were crystallising duringthis period.The colonial authorities realised that they would have to increase thecarrying capacity of the reserves if separate development were to be areality. It was at this time that E. D. Alvord, a missionary at Mt Silinda, wasexperimenting with intensive cultivation methods for mission farmers. Asa result of successes he encountered he was offered the post asAgriculturalist for Natives, and joined the Native Affairs Department in1926.Due to his efforts at the two technical schools, Domboshawa andTjolotjo, the first demonstrators completed their training in 1927 andbegan work in the reserves. This year marked the official start ofdemonstrator effort in the reserves. The initial years of extension witnesseda success in that crop yields increased and many peasant farmers wereeager to follow demonstrators.Clearly, early demonstrator efforts did meet with a degree of success.But despite the success of extension policy in its early years, improvementswere not sufficient to overcome problems consequent upon overcrowdingand congestion. The government was not going to give in and allocatemore land to the reserves.78 NAZ, S235/506, Native Commissioner Annual Report, 1928.79 NAZ, E. D. Alvord, 'Gospel of the Plow'.80 NAZ, SRG3/INT4, Annual Report of the Agriculturalist for Instruction of Natives. 1928.E. KRAMER 179These early successes were also short-lived because there were manyproblems inherent in the programme that were not foreseen at the inceptionof the schemes. Consequently, before the decade of the 1920s was over,early extension policy was already being revised.