Zambezia (2002), XXIX (i).REVIEW ESSAYMUSIC IN ZIMBABWEEZRA CHITANDODepartment of Religious Studies, Classics and Philosophy, University ofZimbabweNationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe By ThomasTurino (Chicago Series in Ethnomusicology, Chicago and London,University of Chicago Press, 2000), 401pp, ISBN (cloth): 0-226-81701-6;ISBN (paper): 0-226-81702-4.Zimbabwean music is an integral part of the country's very rich andproud heritage. With music accompanying individuals from the cradle tothe grave, it occupies an important place in the cultural life of the peopleof Zimbabwe. However, Zimbabwean music has not consistently receiveddue scholarly attention. The material available tends to be fragmented inoutlook. The success enjoyed on the highly competitive internationalmarket by some Zimbabwean musicians and groups such as The BhunduBoys, Stella Chiweshe, Rozalla Miller, Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mtukudzi,Albert Nyathi and others has helped to generate considerable scholarlyinterest. In addition, the pioneering efforts of the late outstandingmusicians and teachers, Dumisani Abraham Maraire and Ephat Mujuru inintroducing mbira music and its spirituality to North American audiencesinstigated curiosity and further interest in the country's music. It is insuch a context that Thomas Turino's book has to be appreciated. Turino'sbook is an important and sensitive contribution to an area where muchmore work urgently remains to be done, especially in the light of the rateat which death has robbed the country of many of its talented musiciansfrom the mid-1990s.Turino's book is well researched and documented, apart from beingtheoretically challenging and provocative. He sets out to "clarify thecontinuities and parallel cultural effects of colonialism, nationalism andcosmopolitanism"1 through the specific case of Zimbabwean music. Incase readers expect his book to be the definitive guide to the history ofmusic in the country, Turino realistically argues;"... here is not a singlelocal 'history of music' in Zimbabwe but rather multiple histories that1. Thomas Turino, Nationalists, Cosmopolitans and Popular Music in Zimbabwe (Chicagoand London, University of Chicago Press, 2000), 4.82E. CHITANDO 83depend on the subject positions and varied experiences of the actorsinvolved."2 Chapter One of the book examines the impact of socialidentities on indigenous musical practices, with Turino insisting that thesocial locations of individuals have a marked bearing on how they regardindigenous music. In particular, he seeks to explode the colonial decline/nationalist revival trajectory3 by illustrating how it has been mediated bycosmopolitan and nationalist discourses. While accepting its generalvalidity, Turino asseverates that it is a partial view of the complexdevelopment of music in Zimbabwe.In Chapter Two, Turino explores music and dance in Mbare, 1930-1960. He highlights how indigenous music and dances were dominantprior to the rise of urban-popular styles. The chapter describes thevarious traditional dances that include jerusarema, shangara, muchongoyo,mbakumba, dhinhe, dandanda, njari and mbira. Against any overarchingemphasis on a homogenous "Zimbabwean traditional dance", Turinounderlines the fact that the various rural regions and groups in thecountry have had their own dances and instrumental traditions.4 TheMurehwa Jerusarema Club is provided as a case study to illustrate thetensions defining Zimbabwean identities and music. Chapter Three tracesthe relationship between the settler state and indigenous music duringthe Federation years. It is a historically sensitive chapter that, however,condenses themes that would have merited separate treatment, ascontended below. On the basis of his interviews with members of theMurehwa Jerusarema Club who cited their performances for whiteaudiences as high points of their careers, rather than any explicitlynationalistic performances, Turino debunks the notion of nationalistfervour instigating a cultural revival in Zimbabwe. Could it be that as awhite researcher the respondents were telling Turino what they thoughthe wanted to hear?Turino also discusses the importance of radio recordings andbroadcasts in the 1950s and 1960s, African music in the schools,Kwanongoma College of Music, municipal social and recreationprogrammes and the role of the churches in Chapter Three. For Turino, itis dangerous to assume that there are any "cultural insiders", withoutpaying attention to specialisation and professionalism. Thus, ". . . being'African' or a black Zimbabwean does not guarantee knowledge ofindigenous African arts."5 With this bold declaration, Turino seeks to2. Ibid., 17.3. Ibid, 34.4. Ibid., 68.5. Ibid. 101.84 MUSIC IN ZIMBABWEinsulate himself against any "wisdom in the blood" argument and tocreate space within which he, a "cultural outsider", has an equal - if notgreater - right to study and interpret Zimbabwean music. Presumably,knowledge of indigenous African arts lies with interested indigenouspeople, ethnomusicologists and other specialists.In Chapter Four, Turino explores the emergence of urban-popularvocal music, school choirs, the "concert" tradition and the pioneeringefforts of Kenneth Mattaka and the Bantu Actors, as well as De BlackEvening Follies. He emphasises the extent to which class considerationsinfluenced the attitudes of those blacks that enjoyed "concert".6 Urbanjazz bands and ballroom dancing also receive coverage in this chapter.His inclusion of items from African Parade creatively highlights how theemerging black middle class approached African artistic products duringthe colonial period.7 Considerable space is also accorded to AugustMusarurwa and how his music became internationally known.How the nationalist black leaders in Zimbabwe harnessed the emotiongenerated by music in the late 1950s and early 1960s forms the basis forChapter Five. Central to Turino's concept of nationalism is the contentionthat the African nationalist leadership in Zimbabwe was cosmopolitan asmany of them had received mission education, while a good number hadstudied outside the country.8 Robert Mugabe's contribution to thedevelopment of mass cultural nationalism in the early 1960s isacknowledged, with Turino underlining the vitality of music. In thischapter, he draws attention to the role of music at the nationalist rallies,with an informative description of the cultural activities that were linedup to celebrate the founding of ZAPU in 1962. Turino succeeds in showingthe centrality of music, dance and other "traditional" cultural practicesto the nationalist parties in Zimbabwe. While acknowledging that theproject may not have attained spectacular results, he notes that thenationalists "did further the process of fortifying pride and interest inindigenous arts and culture among the portion of the population that hadnot been socialized in indigenous lifeways."9In Chapter Six, Turino revisits the chimurenga songs of the 1970s. Henotes the ambivalent attitude that the nationalist parties had towardsChristianity and draws attention to the fact that many of the mobilisationsongs were based on Christian hymns. Thus, "Of the musical resourcesused for ZANU's and ZAPU's chimurenga songs, however, approximately6. Ibid.. 139.7. Ibid., 149.8. Ibid. 165.9. Ibid, 188.E. CHITANDO 8550 percent of my sample are Christian hymns."10 Turino helpfully examinesthe composition and style of the chimurenga songs, as well as providingexcerpts of his interview with Comrade Chinx, a veteran composer andperformer of these "songs of struggle". His eye for detail is evident in hisobservation that gradually the notion of "nation" was replaced by that ofthe party, ZANU-PF. In some of the ZANU songs, the party was singled outas the "main political and military protagonist in Zimbabwe's present andfuture",11 thereby highlighting the internal contradictions within thenationalist movement. On the whole, Turino succeeds in locating thesignificance of the chimurenga songs in ZANU's propaganda efforts.Turino eschews simplistic, straightforward historical narrations ofmusic in Zimbabwe. After following the thread of indigenous music anddance between 1930 and 1960, tracing the nationalist efforts to exploitthe emotion generated by music in the early 1960s and the chimurengasongs of the 1970s, in Chapter Five, Turino takes his readers back to the1960s. This is a compact chapter in which the author provides valuableinformation on some of the early acoustic guitarists who might otherwisehave been forgotten. It is perhaps Turino's most original contribution tothe discourse on music in Zimbabwe. He describes the linkage betweenZimbabwean jit and South African styles and terms such as jive, marabi.and tsaba-tsaba.12 Through interviews with some of the strategic actors,Turino offers a detailed account of the significance of guitarists to thedevelopment of music in the country. Important cultural workers likeMattaka, Jacob Mhungu, and others come alive in Turino's pages. He alsotraces the influence of Congolese music since the late 1950s,13 alongsidehighlighting the effects of "youth culture" and other bands of the 1966-1970 period.In Chapter Eight, Turino traces the careers of some of the mostprominent musicians in Zimbabwe. Focusing on the 1970s, he providesvaluable information regarding the early careers of Thomas Mapfumo,Zexie Manatsa, Oliver Mtukudzi, Jonah Sithole and Susan Mapfumo. Withreferences to Jordan Chataika and some early electric "mbira-guitar"music and jit, this chapter is also important for its historical details. Thesecond half of the 1970s witnessed the blossoming of various musical andsocial trends that began as early as the 1940s and 1950s, Turino argues.1410. Ibid. 203.11. Ibid, 213. On the contradictions surrounding nationalism in Zimbabwe, see for exampleBrain Raftopoulos. "Problematising nationalism in Zimbabwe: A historiographical review",Zambczia, 26 (ii). 1999, 115-134.12. Turino, Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe. 229.13. Ibid, 245.14. Ibid. 307.86 MUSIC IN ZIMBABWEIn his conclusion to this chapter, he restates the basic contention of thebook that no simple congruency existed between the use of indigenousmusic and nationalist texts among the various actors.The trends characterising popular music in Zimbabwe after 1980preoccupy Turino in Chapter Nine. He surveys the socialist and capitalistideologies adopted by the nascent state, while paying attention to theideological impact of the ruling elite on cultural production in the country.Turino strongly argues that the formation of the National Dance Companyin 1981 was shaped by the African-American dancer and choreographerKariamu Welsh-Asante based on cosmopolitan rather than localaesthetics.15 Turino briefly describes the entry of some local artists onthe international music market and the popularity of mbira. Explainingthe dominance of mbira in reviews of Zimbabwean music, Turino identifiesits inherent attraction for people with cosmopolitan aesthetics and thelasting influence of Paul Berliner's book, Sou] of Mbira.16 In conclusion, hereiterates the importance of class and ideology among the black elite andhow this has had a significant bearing on musical performances inZimbabwe during both the colonial period, as well as after 1980.TORINO'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF MUSIC IN ZIMBABWEAs noted above, Turino's book is a welcome and timely contribution tothe history of popular music in the country. He combines archival material,fieldwork and theory in an effective and challenging manner. Thetranslations from the vernacular are accurate, while most of the significantcultural workers receive their due attention. His passion is undoubtedand his analytical rigour is appreciable. Turino's work complementsexisting works and locates Zimbabwean music in its larger context ofcosmopolitanism and capitalism. His questioning of the preoccupationwith mbira is incisive, as is his identification of the effects of the nationalistideology on artistic production in Zimbabwe. His book is a detailed,informative and valuable repository of the country's history of music.There are however, problematic issues that emerge from Turino'snarrative. As with much of the available literature, it tends to focus ondevelopments in Harare and its immediate environs, at the expense ofother regions and cities. As Caleb Dube rightly observes, the productionof much popular music has occurred in towns like Mutare (e.g. the RunnFamily), Gweru (Ebony Sheikh), Kwekwe (Wells Fargo), Victoria Falls(Mandebvu), Masvingo (Tafara Madondo Sounds), Bulawayo (SolomonIS./bid, 324.\6.lbid. 342-343.E. CHITANDO 87Skhuza, Black Umfolosi) and others.17 To this end, Turino's focus onestablished stars and the impact of broadcasting, for example, is close towhat earlier writers like Fred Zindi18 have observed. For a phenomenonas understudied as Zimbabwean music, there is need to cover as manyregions as is possible, as well as exploring other types of music in thecountry.Turino also overstates the distinctiveness of the Zimbabwean(Hararean) middle class, its distance from the indigenous peasants, andits cosmopolitan outlook. In a number of places (pp. 42-45; p. 353) Turinoobserves a wide chasm between the black middle class and the lower(black) classes. He cites the case of his middle-class African neighboursin Harare, especially younger people, knowing little about the indigenousarts and cultural activities in nearby 'high-density' townships. Turino isconvinced, following Ruth Weiss, that the black middle classes now havemore in common with whites than with lower-income blacks and thatthey have become part of the same cosmopolitan cultural formation (p.316). This glosses over the gulf that exists between the black and whiteraces in Zimbabwe.The persistence of indigenous cultural values amongst the so-calledblack middle class poses a fundamental challenge to this interpretation.Although it has some analytical merit, the rural-urban dichotomy is oftena false one, especially in the Zimbabwean context where there is constantmovement of people and ideas across these conceptual and physicalspaces. In addition, musical tastes often transcend class positions, therebyproblematising Turino's basic assumption that social location largelydetermines cultural production and consumption patterns. For all itsideological posturing, Zimbabwe's middle class has remained "traditional","African", "indigenous" and "submerging" due to the harsh economicrealities and the continued grip on industry and commerce by the whiteminority. Mimicry in terms of musical tastes and pretended ignorance of"primitive arts" has not changed the status of blacks in Zimbabwe, despiteTurino's optimistic evaluation.Probably due to the specific nature of his "subject position", Turinooffers a very limited treatment of the roles of the churches, municipalities,and private companies in the promotion (or regression) of African musicduring the colonial period. While acknowledging that of all the arms ofcolonialism, missionaries have received a lion's share of blame for thedirect oppression of indigenous Shona music and dance (p. 113), heproceeds to "fast-track" his discussion by noting the overwhelming nature17. Caleb Dube, "The changing context of African music performance in Zimbabwe",Zambezia. 23 (ii), 1996. 101.18. Fred Zindi, Roots Rocking in Zimbabwe (Cweru, Mambo Press, 1985).88 MUSIC IN ZIMBABWEof the available material. Turino admits that the literature regarding themissionary impact on indigenous practices is so copious that "one hardlyknows where to begin" (p. 113). As a result, he oilers a partial examinationof this significant theme.In addition, Turino makes a rather sweeping generalisation concerningthe status of women in Shona society. He writes, "In Zimbabwe generally,and certainly in indigenous Shona societies, women are extremelysubservient to men" (p. 81). He cites the example that women go on theirknees and clap hands when greeting or serving their husbands or fathers,and also maintains that women arc legal minors. Although some Africanwomanist scholars may endorse Turino's interpretation of the status ofwomen among the Shona, it is important to acknowledge that the matteris a contentious one in which different cultural values obtrude. Moreimportantly, there was a need to illustrate how such prejudices mighthave translated themselves in the area of music, without deviating fromthe "subject position."There are also a few references and names that need following up on.The article by Olof E. Axelsson, "Historical notes on Neo- African ChurchMusic" was published in Zambczia, 3 (2), 1974, and not in 1973 (p. 378).Other names like George Natonga (ix), George Silunkika (p. 165) andBlack Umfalosi (p.333) may also require further checking. However,Turino's book remains a lucid, well-argued and refreshing exposition on afast-changing phenomenon. With this presentation, Thomas Turino joinsthe list of "outsiders"19 like Hugh Tracey,20 Andrew Tracey,21 RobertKaufmann,22 John E. Kaemmer,23 Paul Berliner,24 Angela Impey25 JohannesBrusila26, Banning Eyre27 and others who have shown sustained and19. Ezra Chitando. "Insiders and outsiders in the study of African traditional religions: Onemore time!", Missionalui, 29 (i). 2001. 43-54.20. See for example Hugh Tracey. "A case for the name mbira". African Music. 2 (iv), 1961, 17-25.21. See for example Andrew Tracey, "Three tunes for 'mbira dza vadzimu"', African Music. 3(ii). 1963. 23-26.22. See for example Robert Kauffman, "Multi-Part Relationships in the Shona Music ofZimbabwe" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1970).23. See for example John E. Kaemmer, The Dynamics of a Changing Music System in RuralRhodesia" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University. 1975).24. See for example Paul Berliner, Tlic Soul of Mbira: Music and Traditions of the Shona Peopleof Zimbabwe (Berkeley. University of California Press. 1978).25. Angela Marguerite Impey, "They Want us with Salt and Onions: Women in the ZimbabweanMusic Industry" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1992).26. Johannes Brusila. "Musical otherness and the Bhundu Boys: The construction of the'West' and the rest' in the discourse of World Music", in Maria Eriksson Baa/, and MaiPalmberg (cds.) Same and Odicr. Ncgotiatim; African Identity in Cultural Production (UppsalaNordic Africa Institute. 2001). 39-56.27. Banning Eyre. Playing with Fire: Fear and Self-censorship in Zimbabwean Music (Copenhagen,Freemuse, 2001).E. CHITANDO 89empathetic interest in Zimbabwean music. These scholars have helped inpreserving the inherited musical traditions for posterity. However, thereremain a number of areas that require further examination if we are tofully appreciate the complexity and dynamism of Zimbabwean music.MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE: EXPLORING MORE THEMESGospel Music in the Late 1990sSince Turino's field researches and his visit during the summer of 1996(p. 351 Š Zimbabwean or USA summer?), the Zimbabwean musical scenehas undergone considerable transformation. Gospel music, generallydescribed as music that utilises Christian theological ideas, has asserteditself on the market since the mid-1990s. Following the Africanisation ofmusic within the established mission churches28 such as the Catholic,Anglican, Methodist, Lutheran churches, among others, African hymnsand choruses became popular throughout the country. The reliance onhymns by ZANU in its Chimurenga songs demonstrated the popularity ofthis genre.29With Evangelical/Pentecostal churches becoming significant actorson the national religious front in the 1990s, music with Christian themesreceived a further boost. These churches emphasised the role of music inspreading the Christian message of salvation. By the year 2000, gospelmusicians like Machanic Manyeruke, Shuvai Wutawunashe, Ivy Kombo,Elias Musakwa, Charles and Olivia Charamba and others had to be listedamong prominent musicians in the country. The ascendancy of gospelmusic in Zimbabwe and its entry into the public domain requires furtheranalysis.30Women in Zimbabwean MusicIn the second half of the 1990s, many women emerged as competentcultural workers in their own right. Young female artists playing mbiramusic, such as Chiwoniso Maraire, Irene Chigamba and Taruona28. Sec for example, O. E. Axclsson, "Historical notes on neo African church music", Zambezia,3 (ii), 1974, 89-102: J. Lenherr, "The hymnody of the mission churches among the Shonaand Ndebele", in Michael F. C. Bourdillon (ed.) Christianity South of the Zambezi, Vol. 2(Gwelo. Mambo Press. 1977), 103-121; A. M. Jones, African Hymnody in Christian Worship:A Contribution to the History of its Development (Cwclo. Mambo Press, 197G): and CeciliaMushayopokuvaka, "Development of Shona Liturgical Music in the Catholic Church inZimbabwe, 1890-1997" (BA Honours dissertation, Department of Religious Studies, Classicsand Philosophy, University of Zimbabwe, 1997).29. Alec J. C. Pongweni. "The chimurenga songs of the Zimbabwean war of liberation", inKarin Barber, (ed.) Readings in African Popular Culture (Bloomington and Indianapolis.Indiana University Press, 1997), G6.30. Sec for example, Ezra Chitando, "Songs of praise: Gospel music in an African context",Exchange, 29 (iv), 2000. 296-310.90 MUSIC IN ZIMBABWEMushore;31 female guitarists like Patricia Matongo, and female gospelmusicians32 like Carol Chivengwa, Kombo, Wutawunashe and others havebecome an integral part of the performing arts. However, as some writershave illustrated,33 women have had to struggle to be accepted asrespectable artists.The emergence of more black women as musicians in Zimbabwe inthe 1990s and beyond requires further examination. Research into howthe music industry marginalises women34 and the challenges faced bythese emerging artists needs to be undertaken. The images of women inpopular songs also require continued scrutiny. When Willom Tom's songdenigrated urban women by insisting, "Ndinoda wangu wekumaruzevha,handingawani wemudhorobha" (I would like a woman from the rural areas,I cannot marry one from the urban areas), he succeeded in perpetuatingthe stereotypical representation of urban women as "loose", "dangerous"and other negative labels. While Zindi and Turino provide some valuableinsights into the factors that have shaped the music industry in thecountry, more studies would help to clarify its current state.35Protest Music and Youthful GroupsAs Zimbabwe's economy underwent a recession in the late 1990s, protestmusic became more daring and pronounced. Alongside established artistslike Thomas Mapfumo,36 Simon Chimbetu, Leonard Zhakata and others,more musicians began to record songs that were critical of the ZANU-PF31. Joyce Jenje Makwenda. "Women musicians. 1930s-1990s". Ngoma: Official Magazine ofthe National Arts Council of Zimbabwe, 2 (iii), Oct/Nov. 2000. 10.32. Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga, "The Rise of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe with Special Referenceto the Role of Women" (BA Honours dissertation. Department of Religious Studies,Classics and Philosophy, University of Zimbabwe. 2000.)33. See for example Moreblessing Chitauro, Caleb Dube and Liz Cunner. "Song, story andnation: Women as singers and actresses in Zimbabwe", in Liz Gunner (ed.) Politics andPerformance: Theatre. Poetry and Song in Southern Africa (Johannesburg. WitwatersrandUniversity Press, 1994), 111138.34. Impey, They Want us With Salt and Onions' and Susan Manhando Makore, "Looking atWomen in Music: A Survey of Zimbabwean Female Musicians". Paper presented at theconference. Playing with Identities in Contemporary Music in Africa. 19 22 October 2000, inTurku/Abo, Finland. For a review of the challenges facing women in the public space inHarare, see for example Pedzisai Mashiri, "Street remarks, address rights and the urbanfemale: Sociolinguistic politics of gender in Harare", Zambezia, 27 (i), 2000. 55-70. AlsoHerbert Chimhundu. "Sexuality and socialisation in Shona praises and lyrics", in GrahamFurniss and Liz Gunner (eds.) Power. Marginality and African Oral Literature (CambridgeCambridge University Press, 1995), 147-161.35. See for example Moses Mukombahasha, "An Examination of the Zimbabwe Music Industry,1965-1985" (BA Honours dissertation, Department of Economic History, University ofZimbabwe, 2001).36. Alice Dadirai Kwaramba, Popular Music and Society. The Language of Protest in ChimurengaMusic: The Case of Thomas Mapfumo in Zimbabwe (Oslo, Department of Media andCommunication, 1997), 110.E. CHITANDO 91government. As Maurice Taonezvi Vambe notes, some songs effected arenegotiation of the meaning of independence in the late eighties andnineties.37 The responses by artists to the perceived social and economiccrisis that engulfed the country in the late 1990s and beyond demandcritical analysis. It is also important to pursue whether the state hasstifled such criticisms.38A number of young Zimbabwean musicians have successfully mixedAmerican hip hop, rap, soul, rhythm and blues with vernacular languagelyrics in a way that has appealed to many young music fans in the late1990s. Tracks like "Amai" by Guess, "So NdiamT by Slice and "Muroora"by David Chifunyise enjoyed considerable commercial success in 2000and 2001. The task of examining such cultural fusion remains to beundertaken. Further research into the areas of political and funeral songs,such as the appropriation of hymns and choruses by ZANU (PF) and theopposition Movement for Democratic Change, traditional religious songs,39indigenous dances,40 the production of music videos and musical films,the role of the informal sector in the distribution of music and otherareas await those with an interest in the music of Zimbabwe.Given the multiplicity of themes that invite more detailed scholarlyattention, it is clear that the area of music in Zimbabwe is doubly rich andcomplex. A lot more thus remains to be accomplished so that thedescription of Zimbabwean music as "historical communication"41 maybe fully appreciated. Thomas Turino's timely presentation is therefore achallenge to more "imagining insiders"42 to take up the challenge andexplore the music of Zimbabwe in its complexity.37. Maurice Taonezvi Vambe, "Popular songs and social realities in post-independenceZimbabwe". African Studies Review, 43 (ii), 2000, 78.38. Banning Eyre, Playing with Fire. 49 (I.39. Dumisani Abraham Maraire. "The Position of Music in Shona Mudzimu (ancestral spirit)Possession" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1990); and T. Kudzunga,"Transformation and Function of Manyika Traditional Religious Music" (BA Honoursdissertation. Department of Religious Studies. Classics and Philosophy. University ofZimbabwe, 1993).40. Ekata R. Isibor, "Science and technology development through indigenous arts: The caseof dance", in Emmanuel M. Chiwome and Zifikile Cambahaya (eds.) Culture andDevelopment: Perspectives From the South (Harare, Mond Books), 151-154: and KariamuWelsh Asante, Zimbabwe Dance: Rhythmic Forces, Ancestral Voices - An Aesthetic Analysis(Trenton. NJ, Africa World Press, 2000).41. Musaemura Zimunya, "Music in Zimbabwean history: Music as historical communication",in Hilde Arntsen, (ed.) Media, Culture and Development (Oslo. Department of Media andCommunication, 1993). 129.42. Mineke Schipper, Imagining Insiders: Africa and the Question of Belonging (London andNew York, Cassell. 1999).