Zmnbezin (2002), XXIX (ii)Naming the Pandemic: Semantic andEthical Foundations of HIV/AIDS ShonaVocabularyPEDZISAI MASHIRI, KENNETH MAWOMO AND PATRICK I I'MUniversity of ZimbabweAbstractTlie article investigates the names tliat the Shona-speaking people1 in conlempunii 1/Zimbabwe create and use in casual communication on the Acquired ImmunityDeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS), the messages transmitted through these nnmesand the ethical motivation for preferring these names to the I'liglish teun, Hl\'/AIDS. We refer to the Shona names as indirection verbal strategies that take theform of euphemisms, metaphors, colloquial expressions and slang. Hmoeivr, themotivation for preferring an indirect communication mode is best iindeistood inthe context of the notion of politeness that govern human interaction and speech onissues pertaining to sex, ilhiess and death in Shona society.IntroductionThe Shona people consider matters relating to sex, death, illness or theother's misfortune as taboo or unspeakable. Thus, the Shona create and usenumerous euphemisms, metaphors, colloquial expressions and slang fornaming HIV/AIDS or referring to its consequences since they perceive theacronym HIV/AIDS as too direct, highly unsettling and face threatening(Lin 1999: 12, Gao and Ting-Toomey 1998: 77). These indirect linguisticforms are embedded with meaningful and poignant messages on the source,the physical symptoms and the tragic impact of HIV \ A IDS on the individual,the family, the community and the nation. Traditional, as well as modernsociety encourages stylised communication that is distilled to obviate crisisand to avoid open confrontation. This Orientation derives from the unwrittenmoral or ethical code (Pfukwa 2001: 26) which venerates verbal andnonverbal behaviour that maintains respect, stability and group solidarity.Shona is the mother tongue of about 80^ of Zimbabwe's population of 13 million. Itis the ensemble of six regional dialects, namely, Zezuru, Karanga, Manyika, KoreKore,Ndau and Budya. The HIV/AIDS vocabulary presented in this article isrepresentative, but npt exhaustive. A national survey might show other names ofHIV/AIDS that are created by and confined to individual communities dependingon their particular experiences and conceptualisation of the disease.221222 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona VocabularyAnything that undermines these values is censored. Hence, learning tospeak in Shona society, like in any other community, involves recognisingthe potency of the spoken word and linguistic avoidance in certain situations.Both in traditional and modern society, 'compliance with verbal taboos ispart of the ethnography of communication; for society sometimes placescertain words under strict verbal censorship' (Yankah 1998:15). A competentspeaker of Shona is therefore aware of speaking norms that prohibit verbalreferences to certain words and/or historical events, whose directverbalisation could unleash forces of instability or stir grief.The Shona people's attitude towards HIV/AIDS and their language'sefficacy in designating the disease have been critiqued out of context anderroneously represented. Laurie Garrett (2000) claims that,Because African languages seem to lack scientific words or terms, diseasesare given names that best reflect what people fear or feel... In Zimbabwe,the dominant African language, Shona, has no word for HIV. AIDS,however, is called mukondombera, or 'a sickness that everyone suffersfrom'.Garrett's claim that African languages, Shona in particular, lack wordsfor expressing scientific thought and biomedical knowledge reflects the oldMalinowskian view of labeling some non-European languages as primitive(see Farb 1973: 11-12). African languages have not infrequently beensubjected to such criticism and not only by foreigners. A well-known nativewriter on traditional thought, Mbiti (1989: 16), suggests that Africanlanguages lack a concept of the indefinite past and infinite future becausecertain East African languages he examined did not have any word forexpressing the tenses. Mbiti, like Garrett, appears to have looked at Africanlanguages from a prejudicial perspective. The absence of a single worddesignator does not mean that the native speakers of a language cannotcommunicate what they need to communicate in their society. As Wiredu(1996: 82) rightly observes, 'a concept need not be expressed by any oneword; it may be expressed by a phrase or even a larger set of sentences or,indeed, by a pattern of behavior.'Measuring the communicative efficacy of an African language in termsof the availability or non-availability of direct lexical equivalence withEnglish words is misleading. Words that are familiar in one language mayhave no equivalent usage in another. Moreover, language is an infinitelyflexible framework capable of being adjusted to any purpose ofcommunication. There are several ways of extending the use of a language.In the case of Shona, borrowing, amelioration, deterioration, symbolism,semantic extension and slang are some of the common ways of extendingthe use of the language. Garrett's translation of the word mukondombeia inthe quotation above reflects a discourse of 'reservoirs of HIV infection'P. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. TOM 223which is part of the epidemiological discourse that defines who is at 'high'risk of the infection (Taylor 1998: 3).Theoretical FrameworkThis article adopts an integrated theory of 'face' construct and politenessstrategies to explain the Shona speakers' use of indirection in talking aboutHIV/AIDS or in referring to AIDS patients. The integrated approachcombines an appreciation of Brown and Levinson's (1987) individualanatomy notion of 'face' and the concept of 'group face' (Kadt 1998, Mao1994, Nwoye 1992). Brown and Levinson (1987: 61) define 'face', afterGoffman (1967) as 'the public self-image that every member wants to claimfor himself.' Brown and Levinson claim that human communication isuniversally guided by the desire to maintain and enhance one's own andothers' public self-esteem. Hence, 'face' consists of two related aspects:negative face and positive face. The former refers to one's freedom of actionand freedom from imposition, and the latter entails the positive consistentself-image that people have and want to be appreciated and approved of byat least some other people. Both notions of politeness are significant forinterpreting the speaker's choice of indirect modes of communication topreserve face from the effects of face threatening acts (FTA). Brown andLevinson's model of politeness has been viewed as Western oriented sincetheir notion of face is highly individualistic, self-motivated and autonomous(Gu 1990, Ide 1989, Matsumoto 1988). In their studies on Zulu and Japanesecultures Kadt (1998) and Nwoye (1992) argue that the construct of faceshould not be limited to the individual level, but should encompass thesocial indexing level. Kadt and Nwoye use the term 'group face' to refer tothe social norms that the speakers try to maintain during their interaction.The 'group face' concept has been considered most suited for collectivecultures. The concept of face in collectivist cultures emphasises not just theaccommodation of individual 'wants' and 'desires', but more of the harmonyof one's conduct with the views and judgements of the community.We argue that Shona culture is simultaneously individualistic andcollective, although the latter overrides the former. Politeness, like morality,is also personal, as it is communal, 'for in the final analysis the individualmust take responsibility for his or her own actions' (Wiredu 1998: 308).Thus, Gbadegesin (1998: 294) notes that 'the idea of individual right doesnot defeat the claim of the community.' We therefore, believe that a 'moderateor restricted communitarianism' (Gyekye 1998: 334) that accommodatescommunal values as well as values of individuality would be the mostreasonable theory to predict the Shona speakers' preference for indirectmodes in HIV/AIDS discourse. The creation and use of figurative namesfor HIV/AIDS, and the avoidance of the English vocabulary is done in a224 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona Vocabularysocial context that generally venerates politeness, both to preserve(individual and group) face and to achieve specific discourse goals atindividual level.MethodologyResearch findings presented in this article are based on a survey that wascarried out in Harare between April 2001 and May 2002, through observationand interviews. Most of the data were obtained through observation. SinceHIV/AIDS discourse is generally taboo, this research acknowledged thatinformants' reports of their own behaviour (both retrospective andsynchronic) may not be absolutely reliable since, interviewees may want toplease the interviewer or may be unaware of their language use' (De Klerk2000: 91). Observations were made in public places and occasions such asreligious sermons, bus queues, food cafes, hallway, street talks and groupdiscussions on media reports on HIV AIDS cases.Additional data were obtained by interviewing 50 informants who wererandomly selected. These subjects between 15 and 55 years of age weresecondary school students, university students, university staff, ministersof religion, AIDS counselors, and relatives of people living with AIDS. Theinterviews were recorded, transcribed and coded for HIV AIDS vocabulary.Attention was not paid to the frequency of use of the Shona names for HIV/AIDS but to the variations and context of use. Among other things, theinterview questions were directed towards (1) the people's purposes increating alternative names for HIV AIDS, (2) the names they use, (3) whatthey perceive as the moral/ethical constraints governing polite speech inShona society. The responses of the interviews provide very helpful insightson the influence of social norms on language use and on fhe theory ofpoliteness in general in an African context.Shona EthicsThe Shona people's preference for indirect verbal devices in HIV/AIDSdiscourse reflects the link between culture, thought and language. As Valdes(1986: 2) says,'... culture, thought and language are three parts of a whole,and cannot operate independently.' Every language and correspondingcultural system is possessed of constraints, both in speech and in behaviour.The notion of unhu, 'good/ethical human behaviour' is central to Shonamorality. Every Shona child acquires language and the moral code of his/her society simultaneously. Like language, the moral code is handed downfrom generation to generation and it becomes the basis of all interactions.Thus, as Gelfand (1975: 123) notes,A Shona knows the difference between right and wrong ... he is fullyaware of his responsibility to society He appreciates the value- ot virtuous,P. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. TOM 225kindly and friendly acts, and is quite clear as to what contributes deceitfulbehaviour. What he most prizes is the inunhu clniii/c 'the £"od man'.Shona morality imposes numerous linguistic and nonlinguistic constraintson respectful and modest behaviour. To be iniuiliu Ar<vn/<yV'""i/r meansliving up to the expectations of the community, some of which arecommunicated and enforced through oral didactic modes such as proverbs.Examples of proverbs that discourage open vilification and Migmatisationof a relative or neighbour in difficulty are, clmkiwim hamn hnchitckwi (Onemust not scoff at another person's misfortune as no-one is immune tonatural plight), seka urema ivafn (Do not deride those who are in unfortunatesituations because in future you might be in a similar predicament).Therefore, reference to an HIV/AIDS patient or suspected patient is naturallymade in backstage clandestine discourse involving either, pseudo-soliloquy,peer jocular talk, anonymous address/talk in public, church or grave-sidesermon or a pseudo-addressee. This way the speaker/s can communicatemessages off record without being held responsible. The use of indirect anddiplomatic devices of communication in taboo topics such as HIV/AIDS,where violating linguistic taboo could invite stigmatization or even worse,violence, is derived from traditional styles such as Ivmlvra and chihuvrurethat were used in communicating face-threatening issues.The practice or option of 'beating about the bush' in the HIV/AIDSspeech stems from the collectivism of Shona culture. Like most collectivistcultures, Shona culture emphasizes the goals, concerns and needs ofvulnerable individuals and the group (family, community). Traditionally,the weak, unfortunate and the vulnerable should be supported and protectedemotionally, physically and materially and group stability maintained. Theindividual's communicative competence (Hymes 1974) or behavioural'performance' is judged by others against what Lakoff (1973: 296) calls,'rules of pragmatic competence' and ethical/moral constraints. Among thepragmatic competence rules are politeness rules, rules of bashfulness'/n/m/z/',dignity 'kuzvibata', peaceful co-existence 'kugniisniw', co-operation'kushandirapamzoe,' and eloquence 'kugonn kutaura' (Chimuka 2001: 35). Theserules are necessitated by the value attached to, and the significance ofreaffirming and strengthening relationships and social cohesion.Pragmatic FunctionBesides the cultural context, the speaker's communicative intention alsoconstraints his/her selection of words. When the Shona people useeuphemisms, metaphors, colloquial expressions and slang in talking aboutHIV/AIDS, they will be 'doing things with words' (Austin 1962). Throughnaming HIV/AIDS, speakers convey messages on the source, the physicalsymptoms and the devastative effect or the consequences of HIV/ A IDS.226 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona VocabularyThe speaker(s)' communicative intention is largely consciousness raisingand attitude change. The names use familiar images to oblige hearers toassume the responsibility to protect themselves, their families, communitiesand the nation from ruin. Some of the names are semantically ambiguous,hence, they allow speakers to caricature and blame AIDS patients, withoutthreatening face.Names and MessagesSource of the DiseaseThe names that refer to the supposed source(s) of HIV/ AIDS are few. Theseare Chakauya 'a mysterious disease', Shamhu yaMwari 'God's curse', Akarohwanematsotsi 'one stroke by thieves' and Chipedzamahure 'prostitute killer'.Chakauya is a response to a disease that is thought to be intractable andcapricious, that is, a disease not understood. Such a disease is, by definition,mysterious. Like cancer, AIDS is considered a disease that does not kr.ockbefore it enters. The use of this term sounds a warning to people to bewatchful of the indiscriminate scourge. The naming focuses on the diseaserather than the individuals affected or infected by HIV/ AIDS. Thus, victimsor patients are exonerated. The mystery surrounding the origins of HIV/AIDS prompts people not only to change their behaviour towards AIDSpatients, but also to treat them sympathetically.In human life, there are afflictions that puzzle many societies. Thesynonymity of HIV/ AIDS and death makes it perhaps, the most mysteriousand puzzling of all misfortunes. As Mbiti (1989: 43) observes, explanationto these afflictions involves God, in one way or another. The term ShamhuyaMxvari, shows how the Shona people interpret HIV/AIDS as God's curseor punishment for man's doings. From a traditional point of view,punishment for disobedience is considered as justifiable. Thus, althoughShamhu yaMwari attributes God as the source of the disease, hence,discouraging the stigmatisation of patients, it subtly warns individuals orcouples of the inevitable consequences of flirtatious behaviour. The nounmatsotsi 'thieves', in akarohwa nematsotsi, metaphorically refers to the HIVvirus. One elderly male preacher said, at a Shona funeral service held inHarare during the time of gathering data for this study, 'Utachiona hivakmtasemaisotsi emuHarare. Hauzivi paunosangana nematsotsi. Hazvina mhosva kuiiwakafamba nenzira yacho kangani...' (The AIDS virus is like the thieves oF'Harare. You don't know where they will waylay you. They can attack yoiron a very familiar path'). Lakoff and Johnson (1980) suggest that metaphorsare not merely words, but thought and action. Metaphors do not only rnake'the speakers' thoughts more vivid but structure the hearers' perceptions.Hence, thinking of the AIDS virus as 'thieves', for example, reveals thethreat that the virus imposes on everyone's life and the covert identity ofcarriers.P. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. TOM 227The universality of the threat mitigates the face threatening effect of theexpression akarohwa nematsotsi, but effectively constraints people'sbehaviour. While both male and female informants use Chakauya, ShamhuyaMivari, akarohwa nematsotsi, mostly male informants use Chipedzamahure.As Vambe and Mawadza (2001), Mashiri (2000a), Schmidt (1992) andMcFadden (1992), reveal, the term hure 'prostitute' in all forms of Shonadiscourse, refers exclusively to women. In HIV/AIDS discourse, the (African)woman is the image and vector of AIDS. This stereotype is not unique toShona. Some Ndebele terms such as 'IDA Sibanda' or 'UmaSibanda', forAIDS also portray the woman as the source and carrier of HIV/ AIDS. Theterm Chipedzamahure, like IDA Sibanda and UmaSibanda, may not be aseffective a moral vehicle as the other gender inclusive terms since it violatesthe politeness principle that requires communicators to cooperate inmaintaining one another's face. Such terms motivate the stigmatisation andblaming of people affected or infected with HIV/AIDS and could also bedisharmonious.Physical SymptomsTerm SymptomMudonzvo loss of weightBhemba head becomes as thin as a hoop-ironPemu thinning and loss of shine of hairGo slow gradual deterioration of health/long illnessTsono very thin (like a needle)The terms, mudonzvo 'a walking stick', bhemba 'a hoop-iron', pemu'permanent hair set' and tsono 'a needle', refer to common objects thatexhibit desirable thinness. When speakers use them to refer to thinness orweight loss caused by HIV/AIDS, these nouns assume semanticdeterioration or pejoration. The AIDS metaphor of thinness or weight lossis not unique to Shona speakers. In Zambia, the ChiChewa speaking peoplecall AIDS matenda akaliondeonde 'the disease of losing weight' and in muchof East Africa they refer to AIDS simply as 'slim disease'. The name pemuhas sarcastic overtones. One of the writers of this article overheard twoteenage women who were eating in a city restaurant talking as they watcheda sickly man with thinning hair ordering some food. One of the womenstole a glance at the man and said loudly, 'shamwari uri kuregererei kupemwa ?Hauoni kuti pemu yachipa inazuva anoT (Why don't you have yourself apermanent set my friend? Do you not realise how affordable it has become?)The women looked at the writer and giggled, as if to say, 'don't you agree?'This comment was obviously meant for the sickly man, to hear. However,the man could not confront the speakers since he was not a ratified addressee,and in any case the women would have flatly denied referring to him as228 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona VocabularyZimbabwean men do not normally have their hair set. 'Go slow'2 refers to apatient's physical gradual deterioration. This is a colloquial expression,which implies that the virus becomes a death sentence, its presence is anindicator of 'slow and lingering' death.Speakers of all generations and from both sexes use the metaphors,mudonzvo, bhemba, pemu and tsoiw and the idiomatic expression 'Go slow'.Metaphorically, all these terms, symptomatic of HIV/ AIDS, enable Shonaspeakers to share meaning and intent since they refer to implicit knowledge.People make their diagnosis with the naked eye. Any morbid phenomenonor departure from the normal in structure, form, or sensation experiencedby an individual is indicative of the disease. These terms are appropriate asindirection strategies, not only because they represent a cultural andexperiential background that all the Shona speakers share, but also becauseof the emotional feelings that they evoke on the hearer and the 'highdisclaimer of performance' that they attract.When words attract a 'high disclaimer of performance' it means thatspeakers can use them with immunity and impunity in potentiallythreatening situations. One elderly woman whose aunt-Sfiowed symptomsof thinning hair referred to the aunt's condition to one ul llic waters of thisarticle in a causal discussion on HIV/AIDS (in the presence of the aunt)saying, 'Zvakaoma mukuwasha. Kufara kune mubairo wako, zvino chioitai ndavakugara ndine pemu.' (Life can be hard Sir. Flirting has obvious consequences.See how my hair looks as if it has a permanent set). Interestingly, thewoman speaker used the generic noun munhu 'person' and the first-personpronoun or subject prefix Ind-l T to refer to her aunt's condition whileostensibly referring to herself. In this case, this strategy of pronounsubstitution or pronoun mismatches, together with the metaphor pemu,save face and prevents open confrontation between the speaker and heraunt, which is prohibited.The Impact/Consequences of HIV/AIDSThe names that Shona speakers give to HIV/ AIDS on the basis of its impactcan be divided into three categories morphologically. The first group consistsof compound nouns that take the form of what Fortune (1980: 368) calls,'complex nominal constructions', the second category comprises locallyThe expression Go slow' is a Zimbabwean urban cliche that was popularised in theearly 1990s to refer to an industrial striking strategy effected by the ZimbabweUnited Passenger Company (ZUPCO). The buses continued to ferry people to andfrom work but at such a painfully slow speed that all the traffic was blocked,passengers frustrated and delayed and work plans totally disrupted. There was anelement of helplessness, similar to that associated with the situation caused byHIV/AIDS.P. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. TOM229coined English colloquial expressions and the last group is made up ofslang. While Shona speakers of all persuasions use the names in the firstgroup, it seems that mostly the younger generations of both sexes use thosenames in the second and third category. However, semantically, all thenames refer to the institutional impact of HIV/ AIDS. Below is a table of thename, their literal meanings and the interpretation of the impact referred toby each name.Compound NounsCompound Noun(Name) Literal MeaningInterpretation of ImpactMubatanidzwaZvamazuvaanoChirwereShuramatongoMupurirapasiChakapedzambudziJemedzaKurudzikunemakuvaMutsvairoParadzaiMupedzanyikaGukurahundiOne who unitesContemporary thingsDiseaseWarning of disaster that wipesout everyoneOne who crashesA disease that killed goatsin large numbersOne who causes severe painA clan ridden with gravesA broomOne who destroysOne who kills indiscriminatelyRain that falls in autumnChazezesa One who spurs terrorJehovandouyako Lord I am coming homeThe disease also affectinnocent peopleAIDS is widespreadAIDS has no cureA disease that threatensextinction of the whole raceA disease that killshopelesslyAIDS can wipe a wholegenerationAIDS causes severe painAIDS is a scourgeAIDS can wipe a whole raceAIDS is devastativeAIDS can kill the wholenationAIDS kills indiscriminately,kills chaffAIDS causes extremesufferingAIDS has no cureThe names Zvamazuvaano (lit. fashionable things) and Chinuere (lit. disease)are examples of words that have undergone semantic deterioration orpejoration. Normally, 'fashionable things' would be popular while a commondisease, curable. In the context of HIV/AIDS, Zvamazuvaano refers to thewidespread nature of the disease, while Chinuere connotes the devastationthat HIV/AIDS causes. However, the use of these terms euphemisticallyshow that the Shona speaking people have a culture of consideration,where people always try not to cause trouble for others and not to hurt theirfeelings.230 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona VocabularyThus, when dealing with tense issues, especially those that involve theirkith and kin or neighbours, the Shona are either circumspect or reserved.This low assertiveness and expressiveness lead to high ambiguity ofmessages. One HIV/AIDS counselor with a Harare based organizationnotes that, the use of these euphemistic terms by counselors and / or membersof the public when talking to patients or members of their families wholook after them gives remission to the patients, and hope, to the care-givers.On the other hand, a youth pastor with one of the Pentecostal churches inHarare argues that the use of these terms in such a courteous mannerencourages those intending to marry to go for HIV tests and to acceptcounseling readily. Either way, it seems that the use of indirect devices, tomaintain the patient's self-esteem or to universalise the problem, derivesfrom the Shona people's collective culture.The names Shuramatongo, Mukondombera, Mubatanidziva, Mupurirapasi,Chakapedzambudzi, Jemedza, Kurudzikutiemakuva, Mutsvairo, Paradzai,Mupedzanyika, Gukurahundi and Chazezesa are all image-based and symbolicexpressions that point out the impact of HIV/A IDS on the family,community, nation and the world at large. All these names typify the threatthat HIV/AIDS poses on humanity as it sweeps acr^c- the world in amassive tidal wave of misery and death. Shuramatongo and Mukondomberaseem to be the names used in official discourse since they have been usedsince time immemorial among the Shona to refer to any pandemic affectingpeople, crops and livestock. Shuramatongo implies HIV / ATPS'<; potential towipe out entire families and communities, turning homesteads into 'ruins'.The noun shura 'bad omen' and matongo 'deserted homesteads or ruins'paint a picture of a bleak future. Mubatanidziva, on the one hand, connotesthe patients' lack of immunity and their vulnerability to opportunisticinfections, and on the other hand, the potential of HIV/AIDS to infect largenumbers of people. In a family it could infect wife, husband and the unbornchild. These names therefore, symbolise the demise of the family institution,the basic unit upon which communities are built. Mupurirapasi,Chakapedzambudzi, Kurudzikunemakuva, Mutsvairo, Paradzai, Mupedzanyikaand Gukurahundi epitomise the devastation caused by HIV/AIDS.Mupurirapasi and Kurudzikunemakuva present vivid images of communitieslittered with graves. Mutsvairo, Paradzai, Mupedzanyika, Jemedza andGukurahundi show how HIV/AIDS literally wipes out families andcommunities and threaten the extinction of the human race.These names are very effective didactic vehicles since they are bothinformative and expressive. Their effectiveness derives from the cognitiveforce of metaphors that comes 'not from providing new information aboutthe world, but rather from a (re)conceptualisation of information that isalready available to us' (Kittay 1987: 2). Chakapedzambudzi, for examplerefers to a historic epidemic that impoverished Zimbabweans by killingP. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. TOM 231their livestock. Such reference to a known historical calamity whosemagnitude of destruction was unbearable is meant to evoke memories of ahorrendous past that should not be allowed to recur. Gukiirtihinnii originallyrefers to autumn rains that erode all the debris from threshing and Miitsvntiois an indigenous broom that can be manipulated to clean every corner ofthe house. These two names subtly reduce AIDS patients as dirt' or chaffthat death will sweep away from society. If interpreted this way, thesemetaphors leave patients feeling responsible for their illness and consideringthe illness as a death sentence.The religious based metaphor Jehovandouyako, more commonly used inChristian circles is a polite way to announce the inevitability of death toHIV/AIDS patients. Unlike Mutsvairo and Gukurahundi that symbolise thedamnation of AIDS patients, ]ehovandouyako gives them a sense of hope inthe hereafter. The suffixal morpheme /-ko/ 'there' refers to heaven. Thedisease is, therefore perceived as equal to death, but not eternally.Colloquial Expressions and SlangThe colloquial expressions Deadly killer 'an epidemic', Round About 'adisease that wipes out families', Roll over 'a communicable disease', Peopleerosion 'a pandemic', Cyclone 'a violent killer' are more popular with theyoung generation than with the older generation. While adult discourseutilises images derived from historical and universal experience andknowledge, youth speech tends to use foreign jargon, possibly to disguisethe pejorative and damning effect of the messages on the illness. Thedisguise is obviously aimed at either protecting the speakers' reputation, orunhu image, or saving the hearer's face. The disguise makes the naming ofthe illness a 'slightly transparent indirect communicative act' (Schottman1993:541). Since the names are subject to numerous semantic interpretations,they offer greater face protection, but better informational and expressiveeffect.The slang names Mukondaz and Kondaz are derived from the nameMukondombera, and Hedzi and Heji, are phonetic derivations from AIDS.These slang terms for HIV/AIDS are often used in light-hearted humouramong friends or peers. As Lederer (1997: 5) points out, 'slang allows us tobreak the ice and shift into a more casual and friendly gear.' Thus, Mukondazand Kondaz, and Hedzi and Heji, sound more easy-going than Mukondomberaand AIDS, respectively. In the context of HIV/AIDS, slang resembles verbalplay highly valued in Shona society, traditional and modern, for dealingwith grave situations. In Shona society, verbal play such as this, is deemedan effective instrument of social control, being used for lampooning personsand events in a cheerful manner.232 Semantic and Ethical Foundations of HIV/AIDS Shona VocabularyConclusionIssues regarding death, sex and sexuality are still largely taboo in Shonasociety, barring open dialogue on the subject. Since HIV/ AIDS is normallya fatal and often sexually transmitted disease, but not a matter of publicdiscourse, it has provoked strong images in people's minds. As part of theircommunicative competence, Shona speakers continuously create moresocially acceptable, but effective names for HIV/AIDS through metaphors,euphemisms, colloquial expressions and slang. What is central in thisdiscussion of communicating the 'unspeakable' is the ethical reasons forpreferring Shona indirect names for HIV/AIDS to the English name andthe nature of messages these names transmit to the hearer(s).The motivation behind the use of indirect devices in communication isfrequently to exert some influence over the hearers' behaviour in a non-confrontational and respectful or polite way. In Shona traditional andmodern society, the predominant sentiment in the relation between membersof a social group is respect. Respect is expressed in the form of courtesy andin an effort to spare oneself and others from the humiliation of losing face.This article adopts the concept of face that integrates Brown and Levinson's(1987) notion, generally viewed as Western, and Kadt's (1998), Mao's (1994)and Nwoye's (1992), that is perceived as suited for collectivist cultures.Although individualism and collectivism are normally referred to as separateentities, it is important to note that all people and cultures tend to have bothindividual and collective dispositions. Contemporary Shona culture fitsthis frame quite well though the collectivism is more dominant thanindividualism.While the Shona speaker uses figurative names of HIV/AIDS tocommunicate personal messages and preserving individual face needs,his/her primary concern is to appeal to the community and to satisfy thecommunal ethical constraints of good behaviour. The names for HIV/ AIDSovertly communicate the speakers' perception of and attitude to the effectof the disease on the community but covertly, through ambiguity, derideindividuals or individual behaviour that is perceived as devious. Themessages embedded in the names allude to the sources of the HIV virus,the physical symptoms and the individual and global consequences ofHIV/ AIDS. The results of the current study contrast popular claims thatAfricans do not appreciate the devastative nature of HIV/AIDS and that,African languages are lexically inadequate for expressing scientific conceptsand experiences. These results also reveal the significance of culture andlanguage in the global HIV/AIDS discourse.ReferencesAUSTIN, J. L. 1962, Hoiu to Do Things with Words, New York: Oxford UniversityPress.P. MASHIRI, K. MAWOMO, P. 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