Zambezia (2003), XXX (i)'The Politics of the Womb': Women, Politicsand The Environment in Pre-ColonialChivi, Southern Zimbabwe, c.1840 to 1900*GERALD CHIKOZHO MAZAR1REDepartment of History, University of ZimbabweAbstractWomen have always played a vital role in the environment of pre-colonial Zimbalnveespecially as they constituted the backbone of traditional agriculture. Pre-colonialstudies have either ignored or understated that fact. Tliis article seeks to demonstratethat pre-colonial Shona politics and even violence have always involved strugglesand competition over environmentalh/ productive areas, tliat although politicswere dominated by men, it rested upon the productive and reproductive power ofthe women. Among other things, women were exchanged to foment political alliaticesor to conclude peace, while male status in political hierarchies depended on whotheir mothers were. In most cases, as Cliivi history will shoxv, female status zuasonly hailed ivhere it served to buttress male hegemony, luhich also implied malecontrol of environmental resources.IntroductionThe period after 1840 is a landmark in Shona history in general. It saw thedemise of Rozvi overlordship of the entire southern Shona area and itsreplacement by loose Ndebele influence that mainly took the form ofintermittent but at times, futile raiding expeditions. This made possible theemergence of certain Shona power nuclei zones which, either by establishingRozvi style tributary networks as did the Nyajena or by building up amilitary culture as that of the Wedza, helped bring to life smaller Shonapolities. This is true of the polities that emerged between the Runde andTugwi rivers, which now constitute the major boundaries of the modernday Chivi district.1 As the article will show, both mechanisms of stateformation involved the exploitation of women.This article is based on research done in Chivi since 1996. The author is grateful foradvice from the late Professor D. N. Beach who supervised an earlier pre-colonialproject on the district, to Professor N. Bhebe and Dr I. Pikirayi for their assistance inmoulding some of the ideas into a larger project on the pre-colonial and colonialenvironmental history of Southern Zimbabwe. I also wish to thank the organisersand participants at the Women and Environment Conference held on 5 August 1999where the paper was first presented.For a detailed discussion of Shona dynasty formations see D. N. Beach 1994 .4Zwdmbuvun Past, Shona Dinuistic Histories and Oral Traditions, Ylambo: Gweru.35I iliuri.- 1: l.oc.llidM ol C 111 v i IJisl i ii 1 in /imh.ilvIirun.- 1: l.iK\lli<-15 !r-,3, r"^MISIK«I.II.IIKI I .)Ł.!d;ii>l NiirthMJI:uiJst_, : 11?\ I--22100 026~v..1002001 I26Chivi DislridMasvingo Province \32G. C. Mazarire 37The region was nlso recovering from the devastating effects of thedroughts that had caused the mfecane further south of the Limpopo and thedynasty formation that coincided with this was not only a pointer to theincreasing importance of women as reproductive forces, but also implied asignificant population increase.2 Indeed, the oral traditions of the periodsuggest a possible population boom, but emphasize, even more, the violentstruggles over the environment that went with it. Iliffe and Beach haveamply demonstrated that Shona socio-economic life at this time was pre-occupied with the desire to avert such ecological disasters known locally as'Sliangiua'.3While oral traditions record the important role of women in thesestruggles, women only feature where they matter politically, so thatimportant women outside the Chivi political framework remain obscure orare not even recalled. Earlier historians focused mostly on the history ofShona politics and did not always see the links with the environment or thecentrality of women in these conflicts.The first section of the article will provide a description of the Chivienvironment and its inhabitants and show how the environment necessitatedcompetition over productive areas. The second section will show the role ofwomen in the environment of pre-colonial Chivi and how this has beenunderplayed by patriarchal power, while the third deals with dynasty/state formation within the Chivi environment and how this involved theexploitation of women. The study concludes with a case study of Mharipolitics, where, with the ever-increasing population pressure on the Chivienvironment manifesting itself in violent struggles over land, women becameimportant as tokens of peace, and in fomenting military alliances. Moreimportant, however, they were used as tags identifying patriarchal lineagefactions which, in turn, sought to out-compete others in controlling theever-diminishing ecological resources of the Chivi environment.Chivi: Landscape and PeopleThe land that is modern day Chivi lies forty kilometres south of Masvingoand is bordered by the Runde and Tugwi rivers. The area lies withinJ. Iliffe 1990 Famine in Zimbabwe 1890-1960, Mambo: CWLTU. He has shown thatalthough these droughts and famines threatened severe mortality in pre-colonialZimbabwe, very little evidence suggests the occurrence of deaths directly due tothese. This view is also complemented by I. Scoones et. al. 1996 in Hazards andOpportunities: Farming Livelihoods m Dryland Africa: Lessons from Zimbabwe, London:Zed Books: 169, who argue that local exchange between surplus and deficit areaswas sufficient to sustain people's food supplies in Chivi in such years.Iliffe Famine, Chapter 2; D. N. Beach 1984 Zimbabwe Before 1900, Gweru: Mambo: 40;D. N. Beach 1986 'Second Thoughts on Shona Economy', Rlwdesian Histoiy 7; D. N.Beach 1986 War ami Politics in Zimbabwe 1840-1900, Gweru: Mambo: 128.- I f , i * l |G. C. Mazarire 39natural regions IV and V and is historically known to be drought prone.The district receives, on average, between 500 to 600mm of rainfall per yearand its temperatures sometimes reach a scorching 25°C and drop to only15°C in the coldest month.4 The environment is not uniform mainly due tothe influence of the landscape, particularly the mountains, which have aconsiderable climatic impact and seem to have influenced settlement patternsin the district since time immemorial. These are mostly 'massive granite,'outcrops or 'dwalas' concentrated in the southern and central parts of thedistrict. Dividing these granite concentrations is a belt of ultramafic schists
characterising the Munaka Range that rises to prominence and runs theentire width of the district in the south into the Runde river to connect with
the Buchwa Range of Mberengwa.5 Beyond the central region is plaincountry locally known as 'deve'.Chivi's rainfall is mainly the result of convectional moist south-easterlywinds6 and, therefore, is most pronounced in the mountainous areas. Becausethe mountainous areas receive good rainfall, most of the land between themountains is mostly dambo (Mahvatara) or seasonally waterlogged grasslandarea. Dambos were very important in Shona crop and livestock agriculture.7The higher mountains in the area, such as the Munaka and Nyuni hills, alsoenjoy occult precipitation in the form of 'Guti' [extended drizzle conditions]
even in the cold months so that they have developed thick and ever-greenvegetation.8 However, the mountains also have had a negative impact onother sections of the Chivi environment, for example, the area falling within
the rain shadow of the Munaka Range such as that under headmenHandizvihwi, Mushayi and Makovere which is mainly dry, infertile andAcacia ridden. Similar conditions occur in the Deve area, which receiveslow rainfall and has poor ground cover. Here, shifting cultivation has beenthe traditional mode of agriculture.Clearly, the landscape influenced the environment and this explainswhy claims to land in the oral traditions are related to mountains and whythe mountains constitute useful mnemonic devices in the memory of most4. Tabex Encyclopedia, Harare: Quest: 73.5. See M. P. Stuart Irwin 1970 'Geology Report', in Rlwdesian Schools Explorntio)i Society,Chibi Expedition: 19-23.6. M. P. Stuart Irwin 1970 'The Avifauna of Chibi and Bikita: Some Comparisons', inRhodesians Schools Exploration Society, Chibi Expedition: 26.7. I. Scoones 1997 'Landscapes Fields and Soils: Understanding the History of SoilFertility Management in Southern Zimbabwe', in Journal of Southern African Studies,23 (4): 618. See also J. Jonsson 1998 'Early Plant Economy in Zimbabwe', Fil. lie.Thesis, Uppsala University: 24.8. See Rhodesian Schools Exploration Society, Bukwa Expedition 1973: 29.40 Women, Politics and the Environment in Pre-Colonial Chivi. Zimbabweof the Chivi people today.9 However, this was also because the mountainsinfluenced settlement patterns. Computer simulations in archaeology haveestablished preference for hilltop settlements among the people of this areasince pre-historic times.10 In addition, these settlements gave the inhabitantsa bird's eye view over crops and enabled them to protect the crops fromthieves and the'tribes of baboons' observed by Bent in the district in 1891.nMoreover, people were also attracted by the good soils in these areas, for asNyamapfene demonstrated, the Shona had developed a comprehensivesystem of recognising and describing soils and 'edaphogical' conditions intheir environment.12 The soils and their relations to the Chivi environmentare dealt with in much greater detail elsewhere.13 Suffice it here to say thatthe environmental variations outlined above meant that there would becompetition over the productive areas and the major narratives of suchcompetition have much to say about the role of women in them althoughmost historians of the Shona have ignored this perspective.Five main Shona groups inhabit the district. To the north and centralparts of the district are the Mhari under Chief Chivi of the Shumba-Murambwi totem and, to their west are the Ngowa under headmenMsipambi and Kuvhirimara of the Dziva-Hove totem. Immediately southof Chivi's area is the chieftaincy of Nemavuzhe of the Xgara-Govera totem,which is further subdivided into the headmanships of Makovere,Handizvihwi and Mawadze, all of the same totem. To their south are thetwin headmanships of the Beta totem under Gororo and Madzivire,respectively. Finally, towards the confluence of the Runde and the Tugwiand constituting the southern border of the district with Mwenezi is thechieftainship of Shindi or Nebgwine of the Shava-Mhara totem.What is interesting about these polities is that they were formed atalmost the same time in the 1840s but, more strikingly, their establishmentwas partially based on the exploitation of women. Before examining thisissue, however, it is important to analyse the role and status of women inpre-colonial Chivi society.9. G. C. Mazarire 1997 "An Oral Historiography of The Chivi People: A Study oi ChiviOral Traditions From the Earliest Times up to 1900', Unpublished B.A. HonoursDissertation, University of Zimbabwe: 27.10. Jonsson 'Early Plant Economy': 12 -13.11. J. T. Bent 1969 The Ruined Cities of Mnshonnlmui, Bulawayo: Books of Rhodesia: -13.12. K. W. Nyamapfene 1983' 'Traditional Systems of Soil Classification in Zimbabwe',in Znmbezin, 11 (i): 55-57.13. G. C. Mazarire and J. Jonsson Forthcoming Onil Tmdititwt. Arclnic«h>ltwii mni TlirAgricultural Histuu/of Chivi Distiict.G. C. Mazarire 41Women in Pre-Colonial ChiviPre-colonial Chivi society acknowledged the importance of women andtheir role in utilising and conserving the environment. This was depicted inthe people's cosmology, their myths, totems, and art, in a manner thatEdward Matenga (1997) has termed the 'Shona Fertility Complex'. Heargues that traditional Shona culture despised both human and agriculturalinfertility, and that the Iron Age Shona were so dependent on agriculturethat they employed a series of fertility metaphors to entice the spirits tobring rain.14 Thus, for instance, the manufacture of figurines symbolizedthe crystalization of these human and agricultural concepts of fertility intoa Shona fertility ideology.15 As Matenga rightly observed, the figurineswere mostly female. The body scarifications on them:are only done on women, and are primarily seen as marks of beauty and,in both a visual and tactile sense, are highly erotic. Their execution wasconceived as a rite of passage initiating girls into the prime age ofcourtship.16In 1890, the traveller Theodore Bent described women in this area as themain agriculturists.17 In Chivi, he observed what he called 'The Breast andFurrow Pattern'. He wrote:At Mlala too we were first introduced to the women who have theirstomachs decorated with many long lines or cicatrices. Between 30 and 40of these lines ran across their stomachs, executed with surprising regularityand resembling the furrows on a ploughed field.18This pattern he also observed on granaries and on clay pots that certainvillages specialized in. Bent also noticed this on the many iron-smeltingfurnaces that littered the district. Robinson (1971) analysed two of thesefound at Gumanye mountain which are presumed to have archaeologicallinks with the Chivi-Mhari dynasty, the dominant group of the district whoare known to have been associated with the Mbwetete (female sex organ)totem before they adopted their present Shumba-Mitrambwi totem.19 Womenneither built these furnaces nor were the furnaces accessible to them.14. E. Matenga 1997 'Images of Fertility Complex: Iron Age From Zimbabwe', in W. J.Dewey De Palmenaer eds Legacies of Stone: Zimbabwe Past ami Present Vol. 1, Tervuren:Royal Museum For Central Africa: 58-59.15. Ibid.16. Ibid: 61.17. Bent The Ruined Cities of Mnshonalaiid: 44.18. Ibid: 46-47.19. See K. R. Robinson 1961 'Two Iron Smelting Furnaces From Chibi Native Reserve,Southern Rhodesia', Soutli African Archaeological Bulletin 16: 21.42 Women, Politics and the Environment in Pre-Colonial Chivi, ZimbabweTherefore the female symbolism was typical of Shona cosmology and notimposed on society by women.There are more examples of female symbolism predating the Mharicivilisation in the area as depicted in the rock art recorded by ElizabethGoodall which depicts women tending livestock.20 At Dengeni Cave, PeterGarlake found a painting of women figures with aprons and sticks seeminglydancing behind giraffe and other tail-less animals.21 This clearly depictedwomen's roles in hunting, for as Carl Mauch was to observe among theMhari people of Masunda in 1872, during a hunting session in which thehunters used nets (mambure), he observed that women provided the hunterswith food to eat and brought baskets with which to carry the meat home.They were also responsible for beating the drums, dancing and ululating tomake noises that scared the animals and drove them into the mambine.ŠThis female imagery shows that Shona society, in general, and that ofChivi, in particular, acknowledged women's importance in sustaininghuman and agricultural fertility, but as this study will show, this importancewas downplayed and subsumed under male hegemony. Thus, apart fromexamining the so-called 'fertility complex', this study will also discuss the"male superiority complex", a recurrent theme in Chivi history. This ismainly because female fertility, as Schmidt (1992) put it, was also associatedwith the fecundity of the land, so that control over this vital resource alsodetermined whether people would eat or starve.23 Therefore, control overwomen indirectly meant control over the environment.Women and Dynasty Formation in ChiviThe reproductive capacities of women became particularly important duringthe establishment of dynasties or political chiefdoms because, the morewives a man had, the more sons he could sire and the easier it was for himto establish a lineage. This could also mean access to more land sincecontrol over land in theory was vested in a ruler as the leading member ofa dominant lineage.2420. E. Goodall 1959 'The Rock Paintings of Mashonaland', in Psehistm ic Rock Ai t of TheFederation ofRlwdesin andNyasaland, Salisbury: Salisbury National Publication Trust:31.21. P. S. Garlake 1987 The Painted Caves, An Introduction To the Pieliistoiu A) t ot Ziinbc.buv,Harare: Modus: 82.22. E. E. Burke ed 1969 The Journals of Carl Mauch: His TunvU in The Tunifi'ual undRhodesia 1869-1872, Salisbury: National Archives of Rhodesia: 161-lc>2.23. E. Schmidt 1992 Peasants, Traders and IViivs: Shona Women in The Htsto! \i oj Zimuabwe,1870-1939, Portsmouth: Heinneman.24. Beach, Zimbabwe Before 1900: 21.G. C. Mazarire 43The rise of the Chivi dynasties was made possible by the fall of the RozviEmpire, which had held sway on the region through an effective tributarysystem.25 The Empire's last visible display of authority in Chivi had beenthe killing of the Ngowa puppet ruler, Zengeya by a poison ordeal. Untilthe 1840s, Chivi was held in trust for the Rozvi by the N'gowa by virtue oftheir earlier settlement. With the demise of Rozvi power, however, the landincreasingly attracted incoming groups such as the Mhari, the Govera, andNebgwine. These managed to gain access to the land through the assistanceof either the Nyajena or the Wedza, as noted earlier on.Although oral traditions of the origins of dynasties that involve lonehunters who establish kingdoms have often been dismissed by the moresophisticated historians of oral tradition as cliches,26 when more rigorouslyprobed, these stories reveal crucial points about the role of women in pre-colonial society. Tavengegweyi, the founder of the Chivi chiefdom only gotaccess to this area through marrying the Ngowa ruler's daughtervaChifedza.27 He gained control over the most fertile parts of this districtwhen his sons, led by Matsveru, embarked on a war of aggression thatousted their maternal uncles.28 In the process, they hired the Dumbuseyamercenaries of Wedza to assist them in the war and they rewarded themwith a woman, the daughter of Musvuvugwa by the name of Ndada. Thereis little doubt, however, that this move was designed to counter a similarone made by Masvina, the then Ngowa ruler, who had solicited Dumbuseya/Wedza assistance by giving them a wife when the war with the Mhariseemed inevitable.29 Apart form seeking to control the fertile central area ofthe district, this war had much to do with the land shortage in the poor dcvearea around Chitonje hill where Tavengegweyi had initially settled beforehe had a large family with vaChifedza. This was also before marrying otherwives, in the fashion of dynasty establishment as outlined above (seegenealogy).The Ngara-Govera of Nemavuzhe are claimed by certain traditions tohave settled where they did after giving a daughter to the then Chivi rulerTavengegweyi. The most widely accepted tradition, however, claims thatthe Mavuzhe dynasty was established after the discovery of a lone woman25. For an illustrative account of the demise of Rozvi power and its impact on thesouthern Shona see Beach, Wnr ami Politics: 13-38.26. See J. Vansina 1985 Oral Tradition as History, London: James Currey.27. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Report, Msipambi, J. D. White 1973 Esitshebeni',Shabani: Unpubl: 119.28. See H. Franklin 1927 'The Conspiracy of the five sons', in X'ADA, 5: 45-47.29. White, 'Esitshebeni': 123. H. Von Sicard 1968 'The Dumbuseya', in NADA, 9 (v): 26,Interview with Imbayago Sundire, Musvuvugwa, 14/3/97.Figure 3: Chivi Genealogy Incorporating WomenChikangaMurarapaviChiwunguwunguMudzungairi WeshambochenaTChidzudzu NhemaTavengengweyiChivi I = -ReraBereIBangaMadamombe1CO5(1)VaChifedzaVahosi(2)VaRuzengwe(Inherited)MazarireMazorodzeChivi Hid1879(3) (4)VaKudayambweya AnonMadyazviviChivi VI1911-1927rI(5)AnonMadhlangoveChivi IV1879-1907(6) (7) (8)Anon Anon Anon(Inherited) VaMaDuveMuvhundusi MakamureMaregere ChidyamakonoMapanzureii i ^r [ i iMatsveru Musvuvugwa Chidavarume Chiwara Masunda GawaChivi II(Daughters)Dogwe TagwireyiIMuzvidziwaChivi IX1958-63I I I I I I I I I I I |Makonese Mbeva Munyumbu Muzogwi Gwitima Mandizvidza Muchongwe Jaka Batsire Nhapata Matumbure TawandaChivi VII1929-41MaziririSvikiroKey1 -8 = Tavengngwei's WivesAnon = Anonymous WifeMutovoriNyusaMahasuChivi VIII1942-53II6oI"CrCrCDG. C. Mazarire 45by one of the two Govera hunters, Garabwe and Vambe. The latter marriedher to bring forth the long line of Nemavuzhes. The sons (in this case, theonly ones that are remembered) were assigned homes in the various hills inthe area, with Masukume controlling the area around Mhandambiri.Mawadze and Matawu were given Mukwazi hill, Marazanye, Guhudzahill, while Maringire took up Mharihuru.30Garabwe had married the daughter of Vambe by the lone woman, andhis descendants flourished to become the Makovere lineage of today. Likethe Mhari to the north, they were expansionist, much to the alarm of theNemavuzhes. Consequently, Nemavuzhe tried to check their expansion byplacing his brothers Mawadze and Makamadzi in areas to the immediatewest of his country. The Makoveres cried foul and sued for a boundary atthe Tende River. The ensuing boundary dispute resulted in a war betweenthe people of Nemavuzhe and the Makoveres, culminating in the latter'sdefeat and incorporation in the ever-expanding Mavuzhe country.11Meanwhile, Handizvihwi, another descendant of Mavuzhe, was alsoexpanding into the remainder of Ngowa country, succeeding in scatteringthe VaNgowa and sending their leader Musifari into exile in Chivi'scountry.32The founder of the Shindi polity of the Nebgwine people, Neshuro, fledfrom the Rozvi area after a woman had committed suicide in one of hisgame pits in order for her sons to get ravora or bride price 'from thecompensation that they would get from Neshuro'. He established himselfin his present area but his successor, Shindi, had barely taken over thethrone when he got entangled in a boundary dispute with Gororo, a Ndaufrom Chipinge who had just settled immediately north, through theassistance of Nyajena.33 Shindi was defeated by Gororo, with the assistanceof his kinsmen Madzivire and Maswata. He went into exile in Nyajena andthere surrendered his sister to Nyajena-Masunda. Before long however,Nyajena-Masunda was killed by a lion and the people of Nyajena accusedShindi of witchcraft because, 'Masunda had taken his sister without payingrovora,' but the matter was settled when Shindi's sister was 'inherited' bythe succeeding Nyajena.34Meanwhile, Madzivire was attempting to establish links with Nyajena,since he knew that the key to power in the region lay in the latter's hands.30. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Report, Nemavuzhe.31. Ibid.32. S2929/8/2MLG DDA Delineation Report, Mawad/e.33. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Report, Midzivire.34. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Report, Shindi.46 Women, Politics and the Environment in Pre-Colonial Chivi, ZimbabweHe married Nyajena's niece and gradually accumulated power. This madeGororo so nervous that he connived with his old enemy, Shindi to poisonMadzivire. Unfortunately, Madzivire's wife, much to the fury of her uncle,drank the poisoned drink meant for Madzivire. Nyajena threatened forcebut could not act, as he still needed both his tributaries, Gororo and Shindito build up strength for the impending threat of the Dumbuseya-Wedza.He however appeased his bereaved nephew-in-law by granting him someterritory in the trouble-ridden region. This is what became the iMadzivirepolity.35Soon, the Dumbuseya-Wedza struck as was predicted, conqueringMadzivire, Gororo and their Nyajena overlords, and drew tribute fromthem. However, after a short time, Nyajena retaliated by resuscitating thelong standing coalition of Gororo, Madzivire and Shindi and successfullydrove out the Wedza. Shindi was given back his land and Nyajena re-established his tributary network.3*1This is how the land between the Tugwi and the Runde came to beconstituted and, as has been demonstrated, women mattered in eachestablishment but always either as pawns or as originators of dynasties.The establishment of these dynasties and the unsettled conditions in theregion denoted increasing pressure on the environment, as population wasfast increasing. This enhanced the importance of women, as they providedlegitimacy for groups of male lineage factions, which sought to aggrandisethemselves with the environment based on houses. An analysis of 'housepolitics' among the Mhari will serve to illustrate this point.'House Politics' and The Environment Amongst the MhariAccording to Beach, the wives of rulers were not mere chattels, but powerfulpersonalities in their own right.37 This, however, did not apply to everywife and Beach failed to appreciate class differences amongst the so-calledrulers' wives and how this impacted on the status of their sons in politics,inheritance, and other means of accumulation in the pre-colonial economy.Among the Mhari, competition over the environment was based on theseclass struggles or 'house politics' discernible amongst some polygamousfamilies of today. These 'houses', strictly speaking, were identified by theirmothers. In order to illustrate this for the Mhari, it is important to firstidentify Tavengegweyi's wives, their status in the polygamous hierarchyand their children.35. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Report, Madzivire.36. S2929/8/2 MLG DDA Delineation Reports, Gororo and Shindi.37. D. N. Beach 1980 The Shonn and Zimbabwe, Gweru: Mambo: 96.G. C. Mazarire 47With his first wife vaChifedza, Tavengegweyi had five sons, namely,Matsveru, Musvuvugwa, Chidavarume, Chiwara and Masunda, and twodaughters Gawa and Dogwe.^ Apart from vaChifedza, traditions say thatTavengegweyi inherited his father Mudzungairi's wives and married othersas well. According to Robinson, other people also gave him their daughtersto marry.39 Thus, VaRuzengwe was a wife that Tavengegweyi inheritedfrom his father, namely, Mukmhi WeNhnkn. She was the mother of Mazarireand Mazorodze. Her niece also became Tavengegweyi's wife, but her nameis unknown. She mothered Maregere and Chidyamakono. Another inheritedwife was the daughter of Musidikanwi, who was the mother of Mu vhundusi.Also inherited was the mother of Makamure, vaMaDube, presumed tohave come from Manicaland. Tavengegweyi also married the mother ofMapanzure whose name is unknown but who came from Gutu. He wasalso given vaChifedza's younger sister, vaKudyambweya, the mother ofMadyazvivi, his youngest son.40However, for all these women and others, vaChifedza was the valtosi orthe senior wife, while they were the 'varongo' or minor wives. In order ofimportance, the vnhosi ranked highest, followed by the properly marriedwives, then last in the line were the inherited wives, who were not consideredto be married but only being held in trust for their deceased husbands.Traditionally, the status of the women corresponded directly with thestatus of their sons in the political hierarchy. The lowest in the hierarchywere the sons of inherited mothers who, although sired by the Chief inquestion or dynasty founder, were regarded as born on behalf of thedeceased and, therefore, not entitled to the inheritance of their biologicalfather. As the struggle over the land became more pronounced, these classdifferences clearly manifested themselves.One such occasion where this politics of the womb' came out clearlywas in the distribution of land after the defeat and flight of the Ngowa.Matsveru conducted the distribution in his capacity as the eldest son andleader of the war of conquest. He distributed the land as follows: Heoccupied Chomuteme hill and had other mizinda or villages at Chitangaand Chishave hills,41 and Mazarire remained in Nyaningwe but later movedto Rusvinga hill, leaving Nyaningwe 'to the younger brothers'.4238. See Mazarire 'An Oral Historiography of the Chivi People': 22.39. Ibid: 2040. K. R. Robinson 1971 'Tale From The Old People', in KADA, 10 (iii): 80.41. For more details about the mothers and their origins see Mazarire, 'An OralHistoriography of The Chivi People': 22, 30. See also H. Franklin 1928 'Nyaningwe',in h'ADA, 6: 82; and J. D. White 1980 'The VaMhari', in i\'.4D.4, 12 (ii): 117.42. S2929/8/2 Delineation Report, Matsveru; Interviews with Chindireva Run'anga,15/3/97, Mukumbira Kraal, Chomuteme Hill and Matsveru Chegovo 1/3/97,Matsveru Village.48 Women, Politics and the Environment in Pre-Colonial Chivi, ZimbabweMusvuvugwa was given Zihxwa, Ngorogwe and Gwete hills.43Chidavarume had been given Gungwe hill but he refused on account of themany baboons there, so that Gungwe was taken over by Chiwara, whileChidavarume retired to the area around Zvikato.44 Masunda occupiedChongogwe hill. Other sons, such as Makamure, did not receive anythingbut only managed to gain foothold in Run'ai hill after giving Nemavuzhe-Maringire a daughter called Makuruva or Mucharipa.45It would appear that Matsveru favoured his brothers at the expense ofhalf brothers from other houses, as only his full brothers from his 'mother'swomb' were allocated areas in the fertile and mountainous parts of thechiefdom. Nyaningwe remained the old home for all the other half brothers.Because of this, one of the traditions claims that Matsveru placed his brothersin strongholds (nlwre) in the interior mountainous parts of the country,while he left the other half brothers in the open country or devc where theywere vulnerable to Ndebele raids.46 This might explain Posselt's referenceto a section of the Mhari called 'vaDeve', who occupied the plain countryand paid tribute to the Ndebele and to those occupying the hilly parts of thecountry known as the 'vaMhari'.*7Beach has suggested that one can interpret the history of women throughthe expansion of the Mhari, as in the case of the Njanja,4" and that it couldbe investigated whether the occupation of certain lands by Tavengegvveyi'ssons had anything to do with the origins of their mothers.49 However,unlike the Njanja where the expansion followed the house of Neshangwe'swives, namely, Chikono, Charwe, Dondi and Marudya, the expansion ofTavengegweyi's sons was dictated by the single and senior powerful 'house'of the sons of vaChifedza. Expansion of the sort suggested by Beach wasonly discernible in the second generation Mhari who sought land fromtheir mother's areas, as the problem of land escalated due to increasingpopulation pressure. Thus, Nyengera the son of Masunda by his wifevaMataga, the daughter of Nemavuzhe, lay claims to the land of his maternalgrandfather and succeeded in driving out the then Nemavuzhe-Musukumefrom the area a few years before the Pioneer Column entered Chivi.Manyumbu, another son of Masunda, is said to have conquered Pako43. Interview with Gwaziwa Marufu.44. S2929/8/2 Delineation Report, Musvuvugwa.45. S2929/8/2 Delineation Report, Matsveru; Interview with Gwaziwa Marut'u.46. S2929/8/2 Delineation Report, Nemavuzhe and Makamure.47. Mazarire 'An Oral Historiography of the Chivi People': 28.48. F. W. T. Posselt 1935 Fnct ami Fiction, Salisbury: Rhodesia Publishing and Printing:37.49. Beach A Zimbnbwcnn Past: 266-7G. C. Mazarire 49country around Chirogwe hill because his mother came from there.5" Thus,patriarchs used their mothers' status to acquire land and to avert theecological crisis developing in an environment threatened by overpopulationand diminishing resources.Manyumbu's advance on Chirogwe is also a good example of the unifyingforce of women in Chivi's history. In addition, his land distribution policyrevealed an interesting case of a more equitable form of 'house polities'.Manyumbu rallied his younger brothers who swore by their sister Negadze'to die fighting for the country'51 and then descended on the Pako whomthey defeated at Chembazve and Chivare and the Pako stronghold atChirogwe. After the war, Manyumbu, like Matsveru before him, distributedthe land among his brothers. He, however, employed different 'criteria ofthe womb' from Matsveru's. Muchongwe and Jaka got Chivare, Ngurunduand Sese hills because they came from the same mother. Masiya,Mandizvidza, and Chengeta, all from the same mother, got Chembazvehill. Gwitima was given Zamamba hill, and Muziki and Tawanda, Chirogwehill, while Muzogwi, Batsire, Nhapata and Matumbure received Chimowahill for the same reason. Manyumbu himself assumed supreme control overthe entire Masunda area.52 It is significant to note that, while the identitiesof the mothers were the bases on which land was allocated, womenthemselves were not allocated any land at all.The exploitation of women's identities and their continuedmarginalisation continued into the colonial period. Indeed, some patriarchseven solicited assistance from Europeans to gain access to more land or tosettle old scores over the land, but, in the process, continuing to exploitwomen. For instance, in 1892, the Pako unsuccessfully sought the assistanceof Messrs Duncan and Promitz, to oust Manyumbu from Chirogwe area.'3In 1895, the Ngowa, under Msipambi, gave the Native Commissioner, M. E.Weale or 'Chari', as he was known, a wife in order for him to intervene in aland dispute between themselves and the Mhari house of Matsveru/4ConclusionThis study attempted to demonstrate that women were very important inShona society, although always subjected to a subordinate position, andthat politics in pre-colonial Shona territory involved, essentially, struggles50. Beach, Personal Communication, January 1997.51. For a detailed account of this expansion see Mazarire, An Oral Historiography ofthe Chivi People'.52. S2929/8/2 Delineation Report, Masunda-Chipindu.53. H. Zvakavapano 1964 'The Story of the Masunda Headmanship', in NADA, 9 (i): 57.54. D3/1 /1 "The Queen vs Robert Duncan", 3 February 1893.50 Women, Politics and the Environment in Pre-Colonial Chivi, Zimbabweover the environment. Although historians have hitherto regarded thesestruggles as simply the working out of hostilities among warring tribes, thisstudy has argued that the struggles offer insights into how gender influencedpre-colonial politics. It has argued that, for the people of Chivi, althoughwomen could be exchanged to substantiate male interests in the environment,men depended for the legitimisation of their political claims on theiridentities, as defined by the identities of their mothers. Thus, a genderedapproach cuts across a number of key issues, which expose particularcontradictions in Chivi society, that are not easily discernible when onesimply looks at this society's political history.