Race and International PoliticsH. It PatelINTRODUCTIONIn any attempt to understand the role ofrace in international politics it is importantto remember that the problems of identificationare great because there is no pure racial typeand most so-called races are hybrids; also raceand colour are often seen as inter-changeableterms in daily life and common language, andan additional complication is that advocatesof race or colour as a criterion for differentiat-ing between peoples reinforce their argumentsby scientific and theological elements. Jn spiteof the cogent case presented in the UnescoStatements on Race that gene make-up accountsfor differences in physiognomy rather thanachievement potential and intelligence,1 geneshave been given scientific significance by thosewho argue for racial discrimination. An addeddimension is the implicit or explicit adherenceto a kind of Social Darwinism in which thewhite peoples have been seen as the fittesthuman beings who are here to rule or lead thenon-white in his own interest. And, particularlyin Southern Africa, a 'magical' or divinerationalization of race prejudice and differentialrights based on race or colour has been apowerful force for many decades.Thus, whilst one cannot talk of 'biologicalrace' or 'scientific race' in Southern Africa, thereally important fact is the commanding pre-sence of what might be called 'psychosocialrace'. More than 'biological race', 'scientificrace' and 'divine race' it is the 'psychosocialrace' which is critical in understanding values,behaviour and policies. The former three kindsof 'races' are at best to be properly seen asnothing more than rationalizations of thelatter, the 'psychosocial race'.Briefly, international politics may be re-garded as an arena of human activity involvinga complex of relationships in which the actorsare different states, international agencies suchas the United Nations, and movements,whether inter-state, intra-continental or inter-continental, of ideas and actions. Thus whenone talks of the impact of race on inter-national politics one has to bear in mind thatit involves a kaleidoscope of the whole historyof race relations, of international politics, ofnationalism and the search for and movementtowards independence by the so-called ThirdWorld. This, of course, makes an enormousfield and this article restricts itself to a studyof certain authentic voices from Asia, Africa,the Caribbean and the United States to illustratethe impact of race on international politics.Mazrui, a very creative and often controver-sial African thinker from Kenya, has suggestedthat race has historically intruded into Westernscholarship. He has argued that a whole seriesof important Western philosophers, economists,67writers, sociologists and social anthropologistshave engaged in looking at the wider worldoutside Europe in perspectives which are any-thing but flattering,2EUROPEAN EXPANSIONFor our purposes the contemporary scenarioin which race has become so critical a factorfinds its antecedents in Western scholarship andis taken up and brought further into focus bythe fragments of Europe which left Europefrom the fifteenth century onwards and settledin various parts of the world. These fragments,over time, put down roots in different partsof the world and by and large took over localcontrol from indigenous populations and en-gaged in a series of exercises and rationaliza-tions which we call the 'Colonial Experience',In this expansion and consolidation of theEuropean fragment, a superior technologymerged with whiteness and a potent chemistrywas effected whose consequences are still inevidence around the globe.The European migration was a signal eventin world history. Pannikar, a noted Indiandiplomat and historian, has commented on itssignificance for Asia:The period of maritime authority overAsia, beginning with Vasco da Gama'sarrival and ending with the departureof the Western fleets from their baseson the Asian continent, covers an epochof the highest significance to human de-velopment. The changes it directlybrought about and the forces it generatedin the countries of Asia in contact withEurope for a period of 450 years, andsubjected to Western domination forover a century, have effected a trans-formation which touches practicallyevery aspect of life in these countries . . .The period of European control overthe states of Asia is a dividing line inhistory, for both by resistance and byadaptation they have had to call forthnew vitality and consciously adapt them-selves to new ideas by which alone theywere able gradually to recover their in-dependence and strength.3The conjoining of whiteness with superiortechnology was one of the critical visible aspectsof this worldwide phenomenon. And its implica-tion for future race relations was not lost sightof by some observers, Gardiner, a noted Afri-can scholar and international civil servant, putforward the African perspective:Even while Europe's pre-eminence lastedit was far from monolithic. The clashof the separate nationalisms was seenmost clearly in what has been describedas 'the scramble for Africa'. But onefeature applied to all of Europe. Theexpansionist and colonizing powers werewhite men ruling a world of colouredmen. The coloured peoples soon beganto notice that the thrustful foreigner whodominated the evolution of the worldwith his superior fire-power and hissuperior organization was always awhite-skinned European. Once articul-ated, this realization was to affect pro-foundly the development of internationalrelations in the twentieth century.4The perception that European expansion,was not just a geographical enlargement norsimply a technological superiority of one peopleover another nor merely an interpenetration ofideas and behaviour patterns but was uniquelya racial expansion and as such resisted in anti-colonialism is echoed by Edmundson, a notedWest Indian political scientist:It is race which has become the commondenominator in the diverse forms of themid-twentieth century anti-colonialstruggle. It was race, under the bannerof 'Social Darwinism', which furnisheda powerful common foundation for thethrust of late nineteenth and earlytwentieth-century imperialism. If therewere cases where colonial expansion wasnot initially motivated by racism andcolonialism in practice was not intendedto exhibit racism, the fact remains, inNehru's words, that 'the idea of a masterrace is inherent in imperialism'. LordRosebery would have applauded thisstatement. 'What is Empire', he asked,'but the predominance of race?'5This European expansion was to sow theseeds for our current world-wide preoccupationwith race. It led Du Bois to prophesy that thecentral problem of the twentieth century wasthe problem of the colour line, meaning thatracial conflict was to be one of the characteristicfeatures of our time. The movement of thefragments of Europe out of Europe in searchof profit, adventure, heroism and glory, and of68civilizing the rest of mankind led to a two-fold process of discovery. On the one handEurope 'discovered' other regions of the worldand also discovered itself. Mazrui argues thatif social purpose is used as a criterion therewere three kinds of exploration of the widerworld:There was the evangelical exploration,pursued by either secular or religiousmissionaries, and inspired by such goalsas the spread of civilisation, the suppres-sion of the slave trade, or the propaga-tion of the new creed. Then there wasscientific exploration, often sponsored bylearned societies and inspired by thescientific ideal of pushing the curtain ofdarkness further and further back. And,thirdly, there was exploitative explora-tion, undertaken for reasons of com-merce, of exploring new markets orpossible new sources of raw materials.6On the other hand, the indigenous peoples,mainly as a result of contact with Europeanexploration, began to discover a new identityof their own. Particularly for Africa, Mazruiargues, the interaction between the early Euro-pean explorers and Africa not only led to anew sense of an African identity in that Africabegan to engage in a process of self-discoverybut also put Europe within the map of Africaand led Europe to rediscover itself in the lan-guage of its own explorers.But of course the sense of self-discoveryand re-discovery was not confined to Europeor Africa. The European expansion also fedthe fires of a new consciousness on a globalscale and brought forth a new kind of unityamong mankind in general. Indeed a new worldwas in the making. Senghor, the poet-Presidentof Senegal, speaks of a new relationship whichdevelops out of this thrust of European ex-pansionism and the subsequent non-Europeanneed to reassert itself in relation to the former:But it exported not only merchants andsoldiers; with professors, physicians,engineers, administrators and mission-aries, it also exported ideas and tech-niques. It not only destroyed, it built; itnot only killed, it cured and educated;it gave birth to a new world, an entireworld of our brothers, men of otherraces and continents.7Thus European expansion brought forth notonly disunity and destruction but also unityand construction. A new world was indeed inthe making particularly for those persons inAfro-Asia, an immense part of the playgroundof the European fragment, who went overseasand acquired a new measure of their countries*histories and a new dimension of their ownpersonal identities. In America, Britain andFrance they mixed with colleagues from othersubjugated areas of the world and imbibed,generated and fertilized a new language ofdefiance which was to be used later to rollback the curtain of domination blanketing theirlands:African nationalists first subscribed toliberal values of individualism and freespeech as they carried on the struggleagainst colonialism. Socialistic values ofdevelopment and centralism then becamegoals of many African governments afterindependence. Liberalism, coupled withsome Leninist language served the causeof Africa's political emancipation.Socialism as an internal structure is nowbeing made to serve the cause of Africa'seconomic liberation.8A new interconnection grew up between thelanguage of Europe and the mind and heartof Afro-Asia. The resultant chemistry was tobe used by Afro-Asia in its rise to self assertion.Europe's language was to be thrust back atits own heart! European expansion was to bemet head-on by Afro-Asian patriots some ofwhom were paradoxically to be nurtured inthe heartland of Europe. In the very act ofnurturing lay the seeds for conflict. The um-bilical cord was to be later cut precisely be-cause the consequence lay in the original seed.And the basic European contradiction betweenits language and its practice was laid bare bythese patriots. Abraham, the well-knownGhanaian philosopher, has commented:The end of the second world war is aconvenient dating point for the politicalfuture of Africa. One must admit with-out reservation that the Africans whocame to Europe and America for theireducation turned up a number of Afri-can patriots. Africans who had been inEurope had already pointed out thed'screpancy between declarations con-cerning liberty and democracy on theone hand and on the other the realitiesof Colonialism.969SELF-DISCOVERYNationalism, anti-colonialism and the searchfor independence, especially in the Afro-Asianstates, may thus be seen as the developing raceassertiveness on the part of subject races of theworld and a direct challenge to the dominantrace, which in contemporary times has beenthe white race. Another way of substantiatingthis statement is to take a look at and under-stand the personal experiences of some Afro-Asian leaders. The yearning for self-respect,the search for dignity and the bubbling forth ofa reactive race-consciousness is illustrated bythese personal experiences which were to shapethe destiny not only of subject races and statesbut were also to transform the nature of inter-national politics,Nkrumah left the Gold Coast in 1935 tostudy in America under trying economiccircumstances. Later, from 1945 to 1947, inLondon, the halfway house to Ghanaian in-dependence, he came into contact with, anddeliberated and planned policy with, a varietyof West Indian, Black American and Africanleaders and movements. In London he becamethe organizer of the Sixth Pan-African Congressheld in Manchester in 1945 which marked theshift from Black Nationalism to African Na-tionalism. And what was the meaning of hismultifaccted experiences? Ultimately it lay inhis successful struggle for Ghanaian independ-ence.Nkrumah was not unaware of racism whenhe went to America. He had travelled widelyand in Philadelphia he had conducted a surveyof a few hundred Black American families.But the critical experience undergone byNkrumah, which really starts him on his jour-ney to self-realisation, is related thus:I well remember my first experience withactive racialism below the Mason Dixonline. I was travelling by bus on one ofmy lecture tours from Philadelphia toWashington and the bus stopped enroute at Baltimore for the passengers torefresh themselves. I was parched fromthirst and I entered the refreshmentroom at the terminal and asked thewhite American waiter if I could havea drink of water. He frowned and lookeddown his nose at me as if I was some-thing unclean. 'The place for you, myman, is the spitoon outside,' he de-clared as he dismissed me from his sight.I was so shocked that I could not move.I just stood and stared at him for Icould not bring myself to believe thatanyone could refuse a man a drink ofwater because his skin happened to beof a different colour. I had already ex-perienced racial segregation in the busesand in the restaurants and other publicplaces, but this seemed to be stretchingit rather far.10In this understatement of a burning, emotiona whole world had changed for Nkrumah.Earlier he had had first-hand experience ofracial discrimination but it is this crude denialof water, the essential element for keeping lifetogether, which starts Nkrumah on his longjourney to self-realization and explodes in1957 in the Ghanaian independence celebra-tions.At the other end of the globe, in Africa,Gandhi experienced a similar heart-rendingexperience which set the stage for the immensedrama of Indian independence. Bom in West-ern India Gandhi came from local rulingstock. His father, uncle and grandfather hadbeen prime ministers of a princely state inIndia. His thought was much influenced bythe Gita, Bible, Ruskin, Thoreau, Tolstoy andthe English suffragette movement. Havingtrained in England as a lawyer he arrived inSouth Africa in 1893 and was to permanentlyleave for India in 1914. But in this Africaninterlude of Gandhi's life world history wasbeing prepared for a cataclysmic change; astyle of politics and a way of life which, nur-tured and tested in the African soil, wouldshatter the British Empire in years to come!And what was the experience which was tohave such a profound impact on world events?Gandhi relates his critical point when a manbecomes aware of his own deficiency in thewider world and tries to recreate the world ina new framework:I recall particularly one experience thatchanged the course of my life. That ex-perience fell to my lot seven days afterI arrived in South Africa ... On thetrain I had a first-class ticket, but not abed ticket. At Maritzburg, where thebeddings were issued, the guard cameand turned me out and asked me to go tothe van compartment. I would not go,and the train steamed away, leaving me70'-* A.in the shivering cold. Now the creativeexperience comes there. I was afraidfor my very life. I entered the darkwaiting room. There was a white manin the room. I was afraid of him. Whatis my duty? I asked myself. Should I goback to India, or should I go forward,with God as my helper, and face what-ever was in store for me? I decided tostay and suffer. My active non-violencebegan from that date."The train from Durban to Pretoria was tobe transformed into a journey to Indian in-dependence. Racialism had reared its uglyhead but for Gandhi it paradoxically broughthim nearer to God and the fact of Indian sub-jugation. The next day Gandhi was physicallyassaulted during a stage-coach journey betweenCharlestown and Standerton. But this was onlyto be the second incident, in a long series ofpersonal hardships and trials which led tothe perfection of Satyagraha.For Nkrumah it was a restaurant and thedenial of elemental water; for Gandhi it wasa train journey and the denial of his seat in acompartment Š elementary necessities whosedenial perhaps inexorably led to the trans-formation of international politics. How strangeand unimaginable that water and a train seat,when intertwined with the race factor, couldproduce such immense changes in the map ofthe world. It was as if the British Empirehad begun to totter in a restaurant in Americaand on a train seat in South Africa!A similar experience, this time one whichwas rooted in the situation in India itself, wasundergone by Nehru, a high-caste Brahmineducated in England and surrounded byluxuries, who need not have given up all hispossessions for the personal deprivations whichhe underwent on the road to self-realization.On a night-train to Delhi Nehru began tounderstand, perhaps for the first time, the fullsignificance of the British Empire and its dis-astrous meaning for India:Towards the end of that year (1919) Itravelled from Amritsar to Delhi bv thenight train. The compartment I enteredwas almost full, and all the berths,except one upper one, were occupied bysleeping passengers. I took the vacantupper berth. In the morning I discoveredthat all my fellow-passengers weremilitary officers. They conversed witheach other in loud voices which I couldnot help overhearing. One of them washolding forth in an aggressive andtriumphant tone and soon I discoveredthat he was Dyer, the hero of Jallian-wala Bagh, and he was describing hisAmritsar experience. He pointed out howhe had the whole town at his mercy andhe had felt like reducing the rebelliouscity to a heap of ashes, but he took pityon it and refrained. He was evidentlycoming back from Lahore after givinghis evidence before the Hunter Commit-tee of Inquiry. I was greatly shocked tohear his conversation and to observe hiscallous manner. He descended at Delhistation in pyjamas with bright pinkstripes and a dressing gown.'2The striped pyjamas, the dressing gown andthe bravado displayed by Dyer merely becamethe inadequate camouflage which hid the im-pact of Jallianwala Bagh. The massacre becamea painful living fact not only for Nehru but forall Indian nationalists. Another nail in thecoffin of Empire was laid in Amritsar! A kindof race arrogance was to result in a reactiverace-consciousness.Historically, black consciousness was fedby persons, ideas and movements in atriangular relationship involving America-Caribbean, Britain and Africa. This Pan-African movement later became dominated byAfrican patriots who took the lead in advancinga new African consciousness as a necessarypre-condition to African independence.13 Butin the America of the early 1950s an eventtook place which was to shatter the continuingmyth of racial equality, enshrined in theEmancipation Proclamation. Many a 'hotsummer' followed and a new vibrant 'civilrights' movement was set in motion. MartinLuther King described the seminal event whichtook place in 1955:On December 1, 1955, an attractiveNegro seamstress, Mrs. Rosa Parks,boarded the Cleveland Avenue Bus indowntown Montgomery. She was return-ing home after her regular day's workin. the Montgomery Fair Š a leadingdepartment store. Tired from long hourson her feet, Mrs. Parks sat down in thefirst seat behind the section reserved forwhites. Not long after she took her seat,the bus operator ordered her, along with71three other Negro passengers, to moveback in order to accommodate boardingwhite passengers. By this time every seatin the bus was taken. This meant that ifMrs. Parks followed the driver's com-mand she would have to stand while awhite male passenger, who had justboarded the bus, would sit. The otherNegro passengers immediately compliedwith the driver's request. Mrs. Parksquietly refused. The result was herarrest.'4This historical event, understated in the nar-rative, started a year-long bus boycott in Mont-gomery and propelled Martin Luther King intothe leadership of the civil rights movement inAmerica.North of the Zambezi River, the 'battle-line' between black and white nationalisms inAfrica, stands President Kaunda of Zambia.Kaunda was born in 1924 in Lubwa in the thenNorthern Rhodesia. His father was a mission-ary from the Livingstonia Mission of Nyasa-land who had died when Kaunda was eightyears old. As a youth Kaunda was often illwith sores and malaria and the family financesbeing meagre he had to work in his holidaysto pay for his schooling. Educated at Munali,teacher at Lubwa, worker-member of theChinsali African Welfare Association, Kaundawas to become an important organiser-leaderof the Nationalist movement in Northern Rho-desia.No doubt he was aware of colour dis-crimination in Northern Rhodesia but, it wasin Mufulira that he came face to face with theindignities of the colour bar and conducted apersonal 'civil-rights' challenge to a systemwhich denied dignity to his race and his people;a challenge, which set the stage for the eventualsuccess ot African Nationalism in NorthernRhodesia:In Mufulira, for the first time, I foundmyself suffering the indignities of thecolour bar. Africans were not permittedto enter the European shops by the frontdoor. If they wanted anything, they hadto go to a hole in the wall at the sideof the shop to ask for it. I determinedto expose this system for what it was,an insult to my race and my people . . .I intended to challenge the colour barand I chose a certain chemist's shopin town which was notorious for itstreatment of Africans. As well as medi-cines, this shop sold toys and books.While my boys waited outside on thepavement, I went inside and askedpolitely for a book . . . the girl behindthe counter . . . motioned me over tothe chemist . . . Pointing to the door, hesaid viciously, 'Get out of here . . . Youcan stand there till Christmas and you'llnever get a book from me' . . . twowhite miners in their overalls walkedinto the shop. Hearing the proprietorsay again, 'Get out', they took me bythe arms and frogmarched me to thedoor. They were met by seventeen angryschoolboys who objected strongly totheir schoolmaster being treated in thismanner and they said so in no uncertainterms. A vigorous slanging matchfollowed . . . I5This was in the late 1940s. It was not until1957 that Kaunda challenged the issue again.This time it was an incident in Kitwe and thechallengers were Kaunda and Harry Nkumbulaand whereas before the issue was joined in achemist's shop in search of a book to readthis time the place was a cafe and the searchwas for some sandwiches to eat. As before, theincident ended in a physical light. Later in theCharge Office Nkumbula was to be given abeating by a police officer!All the above experiences have a commondenominator. They are starting points, calalysticmoments, of confrontation. Elemental andbrutal situations, from the bus ride to the mas-sacre, they explode into conflict between whiteand non-white and eventually transformdomestic and international politics. The worldwould never be the same again Š names ofplaces and countries and the colouring of areasof the global map would, in time, changecompletely. And new loci of power would arisein former subject territories.At the Northern Gate of Africa stood Egypt,a pawn in the rivalries and ambitions of Europe.Control of Egypt and thus the Suez Canal wascritical in the search for the safety of the Imper-ial connection between Britain and Ind'a. TheBalfour Declaration of 1917 had begun to addnew tensions in the Middle EastŠtensions whichwere to explode in the Partition of Palestine.For a relatively unknown soldier it was thePalestine Campaign of 1948 which addedurgency to the desire for the self-determination72i Aof Egypt. Nasser, who was later to be part ofthe 'Non-Aligned Trinity' (of Nehru, Nasserand Tito), probably faced his moment of truthin the seige of Falluja. The bitter defeat in thedesert sands of the Middle East spurred theformation of the Free Officers Movement whichtoppled Farouk in a relatively bloodless coupin July 1952.Nasser, the Hero of Falluja and the firstindigenous ruler of Egypt for over twothousand years, was deeply concerned withEgypt's self-determination and clearly under-stood that his dream could not be realisedwithout a proper understanding of Egyptian his-tory. He states:Fate has decreed that we stand at theworld's cross-roads. We have often beenthe invaders' passage-way and the ad-venturer's target . . . How similar ournation today to a caravan which shouldhave taken a certain route! The routewas long, thieves and highwaymenattacked the caravan; it was led astrayby a mirage; and finally dispersed, eachgroup wandering off to a different placeand every individual taking a differentdirection.16At the Southern Gate of Africa stands SouthAfrica. Southern Africa is often seen by itscritics, particularly in the Afro-Asian world,as the archetypal example of surviving racesupremacy, a white fortress in a sea of seeth'ngblack discontent. In theory the Portuguesecould at least claim a policy of assimilationand relatively free racial mixing; the Rhode-sians could at least in theory claim a policyof advancement on merit within the context of'one nation, one economy and one people'. Andyet in practice life for the non-white has notbeen idyllic. But what distinguishes SouthAfrica is both its theory and its practice. SouthAfrica stands alone in the world state systemin having elevated racism to the plane of ahigh moral principle guiding all policy. Itsuniqueness lies in the fact that in South Africathe full weight of State power aids and abetsracism Š this in an age when the 'rights ofman', the 'right to self determination of colo-nial peoples' and the 'elimination of racial dis-crimination' have become generally acceptedas international norms!In 1960 Chief Luthuli went to Stockholmto accept the Nobel Peace Prize. In hisacceptance speech Luthuli laid bare the fullmeaning of South Africa:a country where the brotherhood ofman is an illegal doctrine, outlawed,banned, censured, proscribed andprohibited; where to walk, talk or cam-paign for the realization in fact anddeed of the brotherhood of man ishazardous, punished with banishment,or confinement without trial, or im-prisonment; where effective democraticchannels to peaceful settlement of therace problem have never existed these300 years; and where white minoritypower rests on the most heavily armedand equipped military machine in Africa... It is a museum piece in our time,a hangover from the dark past of man-kind, a relic of an age which everywhereelse is dead or dying. Here the cult ofrace superiority and of white supremacyis worshipped like a god.17CONCLUSIONThe South Africa of Sharpeville and theIndia of Jallianwala Bagh, however else onemay see them, have one thing in common. Atone level of perception and analysis both eventsrepresent the dom'fnance of white over non-white. And Sharpeville has evoked nationalistfeelings among Africans not entirely differentfrom the feelings generated in Indians byjallianwala Bagh. In contemporary times Indialed the fight for independence from the BritishEmpire and set in train a new sense of self-confidence among non-white races. The Afro-Asian challenge to South Africa may well bethe final stages in the fulfilment of this self-confidence.Racism is not a monopoly of white peoples.Nonetheless the contemporary preoccupationwith the relevance of race as a factor in inter-national politics may be seen as the con-sequences arising from the expansion and globaltransplantation of European fragments duringthe last few centuries. As such the contemporaryrelevance of race is essentially in terms of rela-tions between Whites and Non-Whites.Seen in this light white Southern Africa, andSouth Africa in particular, has become thecockpit of racial tensions which have drastic-ally affected domestic and international politics.The degree to which racism, seen in terms ofwhite/non-white relations, survives and con-tinues to infect Southern African, Pan-African,73Afro-Asian, and international politics will bedetermined by the extent to which the necessaryand inevitable transfer of power from White toBlack is effected peacefully or violently.An important possibility for peaceful changein Southern Africa lies in the sentiments ex-pressed in the Lusaka Manifesto of 1969. TheManifesto is a critically important documentin the history of contemporary decolonizationand especially in the history of African Nation-alism because among other things:i. it preferred the road of peace ratherthan war,it accepted the need of transitionalarrangements on the march towardequality,it stated that there was no hostility towhite people who were to be re-garded as another 'African tribe',it rejected a reverse racialism and anAfrican Imperialism,ii.111.IV.v. it admitted that there were deficien-cies in independent African states.18These offers and statements were on conditionthat governments in white Southern Africa weregenuinely interested in peaceful change, theeradication of apartheid and the eliminationof minority power monopoly. If not then thealternative was to continue and intensify violentchange.Prime Minister John Vorster of SouthAfrica and Prime Minister Ian Smith of Rho-desia seemed to have thrown away the oppor-tunity presented by the Lusaka Manifesto.However, sooner or later, both leaders will haveto confront, comprehend and utilize the LusakaManifesto because therein lies a unique moodfor peaceful change in Southern Africa. Ifthe Manifesto is grasped then the often-predicted fullscale race war, detonated inSouthern Africa, may yet be avoided for thebenefit of all the people in Southern Africaand beyond.REFERENCES'See A. Montagu, Statement on Race, 3rd edit., London, Oxford Univ. Press, 1972.2A. A. Mazrui, Violence and Thought Š Essays on Social Tensions in Africa London, Longmans, 1969,pp.85-101.3R. M. Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance, London, Allen and Unwin, 1959, p.313."R. K. A. Gardiner, 'Race and color in international relations', Daedalus, 1967, Spring Issue, 296.sL. Edmundson, 'The challenges of race: From entrenched white power to rising black power. InternationalJournal, 1969, 24, 698.e'A. A. Mazrui, 'European exploration and Africa's self-discovery', Journal of Modern African Studies, 1969,7, 663.?L. S. Senghor, On African Socialism, New York, Praeger, 1964, p.81,sA. A. Mazrui, 'Borrowed theory and original practice', in Patterns of African Development Š Five Comparisons,ed. II. P. Spiro, Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall, 1967, p.122.£*W. E. Abraham, The Mind of Africa, Chicago, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968, p. 138.'°K. Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, Edinburgh, T. Nelson, 1959, p.35."Quoted in E. S. Jones, Mahatma Gandhi: An Interpretation. London, Hoddcr and Stoughton, 1950, pp.109-10;also see D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma Gandhi: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Volume One: 1869-1920,Bombay, V. K. Jhaveri and D. G. Tendulkar, 1951, p.44.'2j. Nehru, An Autobiography, London, The Bodlcy Head, 1955, pp.43-4.oC. Legum, Pan Africanism: A Short Political Guide, New York, Praeger, 1962, p.31.14M. L. King, Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Slorv, New York, Harper, 1958, p.43.ŁsK. Kaunda, Zambia Shall be Free: An Autobiography, London, Heinemann, 1962, pp.31-2; for another 'CentralAfrican' example of a critical personal experience, that of an assault on Clements Kadalie in Cape Town in1918, see his autobiography, My Life and the ICU: The Autobiography of a Black Trade Unionist in SouthAfrica, London, F. Cass, 1970, pp.39-40.»sG. A. Nasser, The Philosophy of the Revolution, Cairo, United Arab Republic Ministry of National Guidanceand State Information Service, In.d.] pp.35, 40.»?A. Luthuli, 'Africa and freedom', in Africa's Freedom,, London, Unwin, 1964, p.13.'sSee paragraphs 1 to 12 in Manifesto on Southern Africa, Lusaka, Government Printer, 1969, pp.1-3.*Ł -I74