Spatial Patterns of Development in Tropical Africa: Policy Implications from the Zambian Example by Thando D. Gwebu Introduction A definition of wnat is rreant by regional developrent is contentious. H0w- ever, few WJUlddeny that the concept does connote an upgrading of the material \'oeHare of individuals at a given place, at a given tirre. This material \'oeHare ena::llPasses a cluster of qualities and consequently an analysis of its spatial manifestation dictates the utilization of those techniques capable of effectively spanning its dirrensions. This is attarpted in this investigation on Zambia. Specifically, several jUdiciously selected regional develorment indicators, catparable to those rrentioned in the Third National Developrent Plan ('INDP), are factor-analysed. The factor score co-ordinates are then plotted. It is fran the subsequent graph that District clusters, representing the different developnent levels, are identified and~. Rationalizatioo of the observed regional development pattern perforce depends on an understanding of the underlying spatio-historical processes. Their relevant role is assessed herein. Apart fran its thooretical orientation, this study attarpts to provide lx>th a conceptual and erpirical frarre.-.orkwithin which policy vis-a-vis an allocatioo of scarce resources to the nest needy areas could be rationally articulated. CCmrentingon a parallel situation, in Sierra Lea1e, Forde1 has for exanple, remarked that: The problems errerge in connection with present decision-making, with regard to developrent programnes. In the first place the allocation of funds is guided by the claims of individual g:>als (variables) rather than by an evaluation of relationships anong a series of g:>a.lsin their spatial context. In the second place, the influence of {X)litics is at tirres too strong: too nuch attention is paid to the (rreso) {X)litico- territorial units established for administrative p..lrposes within the camtry. Both problems, if unheeded, could give rise to unwise alloca- tion of scarce resources and funds. The subsequent portions of this investigation are organised into foor can- {X)nents. The first examines the interactive indicators of developnent and their observed intJact on Africa. The second deals with research desic:1l. 'n1e third is the discussion of the findings. Finally the policy iIrplications of these findings are analysed. 29 Indicators of Spatial Develqmmt on TIqlical Africa Spatial developnent involves an interaction of several soci.o-econani.c dime1sions. Here we oonsider an interaction of several such indicators. They include Carmmication, UrbanizatiOn, Co-operatives, Education, and Health (Figure 1). Webelieve, in brief, that an evaluation of the spatial iIrpress of these factors could furnish planners with a sharp insight, so essential for dynamic, enlightened and SOCiallY-just spatial organization. A detailed discussion of the functiOnal relationship anvng these ingredients of spatial develoJ:lleIlt is relevant at this point. The African space econanies are highly differentiated. '!his oondition natu.cally results in the existence of deficit and surplus areas with regard to the availability of specific 'POds and functions. The prevailing post- independence predisposition towards social justice in spatial planning dictates an equitable regional transference of goods and services anong the c::a:rplenentary regions. However, having inherited a colooial transportatioo- cnmunication system, wbose inception was <'pverned by strategic and ex- ploitative whims, nest !\frican states are faced with the problem of devising appropriate intra and inter-regional infrastructure that is ccnducive to equi table regional econanic develqmmt. SUch infrastructural restructuring is a sine qua non for develqmmt because, as Mil ton Santos correctly points oot: The inp:>rtance of an individual as a producer or oonsumer also depends on his position in space and varies as a function of changes in spatial structure 'Iha t is, the individual's capability to reach and coosurne those goods and services essential to develoJ:lleIlt depends heavily on his relative accessi- bility facilitated by camunication and transportation facilities. In this research the Ell'q?hasisis mainly on the road transportation system because of the fonrer's relative speed, regularity and flexibility. Other researchers on regional develotment have calsistently attested to the crucial role of transportation infrastructure to regional develq;;ment by maintaining that it facilitates: rapid circulation anong the various parts of the regioo - (and that it) is the ner\OlS system of a regional organism and is absolutely vital to i ts survival. E)Tpir1cal evidence fran IrOSt ooontries seems to underline these observations. For exanple, in Zambia, it has now been accepted that rural transportation difficulties represented a major obstacle to rural develcp.oent during the First Natiooal Developnent Plan and that within the ooontry, interruptioos to and lack of transportation by road in the rural areas have frustrated develop- ment in the rural areas. Closely associated with the main transportatiOn system of tropical Africa has been the emergence of the expatriate-initiated urban places. CX>astal harlnlrs, sidings and junctioo settlements have all sprung up in response to water, rail and/or road transportation lRJdes, respectively. Of c:arrse certain centres have emerged and grown at the tenninl1 of the transportatial nodes particularly where primary resources were being explOited for subsequent 30 Communica ti on (a) Transport (b) Post offices Urbanization Spatial Co- operatives Development pattern (b) Education (a) Health Evaluation (c) Rational lnterventi on ( e) Policy and Theoretical Implications (d) Fig: 1 RATIONALIZED SPATIAL ORGANIZATION 31 shipnent to the metropolitan countries. By and large the main colooial urban nodes can be veritably termed parasitic. Filani, for instance, notes that: they continue to draw the resoorces of their hinterlands, producing the regional inequalities predaninating in the African space-ecanny today. Similar renarks have been made I::ly Harvey, partiwlarly with reference to the investnent-m:>nopolization tendencies of these urban centres on industrial, capi tal, public services, enployment oFPOrtuni ties, llEdical and educa tienal facilities. To quote his observation, he said: Bamako, the capital of Mali, has 54 percent of all wage-earners in the country, 62 percent of national production, al:n1t 48 percent of the profit fran all wsinesses, and it also consumes 45 percent of all :inp?rted oil products, 33 percent of all inported canent, and al::n1t 50 percent of all inported gaxIs. l\ddis Ababa has al:n1t 48 percent of the doctors, 59 precent of the nurses and 31 percent of the available hospital beds in Ethiopia. D::>ulain the Cameroons'has al:a1t 33 precent of all camercial banks, 50 precent of all hospital beds and al:a1t 80 percent of all wsiness establislutents. Similar views have been expressed by Jayarajan and Khonje al:xJut Zambia. They pointed out that: Higher order services such as specialized heal th facHi ties, educa tiaJ., recreaticn and entertainment facilities are at the nanent available ooly in the larger urban areas on-the-line of rail. In 1969, 97.3 percent of the total enployment in the industrial sector and 84 percent of total naticnal enployment was to be found in the lIOst urbanized provinces of Zambia. !>bst of \\hat is recorded in the preceding paragraph are graphic illustrations of the detr:1mental iltpacts of city primacy on systemic regional develq;ment: that is, the evils of spatial concentratioo 00 ooe or tw:J major b.ns of socio-ecorxmic infrastructure. Now, these conditions are exarcebated by urban inplosion. This, basically, is an induced ratchet effect mer~ the larger urban nodes becane progressively better intercoonected \Iohilst the smaller centres get systematically relegated into rEm:lteness. 'lbese tw:J forces, P!~ and inplosion, conspire to frustrate, and strangulate the economic deve opnent of t:f1e small rural service'centres and thei:r hinterlands. The ~1fare gap bet\-.een urban and rural areas in thus broadened. Devolutloo of investments and services to the smaller urban places or developnent centres cwld reduce this gap. Several other suggestions have been made as to how to bridge the ever- widening incx:medifferential between rural and urban areas in tropical Africa. There seems to be a general ccnsensus that rural incanes cwld be upgraded to parity levels with urban incx:mes throogh an efficient agriwltural system. Within this context there has been nuch reference to the co-operative m0ve- ment as an appropriate institutioo for achieving these ends. It has been noted, for exaIli'le, that mere such co-operatives are efficiently managed: 32 they have an inp:>rtant contritution to make in the iJIilrovement of rural production, maDceting, processing, credi t and input supplies, therel:¥ enhancing fair returns to the producers and facilitating capital nobilization in the rural areas by strengthening the capaci t¥ of fanners to save. '00 nein qrpes of co-operatives exist on the African rontinent: the first is the production qrpe v.hereas the second is the marketing a1e. It is the latter ~ch seans to be pred::minant today. It serves t\\o basic a::JTPlanentary functions, that is, it functions as a dissanination point of inp::lrted goods, and also as a tulkin; point for locally-produced CFOdsfor external shipnent. Its developnental inplications are inplicit in Good's renarks on the role of marketing systans in integrating cx:ITQ?lernentary functional regions. He said: These functions (inporting and tulking) focus our attention on the interconnections and external associations of markets: the novement and aggregation of people, eratives. Enpirical evidence has linked nassive rural emigration with lagging regions in the space econani.es of Africa. Brand has, for instance, shown that the relatively depressed Northern and Volta Regions of Ghana, ronstituted the tulk of the inrnigrants to Accra, in 1963.3 Similar observations have been made by Colson in the Zambiancase. She noted a dramatic fall in the rate of emigration fran certain rural areas once cash crqpping had developed. in such regions during the late 1920 and early 1930s.4 As a mechanismof anch:>ring or stabilizing rural population to facilitate rural develcpnent, agricultural ro-operatives thus seem to be a cxrIgenial alternative. When thinking aJ::outro-c.peratives capable of ex- pe:iiting equitable regional developrent, "efficiency" becanes a crucial watchw::>rd. Such efficiency rolld be facilitated by appropriate socia- eronani.c infrastructure, for exanple, souro. telea:mmmication and transporta- tion networks to facilitatel:oth intra and inter-regional interaction for the dissemination of inputs and ou~ts, adequate health care facilities, and a basic tut relevant educational system designed to graft the people alto their environment rather than alienating than fran it. Apart fran a nore or less ubiquitous transportation infrastructure, such facilities rolld be provided at strategically located growth points designed to serve the currently peripheral areas. Jayarajan and KOOnjehave suggested possible locations for such centres in Zambia. 33 Research Design The praceding section has attarpted to present a ooncise discussicl'1 of a set of selected developnent indicators. Spatial planning units in Zambia based en their level of devel.opnent will J:e isolated using these indicators as a functional basis. This is done in order to incorporate the spatial- sectoral dimension which, aooording to the Third Naticnal DeveloIJlleIlt Plan, was ignored by the First and Second National Developnent Plans, to the detrilrent of the lagging regions. Spatially, the Third National DevelQi:lteIlt Plan has adOpted the existing Provincial !:ol.lOOariesas its planning regicns for minimizing inter-regicl'1al soc:i.o-ecor¥:rni.cdisparities. The Plan rowever concedes the existence of (X)Il- siderable intra-regional disparaties. In other WJrds, looking at the develcprent problem at the Provincial level gives an aggregate of misleading scenario which masks substantial intra-provincial variation. It is thus essential to disaggregate the spatial dimensions of the problen and delineate it at the micro-level, assuming that the Province and the Cwntry represen t the meso and macro-levels of the spaoe ecorxxny, respectively. Hen::ethe crl:>ption of the District rather than the Province here as the basic unit of analysis. Policywise, this is crucial because it facilitates the selection of least developed, least confounded spatial units for developnent Objectively. Sectorally, the Third National Developnent Plan tries to resolve the problen of develq;n-ent within the context of developnent disparity indicators. The basic prenise offerErl in this research is that these devel.opnent indicators nust J:e vi~ as a COlpOsite or systenic Fhenarenon rather than atanisti- cally. As. such, ence a lagging region is identified, it nust be subjected to sane fonn of structural overhaul en all fronts rather than to piecaneal bIInd- aid treatment. This is in line with the Concept of Integrated Rural Developnent Programne as sti~lated in the 'lNDP. Specifically then, Zambia's 43 Districts were utilizErl as l::asic spatial units for the analysis. Data on the following variables, whid1 have been discussed aJ::ove, were obtainErl per district fran relevant qoverrunent ministries: (a) Pop.1lation for 1978 (b) Number of Health Units, Le. oospitals and health centres (c) Number of registerErl co-c:peratiws (d) Number of ,primary schools .(e) Number of post offices (f) Length of Class I roads, i.e. bituminized with a 10.1 - 13.3m fonnation and a 6.1 - 7. 3m carriage width (g) Number of urban places, i.e. service centres with a pClpllation of over 4,000. Using the 1978 ~lation figures, (b) and (f) were then oonverted to population pressure measures on services, that is, the number of tn:lusands of 34 people to....nich each service unit was available. The aim of this research, as already indicated, was to extract basic can- ponents ....nich span eewloprent, rationalize their spatial expression, and then analyse the lXllicy i.nplications of the observed surface ccnfiguration. Far.tt>r analysis was used to facilitate an objective classification of the forty-three Districts based on the selected indicators of regional develop- ment. SUch a classification is crucial for planning p.rrposes because the needy areas can then be identified based on row they score on the develop- ment spectrum. For instance, within the humanistic context the ideal \ ~ >- ,. C "- Id :::; "' LO .. ' ~ C ~~ W 0 - 1 CroR III FOST OFFICES 0.469 0.066 0.095 0.675 CD-OPERATIVES 0.888 0.930 -0.121 -0.029 HEALTH 0.574 0.426 0.051 0.028 EDUCATlOO 0.790 0.217 0.860 0.064 URBAN 0.483 0.224 0.652 0.085 llCCESSIBILITY 0.545 0.708 -0.175 0.115 ElGENVAllJES 9.143 5.906 0.930 VARIANCE 24.519 29.827 8.034 TABlE 2: MATRIX OF FFCroR sa:>RES , DISTRIcr FJ\C'lOR I FJ\C'lOR II F1lC'roR III I.SK 0.6282 5.4285 0.2249 KIH: -0.2662 0.6729 -0.2162 INGi -1.2701 -2.2266 -0.8318 MKSH -0.6533 -1.6298 0.5755 M!JI/A -1.1157 -1.2095 0.4468 SroE 0.1130 -1.0848 -0.3726 c:::ElB'1 -0.0597 2.5417 -0.4527 0iGL 0.1914 5.1026 0.1112 KLSH -0.6068 1.3263 -0.2726 K'IWE 0.5233 4.8247 -0.1282 LSHA 0.3278 1.5630 -0.1736 MFLR 0.3313 2.7313 "".2552 NDLR -0.9039 -1.3566 0.8456 NOW 0.3789 3.2926 0.6188 CPTA -0.5866 0.9429 0.1476 IDAZ -1.0309 -0.8453 0.0326 38 TABLE 2: MATRIX OF FACTOR SCORES (continuation) DISTRICl' FACIORI F1\CroR II FJICroR III Pl'UK -1.2492 -0.8756 -0.1664 KWBA 7.4592 -0.0550 -0.1902 MASA -0.9813 -0.3134 -0.1457 5FYA 1.9003 -0.8630 0.1124 2MBZ 1.5483 -2.0089 -0.4710 KPPO -0.8797 -1.8798 -0.4567 KSMP -0.8520 -2.0892 -0.4689 M-ITG -0.2809 -1.7682 -0.4468 5mz -1.7272 -1.6067 0.4569 CNSL -1.1869 -1.3110 -0.2784 SOKA -0.8673 -0.7437 -0.3551 KSMA -0.9815 0.3076 -0.1186 I.WNG 0.3569 -0.8822 -0.2733 MBLA 1.0551 -0.1324 0.2521 PIKA -1.3717 -1.0758 -0.2419 MPSK 0.8953 -0.2691 -0.2622 CHMA -0.2632 -0.1752 -0.0007 GJEB 1.2914 -0.8502 -0.4539 Jngu,Kasama, Mansa, and OUpata. All in all, the majority of these areas have superior agricultural, marketing, and service cen tres for the nation s main indus trial and cx:mrercial fanning I belt. As in the case of 1 and 2 these regions are relatively ~l-endowaJ with the type of socio-eo?n:l11ic infrastructure for developnent discussed earlier. level 4 and 5 oonsist, in the main, of \'.hat are generally called the rural districts. Theirlocation intimates a distance decay effect in regi.a1al developnent parameters frem the oore areas. Acc:ordingly, it is the periphe- ral areas such as western edges of Western Province and oorthern margins of Illapula and Northern Province which awear least developed. Fran a huma- nistic policy view-point, these are the areas which need imredi.ate attenticn particularly th:>se in levelS. The omerved spatial pattern of developnent just described can be readily interpreted as a manifestation of ideological manipulation of the bio- physical endownments of Zambia I:y successive executive decision-roakers. This intrinsic linkage bebNeen ideology and spatial organization has to be appreciated prior to any enlightened ratiOnalization of the observed develop- ment surface oonfiguration. Basically, the u..o ideologies we have in m.in.1 here are the free enterprise type and the humanistic type. The relative assessment of the space econany I:y these u..o ideological ~logies has varied, hence the actual or potential differences on regional develq:nent. Essentially, \'.hat is depicted in Figure 3 is a legacy of the cunulative dynamics of the free enterprise system. This premise will be oorromrated I:y the following concise historical survey of the oountry's regional develo~t before and after independence. As early as 1889 a London-based director of British South Africa CCJti>any,a chartered a:npany formed to adminis ter and develop the territories of Central Africa for the benefit of its sharerolders, made the following renark: The problem of Northern Rh::x:1esiais not a colOnization problem. It is the problem of row best to develop a great estate on scientific lines so that it may be made to yield the rna.ximlm to its owner. Acoordingly, Rh::xiesand his associates selected to invest in trose sectors frem which expected returns \o.OUldbe oonsistent and substantial; mineral exploitation oonstituted such a venture. The mines had a spawning effect on other infrastructural deveJq:ment such as sound a:mro.mication transportation nebork essential for bringing in the required inputs and discharqing cutpUts and other socio-eooranic services. several other related industries such as ~, engineering, oonstruction, steel, d1emical and cement firms emerged along the 1ine-Qf-rail oorriCbr. The absence of spur lines and feeier-road 40 system rendered highly localize:l fanning to be a very profitable undertaking. All these precedents, in sum, set the 1::asis for the spatial developrelt pattern depicted by Figure 3. Bates has thus correctly stated: This pattern of investment (pre-inCependence) rendere:l the Northern and Eastern Provinces, and the North-westem Province and Barotseland pheripheral to the line of rail ecorany. There is anq:>leevidence to suPfX)rt the view that sane of these peripheral areas were actually deliberately underdevelopErl to encourage their male {Xlp.ll.ation to anigrate and \\Ork in llOdern a:mrercial enclaves. The change of executive control fran the British South Africa Carrpanyto British irrperial rule was irrelevant to the prevailing develq:ment pattern because these tw:l administrative entities share:l identical idrological orientations. First, despite its ncrnina1 conmitrnent to enhancing the welfare of the indigenous peoples of then Northern Rhodesia, the British govermnent now and again expende:l the wlk of available develq:ment inplts on the line-of-rail corridor. The 1953 revision of the 1947 ten-year Developrent Plan whereby the revenue which had been assigne:l to rural develq:mmt was halved because of the denand by the private sector for socio- econcmi.c infrastructural developnent along the line-of-rail Districts is a glaring case in {Xlint of Britain's over-conmitIrent to the free enterprise system at the expense of the natives Vohowere concentrated in the peripheral districts. The prevailing land tenure systal's further frustrated any efforts aimed at irrproving the economic welfare of peasant fanners. Through land-alienation only tlvse faIITlers Vohowere adjacent to the trans{Xlrtation corridor owne:l their land. Logically, these faIITlers could confidently invest heavily on their land unlike the off-rail peasants Vohoseland was subject to rrultiple o::mro.mal claims. Whenseeking loans the freehold fanners cx:uld conveniently use their property as collateral. '!he cum.:llative result of these factors was that the on-the-rail fanners received preferential treat- rrent in terms of loans and cre:lit facilities and trans!X)rtation sul::sidies. This, in essence, spelt the differential l:etween the on-the-rail and the off- the-rail fanners. The {Xlst- independence govemrrent obtaine:l 95%of its revenues fran the Southern, central and COpperl:e1t sub-regions. Initially, it thus found itself round to spend investment allocations from t>here it derived its revenues. 'I\o.o issues militated against this rationalization rowever. First, the wlk of the electorate, unlike in the previous regimes, was rural. Secondly, President KaundaIS hummistic ideology embraced even the sirrple villager by EIlphasising the equality and dignity of all nerl. consequently, he adrocate1 an expansion of rural e:lucation, rural health care, rural sanitation, wilding and farming co-operatives, extension of cre:lit facilities to rural areas, and the collection and distriwtion facilities to rural producers. SUch infrastructure slxJuld have constituted a basic fraIre\\Ork for the diffusion of ecooomic developrental iIrpulses to the hitherto poverty-l:ound peripheries. Indee:l, by 1971 the spatial I1'aIlifestation of the l'ulmanistic ideOlogy were l:eginning to show on the formerly benignly neglected parts of the develqxrental surface.5 However, because of their ideological oonfusion and l:ureaucratic patrology, sate administrative office-tearers, for the nost 41 part, frustrat.ej the p:ltential spatial irrpact of Kaunda's philosophy \ohich was aimed at redressing the colonial regional imbalances. A graphic case in p:lint is illustrated by a dismall failure of rrost <:o-q)eratives. Bates has cited several reasons for their untoward plight. These include delegation of responsibility to unskillerl and untrainerl, oon-chalatant extention WJrkers and other aaninistrative personnel, inaccessibility of rural producers, particularly during the rainy season due to an inferior road neo.ork, and finally, the neerl by villagers for short-term returns fran agricultural in- vestments. Bates has tl"Alscorrectly concluderl that intervention of the p.lblic sector in Zambia has awarently fciilerl to generate significant rural incx:rnesmere private. market forces have failed to function. Policy IIlplications of the Findings and COncluding Remarks This study has denonstrated that regional ecoOClllicdevelopnent in Zambian displays a spatial bias mainly in favour of the-line-of-rail districts. In the spirit of lunanisrn the First National Develcpnent Plan asserted its resolve to rectify this imbalancerl develq:ment inherited fran the colonial past. Rural develq:ment appeared to be the catchphrase. This resulted in substantial est:iJlates being, theoretically, all.ocat.ej to roads, schools, hospi tals, clinics and other social services deenm pertinent to the raising of the living standards in rural districts. Free enterprise rationalization, ho~ver, prevailed over tlose spatial allocation socio-poli tical ideals, in actual practice. COnsequently, as IlUchas 82%of the total expenditure was actually spent on 50%of the co.mtry's p:lpllation, that is, mainly those 01- the-rail provinces. The renaining 18%hcrl to be shared arrong the rural provinr.;es. The justification for this obvioosly mismatched allocation is clearly couched in free enterprise ideological terms, namely: This high percentage (on-the-line-of-rail) does not signify any partimlarity on the part of planners. In (free enterprise) planning, there is a neOO.to awly scarce resources to areas and lines of investment vkli.ch offer the best ecoOClllicreturns. The Second National Developnent Plan (SNDP)was, sUPfX)sedly, intended to semre rot1?rehensive regional developrent including raising of rural incnres and the creation of rrore social service facilities in the rural areas. 'Ibis deliJ.::erate erphasis on rural developnent was designed to rectify the persistent lopsided develcpnent inherited fran the pre-irk:lependence era. '!he rural sector objectives and p:llicies as elal:orated in the SNDPare: (1) to create in the rural areas new QPPJrtuni ties for E!Ililloyn-entand incare and to :i.nproveinfrastructure related to increased rural productivity in order to co.mteract migration to the urtan areas; (2) to ilTprove nutritional standards by IreanS of increased pra.oention and consurrption of protein and protective foods for local rural consurcption; (3) to develop self-sufficiency in staple foodstuffs and to reduce the growing dependence on iJIports of higher value CClltl'll:)ji ties ; (4) to irrprove marketing, processing, storage, input supply and credit facili ties. 42 The necessary fraIte\<.Orkwithin whim these priority objectives coold J::e attained was seen to J::evertical developrent. This in'plied in brief, that the G:lvernrnenthad decided to give due oonsideratioo to q:>timal landuse based on soil and cliJnate, which together with camunication and access to market, wc:uld express cnrparative advantage. Sum areas fot: ooncentration of investment were tenred Intensive Developrent zones (IDZ). A "Designated mz will be defined areas of high natural potential within mich priority will be given to infrastructure and integrated services leading directly to increased productivity. A serious reflection on the IDZ policy reveals that it was inadvertently coonterpoisErl to the very aims for which it was designed. With tiJre it J::ecameclear that: ... it was J::eset with sCllledevel~t oonstraints and its oonfine!rent to ooly a few areas was in oonflict with egalitarian objectives. Strictly speaking, its failure was rot sin'ply an outcare of its oonfinenent to only a few areas as such J:ut rather because such areas had been selected J::ecause they had riented, the loqical thing to do \\OUldbe to atterrpt to prorrote activities \\hich integrate then with the res t of the space econany. The serond problan relates to fundamental criteria for the selection of village developnent centres. Surely, there is need to broaden the an- parative advantage criteria basErl on other material resources such as forestIy, fishing, tourism resides agricultural potential. Water is indeed critical. This study has discussed the ~rtance of certain indicators, based on the 'Ihird National DevelopieIlt plan, for regional deve1.opnent in general. 'nle spatial dimension of these indicators has teen delineated and regiooal 43 differentials raticllal.ized for Zambia. Policywise, the study has attenpted to provide a frCll'lE!\\Ork within wuch the allocation of scaroe resouroes can l::e articulated an the l:asis of need. 'Ibis has been ach1eved I:¥ objectiwly delirniti.n9' sectoral-spatial planning units rth, 1957. 13. National Development Plan 1974/75 - 1978/79. Freetown, Sierra Leone: The Government Printing Department, 1974, p.149. 14. Santos, Milton. Underdevelopment, Growth Poles and SOcial Justice. Civilizations, Volume >ON, 1975, p.21 45 15. Secald National Develq;ment Plan 1972 - 1976, IA.1saka, Zambia, Ministry of Devel.oI:ment am National G.l.i.dance, 1971, p. 119. 16. Peter Slim, "'!be Legacy of the British SOOthAfrica G.:ll'pany: 'llle Historical BackgrouIXl.," in Eroocmic Independence and Zambia Copper: A C~ Study of FOreign Investrrent, Ed. Mark Bostock am Cllarles Harvey, NewYork: Praeger Publishers, 1972, p. 26. 17. Third National Develrgt Plan 1979 - 1983, IA.1saka, Zambia, National Camlission or Develq:trent Planning. 46