Be Review Alan Morris (1999) Bleakness andLight: innercity transition in Hillbrow, Johannesburg. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Shahid Vawda Bleakness and Light is about the transformation of Hillbrow, a famous, once supposedly bohemian Johannesburg neighbourhood. In stark form it is the change from anall white group area to one dominated by black people in the new non-racial South Africa. The most common image usually conjured up whenthinking of Hillbrow todayis that of the degradation of an innercity suburb, with associated projections of crime, sleaze, and illegal immigrants. These imagesare not denied,but are challenged in Alan Morris’s book Bleakness and Light. Hillbrow more than any other neighbourhoodin SouthAfrica, as the book demonstrates, has a multiplicity of dimensions, ranging from its prevailing transient population, racial prejudices, and class structure, to new elements which signify both contemporary innercity decline and the emergence of interracial co- operation andfriendships. It is a bricolage of events and people, of struggle and resistance, of white flight, and more recently black flight to the suburbs, of decay and attempts at urban renewal, imbricated with the voices of black and white tenants and notorious landlords, city councillors and membersofparliament, building inspectors and new migrants,transients of various kinds, some with occupations of dubiouslegality. Using mainly, though not exclusively, three standard research methods — historical archival work, a household survey and in-depth interviewing — Morris has provided a finely documented sociological study of the changes in the neighbourhood,reflecting them partly as a microcosm of changes occurring in South Africa, and partly as unique to Hillbrow. It is this ethnographic quality that allows the book to be read at a numberof levels. For example, and the most obvious, this is a study of changes taking place ina single neighbourhood, with particular emphasis on race relations, or rather more accurately the interracial interaction in a period of TRANSFORMATION43 (2000) ISSN 0258-7696 Review desegregation. Thus we read of landlords complaining ofthe destruction of building facilities by black tenants, whereasothers praise the sobriety of black tenants whopaytheir monthly rents promptly. Then there are white tenants’ prejudices, apparent in the refusal to acknowledge black tenants, orthe clustering of ethnic groupsin particular buildings. Conversely there is evidence of black and white tenants getting on with their lives in tolerance and respectof each other,of friendships and marriagesacross the colour line. While the flatlands breed alienation and anomie, it also provides anonymity for gay people and freedom for many black tenants seeking refuge from overcrowded and violent townships. Hillbrow, over the last two decades, presents a bewildering array of racial interactions. It is in the sociological evaluation of these everyday racial interactions that the book makesits most significant contribution, and where mostseriouscritical attention needs to be exercised. The dust cover claims it to be ‘a major contribution to the study of innercity transition’ andthe ‘field of urban studies’. There is no doubtthat it makes a contribution to understanding innercity transition, especially of racial interaction, where noneexisted in the past except on a master-servantbasis. So, in this sense, it is pioneering in its analysis of contemporary racial interaction and the degree of integration in the ‘new’ South Africa. Bleakness and Light will probably be a benchmark for futurestudies ofthis kind. But the book is not just a mere chronology of racial incidents and situations. Morris provides a context for these emerging and sometimes entirely new social situations. Although Morris does not provide an explicit historical periodisation, the book delineates five periods: the classic apartheid period of the 1960s and early 1970s; the early signs of ‘preying’ in the late 1970s and early 1980s; a period of intense neighbourhood activism and state political manoeuvring in the early 1980s, followed by the dramatic changein the racial compositionin thelate 1980s and early 1990s, followed by post-1994 period characterised by new migrants, apparent innercity decay, in part a result of red lining by banks, and inadequate control andlack of foresight in creative service provision and planning by the municipality. The early periods are interesting for they provide a carefully argued case of the way in which factors externalto the neighbourhood played themself out and shaped events inside them. Thus, for example, in the 1980s the ever-widening contradictions of apartheid becamepart of the sharply focused political attention on the application of 99 ma Shahid Vawda the Group Areas Act in Hillbrow. Morris shows how the state’s options were limited in returning the status quo ante, given the backdropofa fiscal crisis, an inability to address the issue of an urban housingcrisis, and effectively to challenge and extinguish neighbourhood activism because of its attempts to woo Indians and coloureds into the tricameral parliament. This meantthat despite somesabrerattling, the National Party government could do nothing substantial about contraventions of the Group Areas Act. Indeedit sets the scene for the formation of the Conservative Party, and the flood of new migrants into Hillbrow from the nearby townships andtherest of the country. It is this period betore the 1994 elections when dramatic changesin Hillbrow’s racial and ethnic composition are experienced, though not necessarily a fundamentalshift in the transient nature of the population or class structure. Morris showsthat the underclass or ‘ghettoization’ thesis of American cities has little relevance when applied to Hillbrow. The changesin the racial character of Hillbrow are carried overinto the post- 1994 period, but ambiguities aboundin termsofinterracial relations. These become enmeshed with a rise in crime, drug dealing, the proliferation of sex workers andthe arrival of émigrés from outside the country. Changes in racial, ethnic and national composition are the new realities of the neighbourhood. These however, contribute to the growing mythology of Hillbrow as a crime and drug-infested, and decaying innercity district. Such myths are debunked by exploring the variety ofinterracialinteractions, particularly the everyday urban experiencesof racial integration. Such racial integration that exists is simultaneously superficial and anonymous, supportive of friends and neighbours, and other times confrontational and violent. But then someof these racial interactions may well be based on myths, which begsthe question ofthe relationship between mythology and reality. Bleakness and Light, however, is also suggestive of a range of other issues. To mention just two: Hillbrow presents its own unique flavour for an extended analysis of race, class and nationality in contemporary times. Muchearlier work on these themes has been historical, and confined in large measureto critiques of, or support for, the ‘four nation’ theory, or more quaintly to questions of pluralism, multi-culturalism and ethnic identity. But the presence offoreigners, particularly African foreigners, in significant numbersin Hillbrow providesfor a ratherdifferent interpretation. Morris constructs the question of these new émigrés as double victims: 100 Review first, as victims of economicandpolitical instability in their own countries, and second, as victims of South African xenophobia. While the victims play their roles in the interracial drama that is importantto the story of Hillbrow’s transition,the really interesting question is the construction of ‘the other’ in the discourse and behaviour of South Africans. Whatis the purposeoflabelling African foreigners as job-stealing illegal immigrants, criminals, drug dealers and disease ridden sexual deviants? What exactly do the emergenceof these new points of urban social interaction mean in termsofnation building (the rainbow nation)? How does this connect with the lofty sentimentsof the African renaissance in Hillbrow? Morebroadly, is the construction of ‘the other’ a necessary corollary to building a South African nationalism? I am not suggesting that Morris. should have looked at these issues, but it is certainly is a path worth pursuing. A secondinteresting aspect that the book implicitly raises is that of the theory of social change. The relationship between the neighbourhood of Hillbrow andoutside social and economic forces becomesthe locus around which social change is conceived. Morris suggests the unfolding events and processesoverthe last two decades reveals a combination of structures and agency with unforeseen consequences. Thestructuresherefers to are mainly the ‘material circumstances’ such asfiscal crisis, housing shortages, conflict and violence in townships, while agencyrefers to people’s actions as represented by their willingness to break the law, the formation of tenants organisations (ACTSTOP ~ Action Committee to Stop Evictions), challenges to landlords and the localstate, etc. The combination of these structures and agency led to social change with multiple and unforeseen outcomes. This is all suggestive of a materialist interpretation of Giddens’ structuration theory, and should generate useful discussion on its applicability to race relations and urban studies in contemporary South Africa. However,it is not clear whatis the status of ‘neighbourhood’. Is it merely a spatial concept defined as such for empirical convenience as suggested in the beginning ofthe book so as to accommodatethelimitations of social survey methods? Or is ‘neighbourhood’ the locus of social relationships within an urbanlocality whose contextgeneratesthe possibility of a range of actions and interventions within a larger context of state, society and economy? Certainly neighbourhood/urban studies as invoked by Morris’s Bleakness and Light provide a bright searchlight for more urban studies in South Africa. One should look forward to stimulating empirical studies and theoretical debates inspired by Morris’ study. 101