Transformation 5 (1987) Article UBUNTU-BOTHO: INKATHA'S 'PEOPLE'S EDUCATION' Praisley Hdluli Pretoria could not stop this (Introducing Ubuntu-botho) because It was done by us. and we are in power here ...Inkatha has a lot of power and is In a position to do many things other little organizations cannot do against the state... (Work In Progress, 1987: 18&19) (emphases added). This response in an interview by Inkatha Youth Brigade leaders captures what has eluded many commentators about Inkatha and its politics in Natal. Although the primary objective of this article is to review and analyse the content of Inkatha's syllabus, the analysis also gives us some insights into the consequences of the use of Inkatha1s power within the education sphere in KwaZulu. The article, furthermore, reveals the following aspects of Inkatha: * its attempt at controlling, policing and 'winning over' the 'minds' of pupils in KwaZulu schools; * the ideological discourse of a conservative bantustan African petty bourgeoisie; * Inkatha's basis of legitimacy in the eyes of the masses. The article therefore opens up with a brief historical contextualization of Inkatha's educational intervention in KwaZulu. This is followed by a description of the nature and aims of Ubuntu-botho. Thirdly, an indepth analysis of the 'themes' that emerge from within the syllabus is undertaken. Lastly, a brief conclusion tries to capture the essence of Inkatha's 'people's education', and poses some questions about culture and struggle in Natal. My argument is that Inkatha has not created the symbols used in the syllabus, but is in part drawing from traditions and values that are still respected by many people in Natal. However, the appropriation of these symbols by Inkatha has led to their gradual rejection by progressive youth. There are two reasons for this: firstly, these symbols have become synonymous with Inkatha's politics which is seen by the youth as reactionary. Secondly, such politics is intolerant of autonomous political Intervention by the youth since, according to Inkatha, the latter must always be under the control and direction of adults. 60 Transformation S Ndluli THE ORIGINS OF UBUNTU-BOTHO Inkatha's syllabus was introduced and made compulsory as a non- examinable subject in all KwaZulu schools under its Department of Education and Culture (DEC) in 1979. The introduction and development of Ubuntu- botho can be situated within three closely interconnected developments In the late 1970s and early 1980s. Firstly, In 1977 KwaZulu was granted phase two of self-government In terms of the Homelands Constitution Act, 1971 (Mare, 1987). This gave the Inkatha-dominated KwaZulu Legislative Assembly (KLA) firm control over education. Inkatha had the space and power to control the most Important state Ideological apparatus - education - which was immediately used to dash Bantu Education education in KwaZulu with a dose of Zulu nationalism. The second factor which saw an intensification of the development of this syllabus was student resistance of the mid- to late-1970s and the ensuing crisis of Bantu Education. This crisis manifested itself in KwaZulu through sporadic, but determined student resistance in schools around urban areas. The syllabus was introduced as part of 'mental' and ideological discipline needed to control the youth which was seen as rebelling against parental authority. As Oscar Dhlomo, education minister and general secretary of Inkatha. lamented in 1978, 'It is impossible to administer an educational establishment without proper discipline' (Mare, 1987:3). Lastly, the enforcement of this subject was a response to those school principals and teachers seen to be opposing the establishment of Inkatha Youth Brigade branches at schools (Mare, 1987). In fact, the relationship between Inkatha and the 'professional' stratum of the African petty bourgeoisie has always been characterized by tension. This stratum is the most poorly represented stratum of the African petty bourgeoisie in the class composition of Inkatha, an organization largely representing the interests of the rural bureaucratic petty bourgeoisie and traders. It was this ever-present tension that saw the KLA passing legislation in 1987 to force all KwaZulu civil servants to sign a pledge of loyalty to KwaZulu government (Mare, 1987). The Ubuntu-botho syllabus was drawn up in 1978 by the Natal African Teachers Union (NATU) (an Inkatha affiliate), in conjunction with the School Inspectors Association of KwaZulu and some Inkatha-supporting academics from the University of Zululand. The syllabus was subsequently accepted by 1500 'educationalists' at a meeting paid for by Inkatha (Mare, 1987). 61 Transformation 5 Mdlult UBUNTU-BOTHO PRESCRIBED BOOKS The best source of information on Ubuntu-botho are the books prescribed for each class at school on this subject. At the time of writing this article there were seven of these books covering the first eight years at school (ie up to standard six). All of them are published by KwaZulu Booksellers. However more are still to come and they will cover every class at school up to matric level. All are written in Zulu, and translations in this article are mine. In all of the books the first chapter is on Inkatha. These cover the history, policies, strategies, organizational structure, philosophy and leadership of Inkatha. Inkatha is presented as the only important 'liberation' organization, and pupils are told not only to be Inkatha members, but also how to be good and loyal Inkatha members and followers. For instance in Book One (1980), it is specifically stated that Today Inkatha has a youth section. Even at schools we are now taught about Inkatha. If we have respect, and we are clean, picking up papers at school, dedicated to our lessons, having good relationships amongst ourselves, and not telling lies about each other, we will then be good and honest Inkatha members (p5). The other chapters cover the following topics : history of African people in South Africa; African life and culture; life in urban areas; Health; nature and environment; religion; and what pupils are expected to do at school, home and in the conmunity. In a number of these books there is a list of questions for discussion in class as a means of revising what has been learned. For example, at the end of Book Six (1985), there are questions like the following : * Give a detailed explanation of Inkatha's philosophy and strategy in the struggle; * What are the main things that an Inkatha member is not supposed to do which can be regarded as serious offenses? * List all the duties of the chairman of Inkatha's Youth Brigade; * What is the role played by the following organizations in fighting poverty and job loss: Inkatha's conmunity development office; Handleni youth camp (see HIP 46 about this camp); and KwaZulu government. HOW IS UBUNTU-BOTHO TAUGHT? In each of the books there are suggested ways and means for both the teacher and the pupils on how to teach and study this subject respectively. It is particularly in Books One and Two that there is a detailed preface 62 Transformation 5 Ndluli indicating to the teacher the best methods of teaching the subject. Firstly, it is KwaZulu DEC policy, or rather standing instruction, that all schools falling within its jurisdiction must teach Ubuntu-botho as a school subject from first year at school up to matric. This subject is also taught in all Colleges of Education under the DEC, in order to prepare the teachers to go out and teach it when they finish training. From each class at all schools it is expected that at least one class period per week be devoted to Ubuntu-botho. Although this subject is not formally examined. It is emphasized that the teacher must play an active role in making the subject as interesting as possible to the pupils. Secondly, there are certain specific obligations and responsibilities placed on the class teacher in teaching the subject: * The teacher must learn and know much more about the topics covered in the books, so as to be able to contextualize the subject; * The teacher is to instil a spirit of liberation in the pupils: If this subject is taught in this spirit, pupils will like it even if they are not going to be examined on it. If the teacher hears the pupils complaining that they don't like the subject, it means the teacher is not handling it in the spirit that it deserves, because pupils generally like a good thing (Book One, Preface p2). Although these two responsibilities look like everyday duties of any conscientious teacher, it will become clearer later what these entail 1n the teaching of Ubuntu-botho. Apart from the questions for revision in each book, pupils are further expected to carry out certain practical assignments. Some of these assignments include singing 'Zulu war songs', and forming discussion groups or debating societies to discuss further some of the points raised in class. For Instance in Book Six (1985), after a detailed discussion of Inkatha's strategy of 'non violence' and some of the flaws of the armed struggle in South Africa, the pupils are given this task: You must now think of other reasons why the armed struggle won't succeed in present day South Africa. Write these down and discuss them in your small groups. You are further expected, as Inkatha youth, to be exemplary in the struggle, and in carrying out the strategy of non-violence (p7, emphasis added). Other practical tasks require the pupils to collect pictures of Chief 63 Transformation 5 Mdluli Buthelezi and all the Zulu kings from newspapers and other relevant sources. A further task required of teachers as well is to make press cuttings of all pictures and news about Inkatha in the daily press and magazines. Pupils are also expected to know Inkatha's main slogan ('Sonqoba simunye' - United we conquer), and the names of all the KwaZulu cabinet ministers and senior Inkatha officials. It should be pointed out here that throughout all the books it is never suggested that pupils must do similar exercises with regard to other existing political organizations. Informal discussions with a number of teachers in the Pietertnaritzburg area indicated that it is expected of them to indicate weekly periods allocated for Ubuntu-botho in their scheme books to DEC inspectors. This in fact constitutes the means through which the teaching of the subject is monitored. AIMS OF UBUNTU-BOTHO Perhaps even before discussing the aims of Ubuntu-botho, it is important to make a brief comnent about the concept Ubuntu itself (in Sotho 'botho'). Ubuntu is a concept that is usually described as the foundation of all African societies. It is claimed by its proponents that ubuntu did not only form the basis of the so-called African world-view, but also 'runs through the veins' of all Africans. Its contemporary meaning and Intellectual usage can be traced back to Pan-Africanism, particularly in the works of African philosophers like John S Mbiti, and LS Senghor's Negritude. In fact it has close connections with the latter. Ubuntu means 'being human', and this embraces values like 'universal brotherhood for Africans', 'sharing', 'treating and respecting other people as human beings', etc. This concept has very positive connotations. However, its resuscitation by some African intellectuals, particularly within the context of the struggles against colonial exploitation and domination, has been rather problematic. Firstly, it has been treated as a transhistorical concept, whose meaning remains the same regardless of particular historical conjunctures. This particular use of the concept fails to contextualise its resuscitation as an attempt by the struggling masses to make meaning out of their lives in the face of domination by means of an appeal to threatened pre-capitalist values. Secondly, it has been reclaimed by the African bureaucratic petty bourgeoisie to legitimize its own hegemony in the political struggles, a hegemony whose outcome has been disastrous to the very masses in whose name the concept is used. Inkatha, in turn, as it will become clearer below, has reclaimed and reinterpreted this concept to justify its own peculiar type of political and social practices. In essence the concept of ubuntu is now like the 64 Transformation 5 Me/lull Bible, which can be used to justify all shades of ideologies and political practices. Its elasticity, coupled with its material existence in the everyday discourses of the struggling masses, could provide space for progressive Interpretations. The aim of Ubuntu-botho, as stated In the texts, is to teach pupils good citizenship. However, In a memorandum to circuit Inspectors, principals and school teachers in KwaZulu DEC, in 1978, It was stated that The syllabus is based on the aims and objectives of the National Cultural Liberation Movement as found in the Constitution... In drawing up this syllabus the committee was influenced by ... the need to develop In our youth the whole person within the ambit of Inkatha constitution... (and) that many adults seem to hold divergent views and beliefs about Inkatha... These are passed on to the young and cloud the youth's minds. It is thus hoped that this syllabus together with its guide will clear many doubts and thus create unified ideas to match with the goals of Inkatha (emphases added, 1978:1&2). Surprisingly these aims are not stated as sharply as this in the books themselves. In Book Six the concept of ubuntu is clearly defined as the basis on which Inkatha's 'struggle' is based. It is projected as the philosophical outlook of Inkatha's strategy, and it is Inkatha's 'historic mission', as it were, to uplift everybody in South Africa to attain the highest stage of ubuntu. However, in the discourse of the books, good citizenship equals a good citizen of Kwa Zulu, equals Inkatha membership. IMAGES OF BUTHELEZI In all the books, no other political figure is given as much coverage and attention as Chief Buthelezi. The very first chapter in Book One devotes considerable space to Buthelezi's biography. The treatment of Buthelezi goes beyond his biography and equates Inkatha with him. For instance Inkatha's philosophy and political strategy is closely related to his personal likes and dislikes. For example, in Book One it is stated that Inkatha was revived because Umntwana wa kwaPhindangene (ie Chief Buthelezi) saw it fit that blacks must be united And it (also) worried him very much to see our culture disappearing (p5, emphasis added). Further, in Book Six. the campaign against disinvestment is discussed 65 Transformation 5 Mdluii purely around Buthelezi's feelings about the issue. In these books one gets the feeling that most of Inkatha's political line emanates from personal political ideas. The image of Buthelezi strongly projected in the books is that of a rightful leader of the Zulu 'nation1, whose leadership is beyond question. Even the way his name 1s used in the books reflects this approach; it is Interchangeably substituted for Inkatha Itself. This presentation of Buthelezi is legitimated through a network of socially sanctioned forms of respect within Zulu society. In Book One for instance, the importance of a figurehead in any organization is justified. It is not the existence of a figurehead per se that is of particular interest in this context, but the analogy that is drawn. For instance, the need for a respected leader is likened to the respect that should be paid to the father by children at home. An appeal is being made here to hierarchical patriarchal relations. In justifying the leading role of the head of an organization it is stated that: In order that everything go accordingly at home, we the children must do everything that is required of us. Therefore, remember it is the father and the mother and all other elders at home who have the authority to control family affairs (Book One, p6). By drawing an analogy between the family hierarchical relations and leadership of a public political organization, an ideological legitimation of the leader is reproduced by appealing to qualities which are seen as deriving from descent, breeding and gender superiority. The father derives his authority from being the male progenitor of the children, and the children can do nothing to alter this fact. Their's is to respect and follow the lead. This particular notion of leadership, as reproduced In Ubuntu-botho, is consistent with Inkatha's political practices, which are characterized by a strong distinction between the leader and the led, and the cultural sanctioning of the leader as relatively autonomous. Another image of Buthelezi that comes out very strongly in Ubuntu-botho, is that of being the political leader of the Zulu. Since Inkatha is presented largely as the political vehicle for Zulu aspirations and the leader of Inkatha is Buthelezi, he is therefore placed in a more visible position than the Zulu king. In fact in all these books a lot more is said about Buthelezi than the king. This firmly inverts the traditional roles and the relationship between the king and his 'prime minister1, a rather crude reflection of the de facto situation in the KwaZulu bantustan's internal politics. In traditional Zulu society the king was the overall 66 Transformation 5 HdluU political leader and the 'prime minister' (If ever there was such a position in the strictest sense of the word), was working under the direct command of the king. The king was never a ceremonial head, but he was involved In everyday politics. UKUHLONIPHA (Respect) This Is perhaps the most central theme throughout the Ubuntu-botho syllabus. Ukuhlonipha. meaning respect, is a very central custom in African societies 1n general and even more so In Zulu-speaking communities in Natal. Ukuhlonipha embraces a number of customary rules that govern relationships at different levels of society. It emphasizes respect not only for people one knows, but even those not known. But more important it stipulates the authority of the elders over the younger people, parents over children, leaders over the followers (the latter being mostly constituted and defined as subjects). Further it embraces the authority of men over women, and embodied in these relations is male domination in general. In short, ukuhlonipha sanctions superiority based on sex, age and social position and reproduces the whole set of authoritarian and hierarchical relations found in Zulu society. In Ubuntu-botho It is explicitly stated that Inkatha's foundation is ukuhlonipha. It is further stated that one of the essential qualities of a loyal Inkatha member is respect for authority. There are four sub-themes that are specifically dealt with within the concept and practice of ukuhlonipha. The first one Is that the youth must respect elders and do as they are told. The youth is expressly expected to take the lead from the adults and subject themselves to their authority without question. The second sub-theme is that of women's position: This respect within the (Zulu) nation 1s found even among adults. In the family the man is the head. The woman knows that she Is not equal to her husband. She addresses the husband as 'father1, and by so doing the children also get a good example of how to behave. A woman refrains from exchanging words with a man, and If she does, this reflects bad upbringing on her part (Book Two, P30). Against the mounting struggles by women against male domination, the Ubuntu-botho syllabus is reinforcing women's oppression and inferiority. In this light it is significant that the chairpersons of Inkatha's Youth and Women's Brigades are not elected but appointed by the president of Inkatha. The third sub-theme Is that of respect for authority, irrespective of 67 Transformation S Mdluli whether one agrees or not with the views of the authorityifIgure. This is particularly emphasized in work relations: In order that things go smoothly in all kinds of work situations, there are always people appointed to manage such undertakings. In schools, government offices, police, hospitals and everywhere there are people given authority to run and control these institutions. If you are at work, no matter what job you do, even in the mines , don't forget that you must respect all those above you at all times. Even if your ideas clash, that must not make you forget that that person is still above you by virtue of his/her position (Book Two, p34). The fourth subtheme relates to respect for law. It is clearly stated that 'All government laws, even those whose flouting may not necessarily bring you before the courts, must be strictly respected' (Book Two, p34). Within Inkatha, this concept of ukuhlonipha is further given a more specific meaning. For instance, pupils are strongly discouraged from using certain words in their everyday conversations in respect to certain figures both in the royal family and Inkatha. For instance pupils are told that the reason why Inkatha does not use the word igatsha in referring to their branches is because it is Buthelezi's first name, in spite of this word being the exact Zulu description of a branch. Similarly, staunch Inkatha followers, including Buthelezi himself never use the word imyama for 'black', but they rather use its synonym nptsholo as a sign of respect to Hnyamana, Buthelezi's grandfather. Ukuhlonipha is not only described as the foundation of Inkatha, but also the essence of ubuntu. It 1s therefore expected of all Inkatha members to have ubuntu as defined this way. It therefore becomes clear that Ubuntu- botno is likely to produce a highly docile and easily controllable Inkatha following. This runs counter to mass participatory democracy, as membership Is required to act within the tightly defined ukuhlonipha relations. A clear message that comes out of Ubuntu-botho is that the obligations of the membership are to follow and be faithful to the leadership, and not to question. Again, this reflects the character of Inkatha's politics, distinguished by the absence of mass political action characteristic of some extra-parliamentary oppositional organizations. Inkatha's 'struggle1 is articulated mainly through speeches and actions of Buthelezi and some of his key leadership. Inkatha has in many instances appealed to this concept with some devastating effects. For Instance, the 1980 KwaMashu school boycotts were crushed by Inkatha on the grounds that 68 Transformation 5 Mdluli the pupils were rebelling against parental authority and wanting to do as they liked. This appeal to the adult community had a resonance for parents who were anxious about losing control over their children. It has been, and continues to be, one of the major tactics used by Inkatha to mobilize people against progressive organizations and social categories, such as the youth. According to Inkatha Youth Brigade leaders: The contradiction 1n People's Education is that it rejects parental authority over pupils. It says children should be completely independent, they should denigrate their fathers (not mothers I - own addition) {HIP, 1987:18); and I am sure parents of KwaMashu students sjambokked them. That definitely happened. They may have been Inkatha members, or members of other organizations, but parents took it upon themselves to send children back to school (HIP. 1987:19). CONCEPT OF THE 'NATION' IN UBUNTU-BOTHO Although this is one of the major themes In Ubuntu-botho, it has been rather difficult to get a complete meaning of the concept 'nation' in the syllabus. This is largely due to the fact that the word isizwe has two meanings, 1e 'nation' and 'ethnic group', although usually the former. This problem is further compounded by the fact that in these texts it is also used to refer to 'race'. In the texts this word is used interchangeably to refer to all of these. In Book Two 'nation' is defined as '...People of the same race (uhlanga) who also share the same skin colour' (p3). In this book, four nations are said to exist in South Africa : whites, Africans, Coloureds and Indians. It is also expressly said that the 'black nation' refers to Africans only. Therefore Indians and Coloureds are regarded as different nations and the term black does not include them. However, a further subdivision of Africans into nations is made listing all the ethnic groups as defined by the state. From this point onwards the term 'nation' becomes synonymous with ethnic groups, and the Zulus are certainly defined as a nation. For instance, in Book One it is stated that 'We are a Zulu nation. We don't doubt ourselves. We are proud of being Zulus' (p8). It is also stated that the aim of Inkatha is to mobilize feelings of nationalism in all people. The equating of ethnicity with nationality is further borne out by how unity In the struggle is seen in 69 Transformation 5 Mdlult Ubuntu-botho and by Inkatha Itself. Black unity Is seen as composed of the different ethnic groups. In other words the building blocks of black unity are the ethnic groups, and unity does not Imply the dissolution of ethnicity. In this unity, Zulus are the leading section. For Instance, it is made very clear that the Zulus, apart from being the majority of Africans, also want to unite all Africans through Inkatha. One of the most consistent sources of legitimizing the importance of the Zulu 'nation' is through the ideological mobilization of Shaka's supposed intentions to unite all African ethnic groups. The emphasis given to Shaka's role in this regard is strongly connected to Inkatha's Ideals at the moment , which suggests that Inkatha is taking over where Shaka left In uniting the 'black nation'. Ubuntu-botho makes it very clear that Inkatha's aim is not to destroy Zulu nationalism in the struggle against apartheid, but it is to mobilize this nationalism as a launching base. Having primarily defined nation this way, Ubuntu-botho continues to say that Inkatha sees South Africa as one unitary state. It is never stated how these different nations are to exist In this one multi-national, yet unitary state. This ambiguity Is further complicated by an intolerance that comes out of the syllabus towards Africans who join non-racial organizations and shy away from Africans-only political organizations. There is in fact a scathing attack on such people: There are fellow Africans who have convinced themselves that any organization that is solely run by Africans, without whites, Indians or Coloureds, will not succeed. Such an attitude displays an inferiority complex in these Africans caused by many years of oppression by whites. There are many people who do not join organizations led by their own African people. They rather choose to go and seek refuge in organizations of other race groups. This is the type of action we must never ever contemplate taking. We must at all times join organizations of our own people first, even before thinking about organizations of other races A person with ubuntu and pride of his/ her nationality is the one who throw in her/his lot with organizations of their own people (Book Five, 1985:25-26). HISTORY OF AFRICAN PEOPLE Ubuntu-botho embraces a particular form of interpreting history that is present in all other themes. In tracing the history of African people emphasis is placed on the prominent role played by the leaders and the 70 Trans format Ion 5 Mdluli 'absence' of ordinary people in this history. In all the sections that cover the history of African people, the actions of the kings, chiefs and political leaders are retold. Emphasis is placed on the family background of the leaders, their education or intellect, personal achievements and their overall strategic placement as rightful leaders of the people. In Ubuntu-botho, ordinary people do not make history in themselves, but are only capable of making history under the guidance of the leaders or rulers. One point that is hammered upon throughout the syllabus is that all known societies have had not only rulers, but great rulers. A strong appeal is also made to the tradition of chieftaincy as the basic unit around which traditional African societies evolved. It is of Interest to note the avenues given to pupils for becoming 'important' personalities in their own communities. This can be achieved mainly through deeds of bravery that show loyalty to people in positions of leadership or authority. In some of the texts, particularly those meant for the lower classes at school, a selection of Zulu folktales is given. They are mainly about ordinary people who became heroes by displaying bravery and loyalty in the service of the kings. The one folktale is about the disappearance of a king's daughter, secretly buried alive by other girls near a river. A call is made to all young able bodied men to search and find the king's daughter, the reward being to marry the daughter and succeed to the throne. The tale ends with one brave young man finding the king's daughter and being rewarded as promised. All the girls responsible for this deed are killed and a big happy wedding ceremony for the couple follows. There are obviously strong messages in such a tale. Firstly, apart from the distaste for violence amongst such young children, it emphasizes male prowess, loyalty to the ruler and gaining of recognition only through service and loyalty to him. Secondly, It reinforces feelings of joy and happiness amidst death of disloyal subjects. In Ubuntu-botho the leader makes history on behalf of the ordinary people, and also for the good of the people. Ordinary people make history only in front of the rulers, by dedication to protecting the interests of the leader, usually presented as everybody's interests. CONCEPTIONS OF THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE Throughout the syllabus the liberation struggle is personified around Buthelezi as an able leader of the Zulus through Inkatha. The liberation struggle is also firmly conceptualized within the dichotomy of the leader and the led. The role of the leader is that of leading the people, and that of the followers is to loyally support the leader. In Ubuntu-botho members of political organizations are conceived of more as subjects as In 71 Transformation 5 Ndluli traditional African societies than a voluntary membership entitled to, and capable of, democratic control of their organization. The struggle Is therefore to be carried out within the dichotomy of the leader and the led. The struggle is to be waged within highly defined hierarchical relations, each person knowing his or her place within the organization (1e, as the youth or women or chiefs or adults). Political action is to be carried out within the highly authoritarian ukuhlonipha relations,as discussed above. It is explicitly stated that ukuhlonipha has no temporal or spatial limitations. All life and people's behaviour, regardless of the context, should be permeated by these relations (eg, women not exchanging words with men; authority of parents over children; and absolute subservience to authority figures). Such a conception of the liberation struggle effectively precludes any mass political participation, and thus the liberation struggle is channelled through the hierarchy to the shoulders of the leader. It also precludes any sustained Ideological struggles against apartheid and the bantustan laws as all laws should be respected under all circumstances. This conception of the struggle 1s further illustrated by responses suggested to the pupils on how to eliminate unemployment, poverty and the housing crisis in the urban areas. According to Ubuntu-botho Education is the biggest weapon against many of the problems found in urban areas. People who are usually victims of unemployment and retrenchments are the uneducated. It is not easy ... for an educated person to become poor, because they can even start their own businesses and employ other people, thereby creating job opportunities. Let us then dedicate ourselves to our studies... (Book Three, pl5-16). This peculiar type of struggle is perhaps a reflection of the ambiguity of Inkatha in itself as a liberation movement. On the one hand It controls the repressive and ideological state apparatuses of the KwaZulu bantustan, and yet, on the other hand, it claims to be a liberation movement. In this way it relates to its membership as both a mass following in struggle and at the same time as 'subjects' of the KwaZulu government. Pupils are further encouraged to start joint savings clubs and lend money out at interest. It is said that if this is done properly, it can reduce poverty amongst blacks. There is hardly any mention of the capitalist origins of poverty in South Africa nor of apartheid as the source of such problems. The message to pupils is that they must educate themselves and accumulate and most of the problems will be solved. 72 Transformation 5 Hdlulf This theme of starting one's own business is further emphasized through a strong persuasion of the pupils to support African business ventures. Some African-owned businesses are listed in the texts like Khulani Holdings (Inkatha owned). The African Bank, Black Chain, KwaZulu Booksellers, etc. Going to the cities to buy in white- and Indian-owned shops is strongly discouraged, if there are African-owned shops around. This Is strange given Inkatha's vehement and consistent opposition to boycotts of white shops. In essence the capitalist system is enshrined and the struggle for liberation is via capitalism. THE STATUS OF INKATHA AND OTHER LIBERATION MOVEMENTS Going through the Ubuntu-botho syllabus leaves one in no doubt that Inkatha 1s the liberation movement. The books unashamedly promote Inkatha, and Inkatha is the model and example of a political organization. Considerable space is given to discussing its structure, leadership, and policies. The pupils are in many Instances already addressed as Inkatha members. In order to contextualize how other liberation movements are treated in Ubuntu-botho, it is important to outline how the history of the black liberation struggle is traced. For instance, in the whole syllabus the history of Africans and/or the liberation struggle is divided into three broad periods. The first period is ancient history, which mainly focuses on Africa and its civilizations. The second period is one covering the 18th and 19th centuries. This history Is told mainly around the personal leadership of the Zulu kings and insignificant attention is paid to colonial relations of exploitation and domination. Emphasis is placed on their deeds of bravery and successful wars of expedition and challenge to colonialists. The mast 'interestingly' treated part is the 20th century, at least up to 1960. First of all, attention of the pupils 1s drawn to the 'fact' that '...many of the national African leaders of this century were drawn from Natal' (Book Two, plO). This cociment sets the scene for the tracing of African struggles between 1900 and 1960. Secondly, this 'history1 is presented through selected Individuals in the ANC. There is very little attention given to the changing political economy of South Africa during this period. The history is approached from the 'Great Man' perspective. It 1s however, the selection of the leaders that throws further light onto the slant of Ubuntu-botho. All the leaders who are selected are either Zulu-speaking Natalians or have strong connections with the Zulu royal family. The leaders given extensive coverage are Pixley ka Isaka Seme, Anton Lembede, Chief Albert Luthuli, JL Dube, Violet Makhanya and 73 Transformation 5 Mdluli AWG Champion. All, except Seme, were Zulus and based in Natal. In the discussion of these figures (as representing the history of the liberation struggle) emphasis is placed on their personal achievements and (inter)national standing, what is of particular significance about these leaders, as well, is the connection drawn between what they did or stood for and the actions of Inkatha and/or the KwaZulu government. In the syllabus the following connections are made and emphasized: * Dr P Ka I Seme - 'He was a very close relative of the Zulu royal family. He was son in law to King Oinuzulu because he was married to Harriet, first daughter of Oinuzulu. This means that Chief Buthelezi is Dr Seme's nephew since the latter's mother was Dinuzulu's daughter ... On the 15th September 1984, Dr Seme's family in co-operation with Inkatha arranged an unveiling ceremony where the guest speaker was Chief Buthelezi' (Book Three, 1985:7) * Or JL Dube - Ohlange High school, which was started by him, and J L Dube High School in KwaHashu, now both fall under the jurisdiction of the DEC. (This latter school is one of the most militant in Durban in fact, and at some stage a stronghold of the now banned Congress of South African Students (COSAS)). * Anton Lembede - He, together with Chief Buthelezi and Dr F Mdlalose (Inkatha chairman), belonged to the ANC Youth League. * Chief Albert Luthuli - At his funeral. Chief Buthelezi was asked to speak on behalf of all black people of South Africa. * AWG Champion - Has expelled from KwaZulu (actually, KwaZulu did not exist as a political entity at the time) by the Natal colonial administration for his political activities. * VS Hakhanya - Started a school at Mbumbulu '... which also now falls under the DEC ... and at her funeral Dr 00 Dhlomo, secretary general of Inkatha was asked to speak on behalf of the youth' (Book Three, pll). The ever presence of Inkatha at the funerals, 'unveilings' and taking over of schools founded by, or named after, these people is not just coincidental, but represents the reclaiming of the ANC's past by Inkatha, in order that the latter be seen as continuing the struggle of the non- violent ANC (Mare* and Hamilton. 1987). This is further confirmed by a number of other points raised in the syllabus. Firstly, there is a scathing attack on the armed struggle waged by the ANC. In the syllabus the history of the ANC before the Umkhonto we Sizwe phase is treated very sympathetically with strong connections being drawn to Inkatha. Secondly, very little is said In the Ubuntu-botho syllabus about the ANC post-1960, except perhaps to condemn its strategy. Thirdly, whilst pre-1960 it is referred to as the ANC, after 1960 it is 74 Transformation 5 Mdluli referred to as the 'ANC mission in exile 1 . In Zulu this description gives the impression of messengers who were sent out by the authentic ANC. Fourthly, whilst the history of the liberation struggle before 1960 Is treated through the ANC, the post-1960 phase of the liberation struggle focuses almost exclusively on Inkatha after its formation in 1975. There is a huge gap between 1960 and 1975. Fifthly, no mention is ever made of any of the current ANC leadership, save Mandela, Tambo and Sisulu. Of these, there is just a passing reference to the fact that they helped Lembede to form the ANC Youth League; another to Tambo's meeting with Chief Buthelezi in London in 1979; finally it is said that he is currently leader of 'the ANC Mission in Exile1 whilst Mandela and Sisulu are in jail. Black consciousness organizations are also referred to only by name and in passing. There is no mention whatsoever of the UDF or COSATU or any role played by the labour movement in the liberation struggle, except in an Indirect way as an explanation of why some organizations are hit by detentions and police action: There are many organizations who usually find themselves in deep trouble, as when their members are detained because their leaders usually follow secret and clandestine plans in the struggle not known or approved by its entire membership (Book Six, p3). This is however the more surprising given that nowhere in these texts is it detailed how the leadership of Inkatha Itself obtains its mandate from the membership or how accountability and mass democratic participation is ensured within its structures. IMPLICATIONS The denial by Inkatha Youth Brigade that Ubuntu-botho is Inkatha indoctrination is unconvincing (WIP, 1987). In response to a question by HIP (1987) that Ubuntu-botho is indoctrination, Inkatha Youth Brigade responded thus: It is far from that. Is teaching children ANC history indoctrination about Inkatha? Years back, teachers were terrified to utter the name 'Oliver Tambo1, because the Education Department said they should not meddle in politics (1987:17-18). However, that is not the primary issue raised by this syllabus and its contents for progressive organizations. This syllabus, apart from Its educational content and objectives, gives us an idea about Inkatha's 75 Transformation 5 Mdluii ideological appeal, particularly to sections of the working class and rural communities in Natal. Inkatha's appeal derives from what I would call its three Ideological pillars: * Inkatha projects Itself as molded in the tradition of Shaka and other 'great' Zulu kings. It has offered its own 'Shaka' and build him Into a superhuman figure whose spirit still lives on amongst the 'Zulu people1. Inkatha then interprets its role as continuing in the great tradition of Shaka, and completing his task of unifying the 'African nations' into one big nation. This task is particularly carried on under the guiding spirit of a Shaka who is an embodiment of all 'great' Zulu traditions (eg Shaka the male hero; Shaka the great authority figure; and Shaka the leader of a respectful nation; etc); * Inkatha, through this syllabus, also portrays itself as the continuation of the early ANC - ie the pre-1960 .'nonviolent' ANC. Its adoption of the ANC colours and slogans is further evidence to the image that Inkatha projects in the syllabus; * Inkatha is also an embodiment of Zulu cultural traditions and values. As a cultural movement it promises the masses in Natal liberation whose foundations 1s the 'proud' traditions of the Zulu 'nation' (1e UbuZulu or 'Zuluness'). These three pillars sustain the ideological appeal of Inkatha to sections of the oppressed in Natal. It is my contention here that Inkatha's legitimacy and support largely derives from, though is not reducible to, its ability to appeal to Zulu cultural symbols and translate them into a political ideology and strategy. What Is also distinct about Inkatha's ideological appeal is that it has made use of existing traditional symbols and not created them and offered them to the masses in struggle. However this interpretation should not be seen as a conspiratorial explanation of Inkatha's appeal, as the leadership Itself is a product of this particular kind of ideological interpellation. It is however the materiality and objective basis of this subjectivity that poses the question of the 'status' of culture ever more sharply in the liberation struggle. It is within this context that a progressive working class culture should be understood as not mechanically arising out of factory struggles or for that matter even within the labour movement. The development of a working class culture and a progressive political culture competes with conservative cultural symbols which have to be engaged organizationally. No doubt the success of Inkatha's cultural 'populism' is due to the coexistence of both radicalism and strong attachments to conservative cultural traditions and symbols within the African population of Natal. 76 Transformation 5 Hdlull This phenomenon partly explains why many workers in Natal were both committed FOSATU members and at the same time staunch Inkatha followers before 1985. This cultural populism of Inkatha poses the following question for the progressive oppositional forces in Natal: to what extent should culture be specifically mobilized In Natal In order to bring about unity and undermine the cultural hegemonic hold of Inkatha over the masses ? So far emphasis by the labour movement and other progressive organizations in Natal has been more on organization and very little debate around the cultural dimension of the struggle and its specificity In the region. The COSATU cultural local In Durban has at least some potential of contesting the cultural terrain In the struggle, but the question of whether it can seize the initiative from Inkatha remains wide open. For instance, the emergence of the 'imbongi' tradition within the labour movement to praise progressive organizations and popular leaders rather than chiefs and other reactionary forces is a positive development. Of course, such a focus also pose the question of whether such cultural traditions and symbols can be liberated from their conservative origins. For instance, should progressive organizations contest the celebration of Shaka's day ? And if they do, are they not going to fall into the trap of conservative traditions of Zulu nationalism 7 Can Shaka be reinterpreted as symbolizing progressive and anti-bantustan politics without alienating the present king and, therefore, a lot of other people? If, however, a 'new' culture emerges that seeks to challenge or undermine these traditions or values like ukuhlonipha can it succeed? These are some of the pertinent questions that at least Inkatha's politics, particularly as captured in Ubuntu-botho, poses for the liberation struggle. REFERENCES KwaZulu Booksellers (1980-1985) -Ubuntu-botho: Good citizenship (Books 1 to 6 - there are two versions of Book Three) (Pietermaritzburg: KwaZulu Booksellers) Mare, G (1987) - '"Education In a Liberated Zone": Inkatha and education in KwaZulu', in Critical Arts (forthcoming) Mare, G and G Hamilton (1987) - An Appetite for Power: Buthelezi's Inkatha (Johannesburg: Ravan; Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press). WIP correspondent (1987) - 'From the Horses Mouth: Interview with Inkatha Youth Brigade1 in Uork in Progress 46, February. 77