Review David Cooper and George Subotzky (2001) The SkewedRevolution:trends in South African higher education: 1988-1998. Bellville: Education Policy Unit, University ofthe Western Cape Trish Gibbon ‘Empiric’, Peter Burke reminds us, was ‘a traditional English term for practitioners of alternative medicine, men and women innocentof theory’ (2000:16) whobasedtheir practice on the observation ofsymptoms. Dismissed by Aristotle as mere description that could not rise to the level of true knowledge, it took Francis Bacon to elevate empiricism to the status of a serious scientific method, a method which followed‘neither the empiric ant, mindlessly collecting data, nor the scholastic spider, spinning a web from insideitself, but the bee, who both collects and digests’ (Burke 2000). This also provides the terms within which Cooper and Subotzky’s detailed empirical study of changes in the South African higher education system over the decade 1988-1998 must be assessed. Whathas been collected, and how hasit been digested? The authors describe their work as ‘a reference handbook of higher education in South Africa based on detailed analysis ofselected SAPSE data over the past decade’ (viii). In this, it is also a final salute and farewell to SAPSE, the South African Post-Secondary Education data base of the Department of Education that has now been replaced by the somewhat more sophisticated Higher Education ManagementInformation System (HEMIS). The two areas on which the authors focus attention are student enrolment patterns and staff employment trends and it becomes immediately and abundantly clear that the real focus is on whether equity, a major transformation goal ofthe new South Africa, has been achieved in these two critical areas. TRANSFORMATION 51 (2003) ISSN 0258-7696 133 Trish Gibbon To revealthe patterns of enrolment, Cooper and Subotzky presenttheir data in terms ofinstitutional andhistorical type: universities and technikons are the primary categories, which are then broken down into theirorigins in the racial dispensations ofwhite, African and non-African(the institutions specifically designated for Indian and coloured students). 1993 is taken as the key median point, and racial and gendershifts are often analysed from a pre- or post-1993 perspective. At the most generallevel, in terms oftotal populationratios, the data show that white and Indian students are still over- . represented, coloured and African students under-represented in the higher education system. Nonetheless, Africans commanded over 50 per cent of enrolments in 1998 froma mere 21 per centin 1984. Trends vary considerably over the sub-types during the period examined, with all the six African historically disadvantaged universities (HDUs) expanding up to 1993 and then experiencing a sharp decline in enrolments, while the Afrikaans historically advantaged universities had a huge surge in African enrolments post-1993, The authors are quick to point out what is now generally well known, that many ofthese enrolments are in undergraduate teacher diploma qualifications offered in partnership with private providers. By contrast, the five African historically disadvantaged technikons (HDTs) grew steadily over this period, while the previously white historically advantaged technikons (HATs) experienced tremendousgrowth, particularly in African enrolments, a phenomenonthat has begun to reverse the ‘inverted pyramid’ oftertiary enrolments (invertedin favour ofuniversity enrolment)identified in the 1996 report ofthe National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE). Overall, African headcount enrolmentin technikon programmesincreased from 2 000 in 1984 toa staggering 127 193 in 1998. From broad institutional enrolments, the enquiry movesto enrolment by qualification level and field ofstudybased on six primary CESM (Classification ofEducational Subject Material) groups and 22 first-order CESM categories. The finding that more than half of all masters and doctoral enrolments are at the ‘big four’ universities ofPretoria, Stellenbosch, Cape Town and Wits will not surprise anyone familiar with this system. African enrolments arestill concentrated at undergraduate levels with marked gender skewingin favour of male students at postgraduate levels across all race groups. At the universities, African students are enrolled predominantly in social science and humanities programmes, particularly at the six African HDUs. In this respect, the technikons have been more successful at enrolling greater numbers of African students in science and technology programmesthan the universities. Review The authors conclude that there has been a significant revolution in student enrolment, albeit a skewed one. The changes in staff employment patterns are predictably far less dramatic: students form a constantly shifting, transient population allowing for fairly rapid change over short periods oftime, while staff are inevitably more settled and permanent with longer career trajectories. There have, nonetheless, been someshifts with increasing numbers and proportionsofAfricansin all personnelcategories, changing ratios of professional to non-professional categories, and widespread outsourcing of non-core activities. The few observationsreflected here represent a drop in the ocean ofdata presented in this book. The authors have attempted to organise their vast quantity of material in three categories, offering readers options as to the depth or detail they wish to explore: ‘At a Glance’ presents the data in the readily assimilated form ofgraphs andtables,‘In Detail’ providesa descriptive outlineoftrends and pattern and ‘Key Points and Commentary’ summarises, analyses and offers possible explanations. Orso the theorygoes.In fact, the book is divided into so many sections and subsections that the reader struggles to come away with any coherentpicture of the system. It suffers at once from too much detail — a typical sub-heading is ‘Comparison of African and White Lower Postgraduate FTEsat the Six Afrikaans and Four English HAUsacross Fields of Study’ — and from toolittle information in related data fields. Another reviewer (Bunting 2002) comments that Cooper and Subotzky have used only twoof the 21 complextables available in the SAPSEsystem,and althoughthe authors explicitly say that ‘other important aspects of the student and staff data have necessarily not been addressed’ (viii) one cannot help but ask why not, especially as these include student throughput, success rates and graduation rates which are critical to any serious assessment of the achievementof equity. This is notto underestimate the difficulty ofembarking upon an assessment ofthis kind. Thebriefhistorical introduction providedin thefirst chapteris a salutary reminderofhow youngthis higher education system is, andofits complex political roots— circumstances, one could argue, thatmake assessment moreprovisionaland speculative than in older, more settled systems. We are remindedthat up until the end ofWorld War, there was only one examining and degree-awarding university in South Africa, the University ofthe Cape ofGood Hope, to which a numberofuniversity colleges wereaffiliated. This is probably the closest to being a ‘single, co-ordinated system’ that South African higher education has ever come, only to proliferate and fragment 135 Trish Gibbon into the 36 institutions that cameto constitute the system by the late 1980s. In other words, many of these institutions are less than 50 years old, and change has swept through them, particularly in the period underreview,at a dramatic pace. Nonetheless, as soon as the authors’ account of these changes moves from the descriptive to the analytical, it becomes uncomfortably speculative in its need to draw on explanatory framesthatlie beyond the parameters of its own empirical base. This dissonance is felt most acutely in the ‘Conclusion’ where the reader is suddenly confronted with class analysis as the explanatory frame to account for the findings of the empirical study which has been based narrowly and exclusively on race and gender. The argumentis broadly captured in the following passage: In the absence of the widely anticipated state-driven redistributive transformation, the class-based stratification of South African society has persisted, althoughit has been partially deracialised along with the institutions of state and civil society. The fundamental revolutionary change anticipated by the left has therefore been replaced by a partial, skewed transformation comprising the deracialisation of the ruling elite and the middle class.... These conditions at once frame the transformation ofhigher education and are replicated within it. (232-3) The writers do not go so far as to suggest that a ‘straight’ revolution (rather than the ‘skewed’ one ofthe title) would have corrected all the imbalances that their study has thrown up, but this remains a (highly questionable) implication oftheir argument. Would RDPrather than GEAR really have effected a complete transformation of the schooling system,the inadequacies of whichlie at the heart of higher education’s woes? Would it have made a significant difference to the numbers of African students entering higher education and the fields and levels at which they studied? These seem unlikely scenarios, and while the intention hereis not to engage in counterfactual argument, it is important to stress that the complex problems of the South African education system are not adequately confronted by such broad brush strokes. At other levels, more modest and apt explanations for some of the phenomenadescribedin this book are ignored. The authors claim thatthere have been‘no levers for the effective steerage of policy and practice’, and that the ‘goals of the NCHE and White Paper have so far remainedlargely 136 Review at the level ofvisions and frameworks’ (233). This is part ofa larger argument that holds that there has been inadequate capacity for the implementation of policy. There is some truth to this argument, thoughit is insufficient, on its own, to account for what has happened.It fails to acknowledge, however, that one very significant policy instrument, individual redress, was implemented within monthsofthe accession to powerofthe new government. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS)asit is now known, provided bursaries to thousands of students, giving them both access to higher education and mobility (Bengu 2001, Van Rensburg 2001). Yet nowhereis this invoked as an explanatory cause for student movement in the system. Similarly, the accurate observation that inter-institutional competition is driven by ‘the new market ethos in higher education’ also obscures the role of the state in driving competition throughits continued implementation of the old funding formula that bases subsidy of public institutions on general student enrolments (Cloete 2001). In a context of declining student numbers, this inevitably pits institutions against one another. It is at the explanatory level that this book is most unsatisfactory. The empiric ant and the scholastic spider continue to operate in spheres that remain relatively discrete from one another, never quite achieving the metamorphosis into the synthesising bee of Bacon’s analogy.Its wealth of information and the fascinating view it allows of shifts in the system, however,will still be ofgreat interest to policy makers,institutional planners and readers with a general interest in changes in higher education. References Bengu, S (2001) Interview. www.chet.org.za/reflections.asp Bunting, I (2002) ‘Review of The Skewed Revolution:trends in South African higher education 1988-1998’ , Social Dynamics (forthcoming). Burke, P (2000) A Social History ofKnowledge. Cambridge: Polity Press/Blackwell. Cloete, N (2001) ‘New South African realities’, in N Cloete, R Fehnel, P Maassen, T Moja, H Perold and T Gibbon (eds) Transformation in Higher Education: global pressures andlocalrealities in South Africa. Lansdowne: Juta. Van Rensburg, I (2001) Interview. www.chet.org.za/reflections.asp 137