TANZANIA AND THE UNITED NATIO.r4 Dr: K. Mathews •• INTRODUCfrON In October 1980 the United Nations (U.N.) has completed thirty-five years of i~ existence as a unique forum for international debate and dialogue and a world-wiete diplomatic organization besides being a global economic, social and hwnanitarian organization. Created on the eve of the Second World War "to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of war": I this organization symbolizes the world community and the right of all nations, big and small, to have a voice in the affairs of the world community. In fact, it is the small and weak nations which most need the U.N. The purpose of this paper is to explain and evaluate Tanzania's role and relations inthe United Nations. An attempt is also made to analyse the underlying philosophical view which the Tanzanian leaders have held towards the U.N. and its role in world affairs. Tanzania has always given the U.N. a place of prominence in her foreign policy priorities, because she believes that her own survival is greatly bound up with that of the U.N. The generanal policy of Tanzania towards the U.N. and its Specialized Agencies has been largely. guided by the broad objectives of African diplomacY expressly formulated by the a.A. U. Council of MinisterS in September 1967with emphasis on two benefits: (a) to obtain maximum benefit in quantity and quality from the U.N. and the U.N. Specialized Agencies for individual African States, and whenever required, for regional and continental African projects; (b) to ensure that African views are unitedly and effectively presented within the organs of the U.N. and the U.N .. Specialized Agencies; and to contribute wisely and effectively to the solution of international contribute wisely and effectively to the solution of international problems.' 'Tanzania's attitude and policy towards the United Nations was more clearly stated in President Nyerere's maiden speech to the U.N. General Assembly on 14 December, 1961, the day Tanzania (then Tanganyika) was admitted to the U.N.41Hestated: The frrst principle of a government's foreign policy is, 'therefore, a recognition of the fundamental importance of the United Nations .... This international organization has great purpose and still greater potentiality ..•• Within this Assembly every nation is equal, and we believe that in tfris lies the unique character of the United Nations and its greatest asset .... The importance of the United Nations can and will grow, dependent only upon the determination of all of us to make it work .... Tanganyika will look at everyone of its policy decisions in the light of its recognition of tht fundamental importance of the United Nations: 5] 'Tanzania's conception of the U.N. 's role was highlighted by Ambassador Salim A. Salim, the country's former Permanent Representative to the U.N. when. he said: It is now almost a truism that even if you don't have the U.N. given the presentsituation of .intcmati.onal relations you would have to invent an institution like this. The U.N. is a ... Dr. K. Mathewa - Auoclate Profeuor. Deplutment of PoItica1 Sdeoce, Univenlty of DIr ell SaIum. 199 Mat/lnn-TAIIZUia ud tbe U.N. unique institution in promoting internati~nal understanding, international co-operation and the preservation of peace and security. The U.N. today is engaged in a number of projects and fields; cultural, economic, social and technical. Unfortunately not much is talked about them.6 But as a matter of fact the value and the very survival of the United Nations has been a result of its role in facilitating national diplomacy and interests of member states rather than its ability to promote the interests of the "world conununity", for, to a large extent, the latter depends on the former. Undoubtedly. a large number of transactions among states go through bilateral channels associated with traditional diplomacy. But bilateral relations between states, pervasive as they are, by no means constitute the totality of channels of international transactions. An important complementary development, which is historically more recent, has been the numerous opportunities for multi-lateral interaction among states or communities of nations provic' 'Xi by international organizations, and thier impact on the development of diplomacy has, in fact, become pronounced since the end of the Second World War. The United Nations system, with its Specialized Agencies, has become the major diplomatic arena for interaction between diverse political groups! 71 In short, 'national diplomacy in the context of increasing international interdependence and interactions demands a synthesis of the bilateral and multilateral approaches. The U.N., as an international organization with its present membership of 155embracing almost all countries of the world.8 provides the best mechanism for such a synthesis. Moreover, without the U.N. it would have been difficult for new nations, powerless and impoverished, to break into the closely knit diplomatic circles of the older and powerful states. The privilege of using this forum derives solely from the membership in the U.N. and does not depend on the size of power of the nation. For a poor country like Tanzania, maintaining an effective diplomatic mission at the U.N. achieves wide global diplomatic contacts at much less cost than the huge expenses involved in establishing expensive diplomatic missions in many foreign capitals. In this connection it is interesting to note that Tanzania's Mission to the U.N. in New York was one of the first three diplomatic missions established in 1961, the other two being in London and New Delhi. 9: The priority given to the establishment of a permanent mission at the U.N. is hased on two perceived advantages. First, the U.N. serves as the nerve-centre of inter;_utional diplomacy in the classical sense of the term. Second, it serves as the forum for what is known as ••Parliamentary diplomacy". The personal contacts of representatives of over 150 countries within the environment of one building in the lobbies, bars, committee rooms, dining rooms and lounges make the style of diplomacy at the U.N. more informal and more intense than in the various national capitals. This indeed makes the U.N. "the greatest single diplomatic cross-road in the world",10 providing the opportunity for conducting one's own business as well as for finding out the business of others, for a~certaining what governments are doing and particularly what the great powers are planning. An alert and active national delegation has immense opportunities t~ influence opinion on world issues or on issues vital to its national interest through diplomacy at the U.N. Though not legally binding, decisions of the U.N. particularly the Gent:ral A~sembly resolutions represent "collective legitimacy" which carry great political weight. /.00 UtaHti-Vol. 5 No. 2 ~1Mr UIt Parliamentary diplomacy at the U.N., then, represents a collective legitimization process. Even raising an issue in the U.N. is a highly calculated move which requires diplomatic skills. If, in a bilateral dispute, one is not in a good bargaining position, one mayraise it in the world body to secure negotiated settlement or put the adversary on the defensive. But more important than merely raising the issue is steering the move through the various processes and stages leading to the adoption of a resolution, which calls for great skill and experience in parliamentary diplomacy, and a clear understanding of the situation. 111 In the light of the above general observation, it would be useful to examine how the Tanzanian delegates to the U.N. handled various situations in the world body. However. before we embark on this task, we shall first examine the special historical links between Tanzania and the World Organization and then briefly analyse ..President Nyerere's perception ofthe role of U.N. in world affairs. Historicallinks Tanzania's relations with the world organization dates back to the colonial days. III Following the First World War which ended the period of German colonialism. Tanganyika came under Great Britain as part of the new colonial device created by the victors in the war. namely the 'Mandates System' under the League of Nations. Britain as the "Administering Authority" was charged with the international duty "to promote the material and moral well-being and the social progress of the inhabitants". The question of independence of the territory was never considered at the time and the covenant of the League of Nations merely referred to "the well-being of peoples not yet able to stand by themselves" )31 Britain was required to submit annual reports to the League of Nations through its Permanent Mandates Commission (P.M.C.) In practice, however, this made little difference in government between Tanganyika and Britain's other colonies and protectorates, as successive British governors continued to administer the country like any other colony. During the whole period of the mandates system (1920-1945) no political participation was extended to Tanzanians on the pretext that "none could speak English" ! However, following the Second World War, the transition from the Mandate System to the Trusteeship System of the U .N.'lli brought about some changes. The Charter of the U.N. and the Trusteeship Agreements were in particular more specific concerning political advance than the Covenant of the League and the mandates agreements. At least in theory, the U.N. system provided machinery for closer international watch on the manner in which Britain and other imperialist powers carried out their "trusts". Tanganyika, as a United Nations Trust territory, did benefit from the effects of world opinion on the Administering Authority. Under the Tanganyika Trusteeship Agreement, the Administering Authority was to promote the development of free and suitable political institutions in the territory. To this end the inhabitants were to be assured of a progressively increasing share in die administration and other service\. Britain was also to "develop participation of the inhabitants of Tanganyika in advisory 201 Mathews- Tanzuda and tile U.N. amI' legislative bodies and in the go.vernment o.f the territo.ry". Mo.reover, the U.N. Charter specifically proclaimed "self-go.vernment o.r independence" as the aim of the trust territo.ries.!ffi Both procedurally and functio.nally the Trusteeship co.uncil was more directly concerned with the problems o.f the trustee territo.ries ..!!' The Trusteeship COuncil despatched Visiting Missio.ns to. Tanganyika every three years.ill These gave the Council access no.t o.nly to. documents and o.fficials, but alSo. directly to. the people. Equally important, they gave the people a chance to. kno.w the Council's wo.rk and gain qreater awareness o.f their rights under the Trusteeship agreement. The frrst United Natio.ns Visiting,Missio.n to. Tanganyika was in 1948, at a time of great political effervescence amo.ng its Mrican populatio.n which enco.uraged the growth o.f political co.nscio.usness in the territo.ry. Many local pro.blems were bro.ught befo.re the VisitingMissio.n. In 1951, theMeru, actingthro.ugh their leader, JaphetKirilo., al"pealed ~o.the United Natio.ns against the co.lo.nial go.vernment's confiscatio.n o.ftheir land. That year the co.lo.nial go.vernment had evicted 3,000 Wameru from the Engare-Nanyuki area in o.rder to. provide land fo.r Euro.peans settlement •.!!! In fact, Kirilo.'s effo.rt, tho.ugh unsuccessful at the time, gave such an impetus to. natio.nalist activities that a Second Visiting Missio.n in 1954 was co.mpelled to.'reco.mmend independence fo.r Tanganyika in twenty to. twenty-five years .. The-report o.f the 1954 United Natio.ns Visiting Missio.n also recommended that a time table sho.uld be drawn up fo.r independence. They suggested this could be achieved within twenty to. twenty-five years. This sUggestion was, ho.wever, rejected by Britain, the Administering Autho.rity. Thereupon the newly created Party, TANU, which ~ given evidence to. the Visiting Missio.n, decided to. send its President, Julius Nyerere, to ~ U.N. to. give further evidence when the Report was being co.nsidered by the Trusteeship Council o.f the U.N. At the 15th Sessio.n o.f the Trusteeship Council o.n 7 March 1955 Nyerere argued: .... When, therefo.re, the Visiting Missio.n made the reco.mmendatio.n that Tanganyika sho.uld become self-go.verning in a period o.f twenty o.r twenty-five years, we did no.t expect that either the Council o.r the Administering Autho.rity wo.uld express vio.lent o.ppositio.n to. that proposal, fo.r, altho.ugh we have never stated a date when we sho.uld be self-go.verning, we had expected that, with your help and with the help o.f the Administering Authority, we wo.uld be go.verning o.urselves lo.ng befo.re twenty o.r twenty-five years.!! At the end o.f 1956 Nyerere went to. the United Natio.ns again to. argue his country's case fo.r constitutio.nal develo.pment and independence. On 20th December, 1956; at the Meeting o.f the Fo.urth Committee (Trusteeship Committee) Nyerere pleaded with the Committee to. prevail upon the Administering Autho.rity to. grant three requests: (a) To. declare that Tanganyika shall be developed to. become eventually a democratic state; and since 98 per cent o.f the populatio.n is Mrican, this means that Tanganyika shall eventually beCoine a self-go.verning Mrican state; (b) To. change the constitUtion so as to. give equal rc:presentatio.n as between the Africans and no.n-Mrican o.fficials. This is no.t a democracy, but we ask it as a symbol o.f the intentio.n to. develo.p the country as a democratic state; (c) To. introduce electio.ns o.n commo.n ro.ll fo.r all representative members on universal adult franchiSe. ~ 202 Utatld-Vol.5No.2~1RI, Whereas the P.M.C. of the League of Nations had been in sreate:r agreeI1'lalt with 'the OOI.onial powers on broad policy matters, a majority of the ~p Council a1Ucd' itscl1f with TANU against the ••Administering Authority". The existence of the IlItionalist party meant that the anti-colonial forces in the Council had ~ to $pecitlc: details of popular discontent, making their criticisms more incisive. Further, it was constant pressure from the Trusteeship Council which gave the whole pollcyof multi-racialism a different interpretation in Tanganyilca from that in Kmya or Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and was consequently responsible for the more rapid constitution8l advance of TangaUyika. In the same way, there can be little doubt that Taqanyika's special status prevented the growth in East Africa of a settler dnt'ltinattd political association on the lines of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.Besides, the publicity given !o the views of TANU through the various media of the U.N. meant that African aspirations in Tanganyika were more widely heard than thole of nationalists in other colonies. Even more important, the sympathetic hearing which the nationalist movement was able to obtain through the U.N. adcIed considerably to ita self-confidence and strength. Nyerere aknowledged this special role of the U.N. Trusteeship system while delivering his maiden address to the General As8embly. He said: We feel a special gratitude and loyalty to the United Nations because we are conscious of the debt we owe to the Trusteeship Council and of COUl'lle, to this General Assembly ... I would not be honest if I did not admit openly and graciously that the fact that we have been a Trust Territory under the British administ.ratioo has greatly helped us to achieve our independence in the way in which we lum: achieved it. 21 Having outlined the special historical links between Tanganyika and the world organization we may now turn to a brief analysis of PresidentNyet'ere's perception of the role of the U.N. in world affairs. The Impact of Nyerere Tanzania's active support for the U.N. springs mainly from President Nyercre's belief that it is the only organization capable of regulating interstate relations and thereby promoting world peace and justice. For example, the most fundamcn:tal ground for Nyerere's opposition to colonial rule has been the denial of equality and human dignity. While arguing the nationalists' case for independence, Nyerere referrnd more to the indignity and humiliation of being ruled by others than to any specific faillnas or injustices of colonial regimes. For instance, in December 1959, while' add11tsing the legislative Council as the leader of TANU Nyerere stated; Our struggle has been, and still is and always will be a strtJggle for human riahta. As a matter of principle we are opposed, and I hope, We shaI1 always be oppoeed, to one country ordering the affairs of another country against the wishes of the people of that country. 22 Nyerere's commitment to human equality, democracy and anti-colonialism are bask to his political philosophy. In his first post-independence address to the United Nations General Assembly on 14 December 1961 Nyerere reiterated his ideas and stressed the need for world peace, a recognition of human rights and the importance of African Unity: 203 Matllews-TUZllDia and the U.N. The basic of our actions, internal and external, will be an attempt, an honest attempt to honour the dignity of man ..... We believe that it is evil for any people to ill-treat others on grounds of race ..... We shall try to use the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a basic for both our external and internal policies We are all concerned, first and foremost, with the establishment of world peace We believe that. .... ultimately the problem of world peace depends upon the achievement of a state in the world where you have a world government. But that state of affairs does not exist at present. We realize that the United Nations itself is not a world government, but it is a practical acknowledgement of the need for world peace ..... "We believe that the importance of the United Nations can and will grow depending only upon the determination of all of us to make it work. We can only say that for our own part, we will do what little we can to enhance the status of this organization and assist in the execution of its policies. We believe that because action through it avoids any fear of domination by another state, it can do much to contribute to the peace that we all desire. Tanganyika would look at every one of its policy decisions in the light of its recognition of the fundamental importance of the United Nations" .21 Later in Qetober 1967, speaking on "Policy on Foreign Affairs" in Mwanza, Nyerere reiterated Tamania's adherence to the policy of non-alignment and support for the United Nations m its search for peace and justice. Despite the failure of the U.N. to resolve important international conflicts such as Vietnam, Middle East, Tanzania would not lose faith in the U.N. or reduce her support for it: The United Nations is weak when powerful states wish to ignore it. Its servants can only act when the sovereign and independent member nations agree that they shall do so. But these limitations must be treated as a challenge to us, and as reasons for Tanzania to give the United Nations all the support and all the strength, which it is within our power to do so. For there is no other instrument for international peace even as effective as this. Rather than abandon the United Nations we must work steadfastly and persistently towards strengthening it and increasing its powers. This will not be easy. For, big powers can live with the illusion of self-sufficiency, even now it is possible for them to imagine that the rest of the world is unimportant to them. They are, therefore, anxious to limit the powers of an international body. But, we small powers can have no such illusions. Only in an organization such as the United Nations can we hope to make our voice heard on international issues, and only through the implementation of the principles upon which it is based can we hope to survive and grow in peace. 24 For Nyerere, support to the U.N. was an essential concomitant of the country's policy of non-alignment. One of the most common methods that Tanzania adopted in conformity with its policy of non-alignment was active participation in the non-aligned movement which champions national independence, justice in interstate relations, world peace, and the use of the United Nations as the dominant instrument for conflict resolution in world s politics.: Nyerere believes that East-West ideological incompatibility and the cold war is a danger to world peace, and that in order to avoid exacerbating this conflict, new states should keep out of existing ideological camps. By doing so they can contribute to world peace because "the man who has nothing to gain on either side in a dispute, but everything to lose if there is war, can talk to the contending representatives. 26 Further, 204 Utaflti—Vol. 5 No. 2 December 1980 the aspirations and assumptions of non-alignment came closer to the principles of the U.N. As Nyerere states at the Preparatory Conference of Non-aligned Nations in Dar es Salaam on 13 April 1970: By non-alignment we are saying to the big powers that we also belong to this planet. We are asserting the right of small and militarily weaker nations to determine their own polices in their own interests and to have an influence on world affairs which accords with the right of all peoples to live on this earth as human beings. And we are asserting the right of all peoples to freedom and self-determination; and therefore expressing an outright opposition to colonialism and international domination of one people by another.- Nyerere is convinced that this non-aligned role can best be defended through the U.N. He consistently emphasizes the need and importance of economic self-reliance and economic co-operation among the non-aligned countries. He reiterates the vital need for effective action against colonialism and racialism and Tanzania's mission at the U.N. has spearheaded this struggle in various diplomatic circles. In September 1971, while addressing the TANU National Conference in Dar es Salaam, Nyerere stated: "In fact it is fair to say that Tanzania has been playing a very full part in the spread and the development of the concept of non-alignment, and that we have also participated actively in many international conferences designed to secure united action by poor nations of the world in the defence of their own interests. We have often given a lead in such conferences, as well as taking a clear stand on all issues relating to human equality, colonialism, and Third World Progress at the United Nations".^-1 Tanzania's championing of the cause of liberation, decolonization and the struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order through the United Nations clearly reflects her quest for the pursuit of justice in international life. In recent years, President Nyerere has been one of the most outspoken leaders championing the cause of the Third World struggle for a new economic order. While inaugurating the "Group of 77" conference in Arusha on 12 February 1979, Nyerere clearly articulated his ideas on the subject: The present system has been developed by the industrialized states to serve their purposes. This is a matter of historical fact, not a moral judgement! The result is that the group of industrialized nations — which do act as a group when dealing with outsiders — control the levers of international exchange and finance, and also control the wealth accumulated through centuries of colonialism, gunboat diplomacy, and an initial advantage in mass production techniques For we, the Third World, are now demanding that the systems which make the rich richer and the poor poorer must be changed to keep pace with other changes in the world — the ending of colonialism, the advance of technology and mankind's new consciousness of human equality and human dignity.29 That it can be seen that Tanzania's support for the U.N. and its ideals arose out of Nyerere's belief that the U.N. is of great significance to the World in many ways. We may now turn to a brief survey of the interaction between Tanzania and the U.N. in the post-independence period. Political Issues at the U.N. In conformity with her desire to bring about justice and peace in international life 205 ~?r.'l'.~':(ia .. dtM U/J. throU<1 the UoN. Tannmhrhzs been playing a key role in political and other questions and ~ the resobw.oli of interstate' conflicts. For example, though UI1SUCCeSSfully, Tanzania soUght Lei iMdi~te the Sino-Indian border conflict, the...