Based on these fmdings, the author suggests corrective actions. There is very little participation and mvolvement by the victims themselves in articulating how they ,feel and their per.ception of how they can be helped to help themselves • .There is an elitist assumption that the a(titude and perception of the unemployed is not a critical part of the whole equation. This is a problem which can only be solved if the unemployed are active participants in the search forits,solution .. These last few remarks notwithstanding, Professor Ishumi deserves to be congratulated for this in-depth study of a chronic problem. Z.E.Lawuo. EdIu:titIonfl1Jd SodtIl au"".IIRurtdCo1lUlUllilty. Dar es SaItI•• Ulllvedity Preu, ~ es SaluDa (n.d. but 1984) (I67pp) A.MI G.M.lshumi Deptll'tment 0/ Education UnivRsity 01»ar es Sa1flam. This.book, published in.1984, is an historical account of the beginnings and development of Western formal education in a local community of what was then Tanganyika in East Africa. The,area in focus is Chaggaland on M~unt Kilimanjaro, a community that became an interesting "exchange market" yet .a progressive "battleground" between the outside world as represented by European explorers, Christian missionaries and the colonial administrations and the indigenous forces from Within. The study takes a look at the nature and pattern of the external thrust on Chagga country. Chapter 1 thus not only sketches the locale and the initial informal contacts such as those by Rev. Johannes Rebmann, Henry HanuJton Johnston, Baron CarLClaus Von de Decken, Richard Thornton, Rev Charles New and Joseph Thomson, but also describes in detail more permanent and impacting forces. Three initial external forces include German CQlonial influ~ce that unfolded after the formation of the Gtwllsclwft fur IHutachtt Kolonblriion in 1884, the establishment of mission stations, the Leipzig Lutheran society stamping itself in 1893 as the first on the district map after the ill-fated English CMS, and the ~tablishment of economic activities • . Chapter 2 throbgh 4 delve into the laying-down of British rule after World War. I, which went hand. in hand with the establishment, by the colonial acbninistration of Native Authorities fonowing a framework of "indirect ru1~" as wen as an active revitaIisation: of coffee cropping that had been introduced 91 -earlier in the district by the Germans as a money-earning meMS.'d~paying the. hut and poll tax. Problems besetting a coffee cash crop :re"italisatioll" in the wake of a post-war economic slump are analysed, and they show the intricacy 'of an economy in which innovations were being popularised against the self-protecting interests of European settlers in the territory supported. by their .' compatriots in the Kenya Highlands .. The educational policies (such as-that on language medium, the scheme for native education and a government central school) do demonstrate, as the author maintains, that, for the colonial regime "education was meant to $erve the express socio-economic and political needs of the colonizer ... which, of cof1rs~,were dictated by industrial ,Europe of the nineteenth and twentieth century ... Thus, while Chagga receptiveness' to colonial education was su~posed to be in.theinterest and advantage of the colonizing administration and its allies, this was bound to lead to a clash' of interests and pUrPose in a '. situation where the belated awareness of the local community was going to force people into counterveiling self-help activities for their own community progress" • (p. 4) .. This is exactly what happened, as is well described and disentangled in Chapter 5 and 6..The local Chagga communities, in co-operation with various local leaders, embarked on a number ofschool construction projectS and local governing and bargaining councils, all of which were riot always a_product of Peaceful encounter with the administration,' but more often of fights and butts. That. the community succeeded in the end is not only due to untiring insistence but also to a cohesive spirit of deciSIon-making and articulation with little risk of do&ble-crossings and betrayals .. Readers and observers familiar 'with the community sociology of Chaggaland would have to judge for thernselveswhether or not this spirit has endured the test of time to the present. .. moment and whether it is not the very element that underlies much of the community drive, push and struggle for progress and local excellence. One would have but to admire the.proportions of privately-harnessed community projects (whether schools, factories or trust funds) against publicly provided or government-assisted ones, a proportion that reverses dramatically in the case of commUnitiesand districts that have had a different development story .. ' . The book is worth reading by all students of the history of education in East Africa and, of course, by specialist historians with a taste for archival .material and documentary analysis..