The spatial impress of Town Planning Practice in East Africa W .F. Banyikwa University of Dar es Salaam An international tender, for the review of the Dodoma master plan has recently ~een floated (Daily News, March 14, 1987 p. 6). This tender system is resorted to every tIme master plans in East Africa call for their revision. Though master plan review exer- cises in East Africa are contemplated by Government, they are assisted by foreign funds and are expected to be completed by foreign town planning consulting firms from tbe j~veloped countries. The terms of reference for this exercise cover an overall city pla~ nmg concept: policies and standards in relation to hpusing in general and densities in ~articutar; land allocation for commercial utilities, offices industrial and public service mfrastructural activities and strategies for achieving of the above: Despite several similar exercises in earlier years, the structure of large cities in East Africa has not had any positive improvement. This can be accounted for by a deep rooted conspiracy between indigenous and international instruments of neo-colonialism aimed at preserving and furthering a status quo urban environment in East Africa. Using one of the terms of reference in urban planning-policies and standards of housing-in general and. densities in particular, this paper attempts to unveil the evolution, determinants and spatial impress of town planning practice in East Africa. Some recurring urban residen- tialland use problems are, thereby. elucidated. Theoretical Roots of Intra-Urban Residential Land Use Differentiation In the 1920's, hypotheses did arise contending that similarities existed between ci- ties, especially, with regard to their internal structures. These similarities created fertile ground for formulating general concepts and models of urban land use patterns. Four models: zonal: sectoral; multiple nuclei, and additive, have had a greater contribution to modern urban land use planning practice. The zonal model developed by E. Burgess in the 1920's contend that a tendency exists for urban residential districts, resting on a dominat Central Business District (CBD), to expand radially outward defining 'certain concentric zones through land use succes- sion and invasion. The genesis of the zonal model has, however, been traced back, to earlier theories of urban expansion. Hurd had outlined liBenei-ai' tbeonr of urban l~n" expansion stressing the principles of central area and aXial growth (Hurd, 1903, p. 280). The zonal model borrowed heavily from the principle of central area growth. The dy- namic efficiencies of this model dictated that the dominance of the CBD and the con- trol mechanisms by the gradient of land values outward towards the city's our.;kirts, determined the urban residential land 'use zonation. Based on a block by block analysis of 142 cities in the USA, Hoyt, H. proposed that although a city's urban land use growth may rest on one dominant ClD, its residelrtial land use pattern tend to be organised not into zones but sectors. T1te different residen- tial districts, it was argued, tended to grow outward a1ong-rathlr dis1linctradii defmins what could be called a sector model of urban residential land use (Hoyt, 1939, p. 114). Like the zonaimodeI: this also borrowed heavily from Hurd'spnnClpel ot Vla1growtl> A challenge to the zonal and sectoral models was sound.ed by Ullman, especially with regard to the ratio~e of conceiving a dominance of a single CBD, as a nu~ .u~n which all other land uses developed. U~ .su,agested tbat1Dore than one CBD should be imagined around which zones and! or seeton of {tSidenUallaDd uses coulell S9 develop. After revisiting the theoretical premises and examples provided by the three preceed- ing models, Berry observed that the general pattern of urban land use was organised according to the zonal model. Then he went on to add that in reality the'specific al - rangement of intra-urban residential differentiation was organised along the sectoral fashion in an additive manner. These ideas crystalised into the additive model of urban , residential land use pattern. Discussions of theoretical roots underlying the four models have, generally, focused on the zonal and sectoral models. The two, concerned with an urban population differen- tiating process, predicted, particular patterns of residential districts and lent themselves t~ empirical test. The other two, lacking in an own theoretical identity, were in fact der- ived from elements prevalent in both the zonal and sectoral ones. ' Critics have indicated that both the' zonal and sectoral models of urban growth and resulting structure were derived from two main disciplines, namely, land economics and animal and plant ecology. The principles of central area and axial growth provided the general framework for describing the pattern of growth and the forces behind areal spread for different land uses. The ecological principles of impersonal competition, natural selec- tion, successioo andlnvasioo provided the Panacea for determining the specific location of one laiid- use' as against another.' . The two models would like us to believe that the process leading to urban residen- tialland use differentiation divides the urban population into a series of more or less distinct urban sub-communities. The characteristcs of these sub-communities - physi- cal, economic and cultural - are the result of unplanned operation, of ecologica,l and social processes. As a result of selection, segregation and contagious character of cul- tural pattern!', people living in same areas and subject to same social conditions, tend to display same characteristics. Guided by evolution found in plant and animal commu- nities, the two classical ecologists saw a similarity with urban human community struc- ture and developmental history. The physical separation of the urban population into neighbourhoods along social lines, as derived from animal and plant ecology, seemed an inevitable concomitant of urbanism as a way of life. The extent to which these models influence space forming processes can be unveiled by'tracing the historical and contem- porary role of three determinants of town planning practit:e in East Africa. Determinants of Town Planning Practice in East Africa ' The determinants of town planning practice in East Africa may be said to be three- fold. First is the influence derived from developments in natural and social sciences to town planning theory and its jtJStifications. Second is the role of ;expa'triate Jtown plan- ning personnel, as international instruments at the service of the international ca~italist system, and thirdly, one may also include the role of a politico-administrative and tech- nocratic stratum as indigenous instruments, first at their own, but also at the service of the international capitalist system. Developments in Natural and Social ScienCes and the TOlYn Planning Framework. Influences from developments in natural and social sciences on the town planning th~ry and its justifications have been demonstrated by the way the town planners training has mfluenced their planning methodology. Within a capit3llst educational milieu, town planne~s reg~d master planning as a technical exercise devoid of pOlicy and objectives. There is, deliberately, nothing in the planner's training which demands a questioning of the suitab~ty of policies, goals or terms of reference. of the plan. as an integral part of the planning e~ercise. In this endeavour, planning education inculcates a value free Dletl.'~logy. desIgned 'to achieve already stated goals and objectives.' Th~ above.,.con- ceptiQn is a direct reflection of the nature of developmeJlt$ in natural and social scienCCS as revealed by contributions from the human ecologists in the 1920's and as has been furthered by the factor ecologists and the modern fo\yn planning consultants in more recent times (Berry and Horton, 1971; Marshall Macklin Monaghan Ltd, 1979). With reference to the ecological studies, residential differentiation was correlated with socio- economic status, ethnicity and stage in life cycle, in such a way, that social structure and spatial structure were mechanistically juxtaposed. This deliberate mechanistic, em- piricist and abstracted mode of analysis has been transfered,-grosso modo, from the context of natural sciences first to social sciences and then straight to the physical plan- ning framework itself. This transfer has enabled town planning to accept social differen- tiation and inequalities in urban areas as the normal state of affairs. Planning recommendations perpetuating social segregation in the urban residential structure thereby managed to be internalised and escaped unquestioned. Yet, in reality, to plan for anything but the most superficial changes in a capitaHst society is to risk bankruptcy and to go out of business. The education system ensures that it embibes a Status quo ideology in its educational system for the survival of the capitalist system anu society. As a consequence, graduates from this educational system are rendered ineffective when questions of principle, against furthering human inequal- ity in access to resources in urban areas, are involved. International Instruments of Town Planning Pi iuiiee in East Africa. The connection between international instruments of town planning practice and the town planning framework should be sought from a symbiotic relationship between international funding agencies and foreign town planning consulting firms in preserv- ing a class based urban environment in East Africa. International capital has managed to maintain a strong grip on the internal morphology of East African urban centres and societies through technical and management agreements and funding of various develop- ment programmes, the master plan being just one the them. The contribution of foreign capitalist town planning consulting firms in practically shaping the internal morpholo- gy of the urban centres in East Africa must be seen in the context of a direct interna- tional apparatus influencing space forming processes. Master plans are formulated in such a way that they quickly become pregnant with implementation constraints and call for their revision frequently enough to keep the consultants in business. Rather than assist a country progress forward, by solving basic problems in the urban environment, foreign planning consultants regard their role merely, as carrying out projects as some ponular trademarks show. The impelementability! of the master plans'content and the SDatial impress therefrom is none of their concern. Indigenous Instruments of Town Planning Practice in East Africa The tender system for awarding contracts to town planners and the implementation of the recommended proposals are in the hands of an indigenous East African politico- administrative - technocratic stratum. In the process of occupying important Govern- ment offices, this stratum has managed to acquire both power and privileges, one of them being to live in pleasant residential districts separated from me general mass of urbanites. This stratum would have everything to loose by carrying out a thorough go- ing revolutionary change in the urban environment. As indigenous instruments of neo- colonialism, this stratum cannot be interested in fundamental revolutionary changes be- cause these would erode away the foundations of privilege in society. The privileged position in society can best be adequately safeguarded by the existing neo-colonial rela- tions obtaining in East Africa. In the context of town planning, the type of planning which perpetuates the Status QUO is, not only approved, but is also embraced. It may therefore be concluded that the ideological stances of the town planner's educational milieu, foreign capitalist town planning consulting firms and the indigenous 61 East African politico-administrative - technocratic stratum, not only coincide, but are mutually supporting. Though a great deal of money"aild man-hours may have been in- vested in planning the urban environment in East Africa, the outcome has always been more cosmetic than substantive. This is demonstrated in this paper by presenting the evolution of urban land use configuration in Dar es'Salaam, Tanzania and Nairobi, Kenya over the last nine decades. The Spatial Impress of Residential Liuld Use in Dar es Salaam Tanzania and Nairobi, Kenya. Dar es Salaam and Nairobi have been selected for detailed treatment because they are among the largest cities in East Africa. Although urban land use dynamics are still in spate, significant mosaics of ;aIready created land uses have already crystallised. The two examples serve to show that, despite the difference in official political philosophy. guiding socio-economic development in each of the two countries, the spatial impress of their largest cities have been and are essentially similar. It is particularly in the area of residential land use structure where the cosmetic nature of town planning has been more clearly revealed. Residential Differentiation in Dar es Salaam The spatial structure of residential districts in Dar es Salaamm was initiated in the 1940's. Sir Alexander Gibb and Partners, contracted to plan Oar es Sa1aain in 1948 recom- mended that he growth of Dares Salaam should take the need of the different dominant races into consideration (Gibb and Partners, 1949. p. 9). This 1949 master plan designed the European, Asian and African residential districts for The three daninant races represented, thus initiating the coogruen~ between racial and-spatial structure in Dar es Salaam. Subsequent formulation of a Dar ~ Salaam Master Plan in 1968 dropped the "ra- cial" factor and su&siiiuted it with the "stllJltlar(I" rador. The differentiiU pattern in infrastructural development and investment pattern initiated in the 1940's for different social groups in different residential districts, was furthered by the 1968 plan. Similar to its predecessor, it was completed by a foreign town planning consultin,g firm Project Planning Associates, 1968. The more recent 1'979 Dar es Salaam master plan did not hesitate to substitute the "standard" factor by a more neutral "density" factor. The recommendations there- from were the high, medium and low density planned residential districts (Fig. 1). Although Dar es Salaam has experienced three master plans and change in planning ter- minology, nothing has substantially changed in terms of spatial content and forms of land categories initiated since the 1940's. The three master plans exhibit an explicitly physical planning approach, essentially conforming to the traditions of t~e western architect - planner, primarily concerned with the spatial form of urban areas. Issues of direction of urban expansion, road network and street layout pattern and distribution of different land use zones are the predominant concerns alongside a continuing strong interest in urban design and city image, in other words the appearance rather than functioning of the city. The 1949 master plan for Dar es Salaam introduced the neighbourhood unit of modern town planning, developed for USA sub.urban expansion in the 1930's to guide land allocation for different races represented in Dar es Salaam (Gibb and Partners, 1949). The neighbourhood unit reII)- pears in the 1968 and 1979 plans, slightly modified, but still aimed at furthering the differential access to resources by the different urban communites. The low density neighbourhood units, represented by Oyster Bay, Msasaniand ~e- cently Tegeta, are charactaised by ac~s to more spacious land and other high quality 62 mfrast~uctural facilities than the rest of the urban conununity. Studies have shown that the Pohtl.cally and economically stron~r in Dar es Salaam reside in these areas. This group e.nJoy paved roads, lighting on all streets, water and power supply to each home and a hnkage of each home to the central sewarage system. The medium density residential neighbourhood units, represented by Upanga, Kurasi- ni, Regent Estate and recently Mbezi Beach, enjoy paved roads, lighting on collector roads, water and power supply to each flat and septic tanks. The high density planned residential neighbourhood units, represented by Magomeni, 1.lala~.Buguruni, Kinondoni, Mwananyamala and recently Kijitonyama and Sinza enjoy h,ghtmg on collector roads only, communal water stands and pit latrines (Doherty, 1975 p. 90). Beyond these three exist the high density unplanned squatter settlements, as evi- denced by Manzese, Mabibo, Chang'ombe, Mtoni and more recently Tabata and Mbaga- ,Ia. These zone enjoy no social facilities and have accurately been associated with a culture of the urban poor. Since squatter areas are regarded as dens of vice and a menace to public health, and therefore a threat to orderly growth of urban design, they have been a target of harrassment by urban authorities. This harrassment is characterised by mov- ing people about, getting people out of some localities into others and stopping migra- tion. The structure has therefore not emerged out of chance but it is a deliberate creation , by city authorities. Similar observations can be cited for Nairobi. Residential Differentiation in Nairobi City It can be argued that the pattern of residential differentiation in Nairobi emerged through imposed planning, chance and choice of inhabitants (Halliman and Morgan, 1967) The Laissez-Faire Policy which opcratedin Nairobi since 1897 when it was founded, led to large tracts of land being either leased or sold as private property to individuals with little regard to future development needs of tl1j;~ity. Freed from the controls in European and Asia, for the immigrant community, and from the controls of traditional land renure system, for the wealthy influential Kenyans, people acquired land and did whatever they wanted with it. Practises, ideas and life styles characteristic of the Euro- pean cultures were imported and effected in Nairobi. The spatial forms therefrom be- came a mosaic of the European, Asian and African cultures. The earliest major review of the town's culture was made by a local Government Commission ledby Justice Feetham in 1028. It proposed boundary changes which ab- sorbed within the new municipality most of the previous autonomo\& housing areas and also defined a peri-urban area under separate Government administration called Nairo- bi Extra Provincial District (NEPD). Neither the municipal boundary nor the overall disposition of the zones established within it was altered in the "Master Plan for a Colonial Capital" prepared by a team of South African Planners in 1947. The authors of the plan argued that the city would "develop naturally out of the present land usage and particularly the present land values" (Kimani, 1972). Consequent- ly, what were described in the plan as "Residential zones" indicated areas of European and Asian housing while "official housing" re~ed ~to housf'ng for Africans situated next to the area designated for industrial eXpamion. Roads, roundabouts, public open space, neighbourhood units and a spectacular civil centre were the ingredients of a plan which seemed to offer an ideal opportunity to create a "Garden City" in East Africa. During the next 15 yearS. Nairobi developed m0re or less along the ~es of this master plan but the employment opportunities which were expected in the city as result of independence in 1962 swelled the population to 266,800 (Obudho. 1984). One of thf 63 first tasks of the Government was to review the city's potential br expansion with the result that the 1927 boundary enclosed 30 sq. miles in 1963. 'xpansinn of the city was supposed to take place within the built up areas where 500/0 remained undeveloped, but mainly on 20 sq. miles of "black cotton" sisal and ranching land to the east. In 1963, it was estimated that 50% of Nairobi's total population (70% of African population) lived in Eastlands, which at that time accounted for only 10% of the total housing area. Today, each of the residential areas is distinguishable by its density, the quality of its environment and by the economic level of its population. The low density residen- tial district (Upper Nairobi) encompasses the Hill, Muthaiga and sub-urban estates to the west and is approximately 1678.8 m above sea level. Most of the district consists of ridges separated by deeply cut wooded valleys and fertile red soil. This environment permits attractive gardens to be developed ensuring a pleasant environment. The hous- ing type is one family detatched houses, built of stone, with a separate servants's quart- ers. There is on the average one housing unit per acre each accommodating a maximum of 3 - 4 people (Halliman and Morgan, 1967 p. 108). The population comprises wealthy Europeans, heads of diplomatic missions, representatives of large foreign businesses, wealthy Indians; wealthy Africans and their housing servants. Many new housing es- tates and flats have been built in the area during the last five years, since it is relatively close to the city and supplied with main water. Muthaiga is still the most exclusive hous- ing area in Nairobi, favoured by the officials of foreign embassies and international organizations. The medium density residential district, covering Parklands-Eastleigh-Nairobi South and Central is substantialJy different from the previous zone. The majority of the resi- dents here are of Asiatic origin. Housing for the Asians has been separated into more clearly dermed income groups. Parklands remains at the upper end of the scale whereas many plots and houses in Eastleigh, formerly occupied by by poorer Asians, have been '>ought by African landlords. Nairobi South and West were built before in4ependence ior more prosperous ASIllll artisan living clo~ to 1neir work in the Industrial Area. A much higher proportion of Africans are now livmg in both neighbourhoods. Despite the dominance .of public commercial functions in the central area, many people, especially Asians, also still live there. The houses are multi-purpose, the ground floor serving as business and the upper and or back, serving residential p.urposes. The high density residential district, Eastlands, has a predominantly African popu- lation. There are on average, thirty houses per acre, each accommodating at leasl 5 or more people. The development of "low-cost" municipal housing here has been exten- sive. In 1963, there were 12 distinct "neighbourhoods" each with its own shops, com- munity centre, church and bars serving an average population of 8,000. From the air., Eastlands pr~ts a.patchwork of eXperlmentalhousing layounts built either by the NCe or the GOK or by such large organizations. Until 1955, the housing'was single I storeyed with communal services. From then until independence, the new estates began to take on the appearance of the early post-war English "New towns", two storey terraced and semi-detached houses with rendered block walls and filled double-pitched roofs, all with individual services .. It can be appreciated that the three residential districts in Nairobi, differ substan- tially in forms of tytle of people, lifestyles, density, occupations, quality type of dwell- ing and physical appearances. These differences have changed very little despite the 1947 and 1968 Master Plan Exercises. The residential areas cover over 84% of the city and the largest is Upper Nairobi which is best (Fig. 2) Common Characteristics of Residential Differentiation in East Afrka Although Dar esSaIaam, and Nairobi are found in two COWttrles whose d~elop- 64 ment IS gUided by differem political philosophies, their internal morphologies demon- strate several similarities. Firstly, the internal morphology of each has been influenced by practices and ideas' foreign to East Africa. Of-great significance have been the Euro- pean and Asian cultures whose influences initiated the creation of low and !Iledium den- sity residential districts in both cities. The European cultural influences were instrumental in creating the low density residential districts. The Asian cultural influences were sig- nificant in creating the middle density residential districts, in both cities. Secondly, though the master plan exercises in Ea~t Africa are contemplated and approved finally by the respective Governments, they are usually funded by Donor Agencies and completed by foreign town planning consulting firms. Thirdly, the two cities demonstrate other similar- hies running from central area dominance to segregative residential districts. These similar- ities demonstrate, in a basic way, the inherent pliuming ideology, principles and practicel> of foreign capitalist planning consulting firms, as have been transplanted into the E~t Africa planning framework. These guiding planning principles can best be demonstrat- ed by the kind of social and technical infrastructural content recommended for each of the three types of residential district. The low density residential zOJ).esare designed to be very spacious. The housing t~ is one unit, built of stone,. on ejlchacre of land. There is also provision for a detached s"ervants quarter. On the average, only 3-4 people are expeaed to occupy each acre of land in this zone. Further characteristics include paved roaas, Iignting on all streets, water and power supply to each home and a linkage of each home to the central city sewarage system. The medium density residential districts, occupied predominantly by the Asian com- munity, are characterised by medium cost flats. There are, on the average, four flats on every acre of land. Each acre accommodates, on the average 30 - 40 people. Further facilities include paved local and coliector roads, power and water connections to each flat and septic tanks. The high density residential zones are characterised by low cost multi-family oc- cupancy houses each accommodating, on the average, eight people. Other facilities in- clude unpaved roads, lighting on collector roads only, communal water stands and pit latrines. Despite the face that the present ethnic structure in the different residential dis- tricts is heterogenous, accessibility to each district has been and is still very selective. With the exodus of the European administrative staff, after independence, the Africa political and administrative functionaries did not only replace them in offices, but also filtered into the hitherto European preserve residential zones. This process was relative- ly easy because most, if not all, housing units in this zone were "Government quarters. The~weajthy and most powerful allocated these quarters to themselves. Movement intO the medium density residential areas wasn't as smooth. Most of the housing units in this zone were privately constructed by members of the Asian community. This com- munity, relatively closely knit in East Africa, resisted infiltration into their zone. In Tan- lani.a, the Government had to nationalise all buildings of a value equal or more than fshs'. 100,000.00 in 1971 in order to have access to this zone (U.R. T. Acquisition of Building Act, 1971. p. 54). The Government of Tanzania could ,ff?rd to effect this ~licy because all land was made public property after independence. In Kenya, where private ownership of iand was vehemently protected even after Independence, such changes could not be effected. After loosing the opportunity in 1963, effective changes in land manage- .~ent haye remained largely elusive. The African poor., segregat~cl against by the plan- nma machlUiBm since the 1940s were and are still, notonly reprded as illepl urbeites, but 'are also regarded as undesiraole. A closed city policy of moving people about, get- +ing them out of some 10ca1iti~ into others, sauatter demolition, non-compensation for 65 property desrroyed by bulldozers, campaigns against the url1an unemployed, s~ol'ping immigration and other forms of harrassment have continued to be recommended and implemented. The procesSbf residential segregation initiated in the 1940's has, not only been in- stitutionalised, but has also become spatially crystallised. Notwithstanding the fact that Kenya and Tanzania are guided by different philosophies, the internal morphology of their largest cities is strikingly similar. Political rhetoric is therefore a rather unfruitful area to look for explanations of spatial changes. The processes involved in either actual ownership and or control of the use of the resources in the two cities would be more suggestive. The rich and politically stronger have, using active support from interna- tional forces and their hold Ion state machine, determined the pattern of residential land use in East Africa, irrespective of differences in "official" political orientiltions. Some Residential Land Use Planning Problems in East Africa The existence of three planned types of residential districts, in urban areas in East Africa, poses special planning problems. The three districts are, infact, a meeting place of three cultures. The low density zone bears a mark of European influence: the medi- um"density zone bears a mark of Asian culture; and the high density residential zones shows a confusion of standards. Beyond the high density residential zolle exists'the un planned: squatter settlements. These bear a breakdown of the base for decent Iivmg in" the urban 'environment. Within the low density residential zone, a process of infrastructural delapidation has been set in motion. Faced by an uncompromisingly rising cost of living, resting on a stagnant and or declining income base, the residents in this zone in Dar es Salaam have resorted to informal activities running from poultry keeping to animal husbandry. This is affecting the human and physical environment very negatively. Population pressure in the medium density residential zone has forced the residents to undertake extensions to their flats secretly. This process is eating up all the open space in this zone. " A process of ung~lded city renewal in the high density residential district has been effected. Evidence of mushrooming tall buildings amidst a sea of lowlying poorly con- structed buildings is abound. As a consequence streets and pavems:nts in the high densi- ty residential zone are being sealed off and blocked. Outside the high density residential district are developing the unplanned squatter settlements. A confusion of buildings ~ Andards .,nd tiesigns is charact..;ristic in this zone. Though currently outside the proper boundaries of the cities, these settlements are ex- pected to comprise the city land use with the outward expansion of the two cities. It is in this zone that land speculation is rife. Between the squatter settlements and low density resi~ential neighbourhoods are open spaces and children playing grounds. These zones have recently been invaded by private land developers in Dar eS Salaam and are threatening to chdke the city to death. eo.tuio. A fresh look at the planning mechanisms and development control for the good and needs of a wider East African urban community is long overdue. 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