furthermore illustrates how modem technology can be introduced to the UTAFITI planned community to complement labour intensive techniques within the production system. After reading through the fifteen scholarly written articles one wonders how the same type of scheme can become a model for other less favourable areas. Perhaps, areas like Kilombero and Ruvu basins in Tanzania could be ideal places for the kind of Mwea Scheme. However, the social structural and production systems of Mwea would hardly be acceptable to a country aspiring for a socialistic economic mode of production. To the academicians and policy-makers, the book has a lot of information related to the theory and practice in the areas of planning and managerial system for agricultural production. Thus the volume may be of a great help as a reference. C. K. OMARI Samora Machel-President of FRELIMO (and now the People's Republic of Mozambique), Mozambique: Sowing the Seeds of Revolution, Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea, London, 1975, p. 63. This is a booklet containing, if we exclude the two-page introduction by John Saul, 61 pages of revolutionary and highly educative material. It is a collection of six speeches and one interview article all done in the period 1970-73. Since the material composing the booklet was not originally intended for a book but rather as self-contained speeches on various contradictions facing the Mozambican anti-colonial armed struggle, the booklet in a formal sense is naturally not a homogeneous whole. One finds in all the articles what may appear to be repetitions. However, any serious reading of the booklet, parti- cularly by those who would wish to learn and are capable of learning some revolutionary lessons from the Mozambican revolutionary armed struggle as articulated in the seven articles, reveals both homogeneity and richness of explanation and elaboration of the fundamental and other contradictions in Mozambique which the revolutionary struggle was and is to resolve. Indeed, common themes run through the articles although the subjects covered appear to be different. This is clearly evidence of a clear and consistent ideological line of FRELIMO for which Comrade Samora, as its President, so effectively spoke. The articles are generally short, precise and artistically written and presented. Rather than attempting to summarise each one of the articles we shall point out the themes which run through all of them and their revolution- ary significance.The main areas covered by the articles include: international solidarity and mutual aid among "forces fighting for the same objectives"; correct leadership practice in a revolutionary movement and a revolutionary struggle that combines armed resistance and socio-economic transformation of the "liberated areas"; the true meaning of "liberation of women" in theory 238 UTAFITI and practice within the context of colonialism. capitalism and imperialism. generally and as they pertain to the historical development of Mozambique; how to impart political and technological education for revolutionary armed struggle and socio-economic transformation; the meaning and role of health services in the revolution; the fundamental distinction between production under exploitative social relations and production for liberation and revolution of the toiling masses; etc. Let us briefly look at the common themes running through all the articles. Firstly all the articles-if we leave out the review article--are based on a clear understanding of the fundamental contradiction in Mozambique: the contradiction between capital and labour which underlies and is intensified by other contradictions. Principal among these contradictions. as again clearly appears in all the articles. is that of imperialist-colonial domination of the Mozambican people with Portuguese colonialism and world imperialism. on one side, and the colonised. dominated and exploited but resisting masses of Mozambique. on the other. It is within the context of these contradictions that other minor contradictions were seen and discussed. The resolution of all the secondary contradictions through raising of political consciousness of the cadres and the masses and the revolutionary armed struggle and socio- economic transformation as discussed in the articles would dialectically create the requisite quantitative and qualitative forces for the final resolution of the principal and the fundamental contradictions. One of the secondary contradictions hinging on and intensifying the fundamental contradiction and the principal contradiction was disunity among the people. This manifested itself in phenomena like tribalism and thus lack of national consciousness; racial discrimination; discrimination and domina- tion of women by men within the colonised sector; etc. The other important secondary contradiction engendered by and intensifying the fundamental and the principal contradictions is the ignorance and obscurantism of the masses (and initially the cadres) due to religious and traditional mysticisms and superstition combining with colonial intimidation and domination. Hence lack of a scientific world outlook and political consciousness on the part of the oppressed masses were and are rampant. We leave out of account other minor contradictions. since. in fact those mentioned here cover virtually every important aspect dealt with in all the articles in the booklet. FRELIMO's political and military line on which all the articles are based. clearly comes to grips with these contradictions as can be gathered from the articles themselves. The consistency and dynamism with which this line is applied to the various subjects showing that they all have a common base in or rather are dialectically linked with the fundamental and the principal contradictions. is the explanation for the apparent repetition of the same themes in different contexts covered by the articles. The implication is that all contradictions within Mozambique could be traced down to the funda- 239 mental contradiction reinforced by the principal contradiction. In the result we find in all the articles the following themes running UTAFlTI through in an interconnected and illuminating manner. First is the necessity of unity among the people and thus of a relentless inner struggle at all levels and at all times against tribalism, racialism and individualism. These should be replaced by national and class consciousness and spirit and practice of internationalism based on class alliance and solidarity among all struggling peoples of the world. Second: the fight against ignorance and obscurantism through the raising of political consciousness and the scientific and technolo- gical knowledge of the cadres and the masses and releasing their productive powers. The educatIonal method should be a balanced merger of theory with practice. Third: the necessity of evolving (class conscious) group leadership based on the revolutionary principles and practice of "criticism-and-self- criticism", "study, work and struggle" and follow "the mass line" in all questions relating to the armed struggle and the socio-economic revolution. Fourth and final: the absolute necessity of the struggle for the "liberation of women" in the context of the general struggle for national liberation and against capitalist and imperialist domination, oppression and exploitation. As can be seen, the booklet contains very valuable material expressing and summarising both FRELIMO's experience in the course of ten years of armed struggle and its view of the material basis of the society which is to evolve and replace the old society in Mozambique through revolutionary struggle. Every true people's revolutionary struggle produces revolutionary theory derived from revolutionary practice. Such practice in most cases initially and continuously thereafter draws its inspiration and guidance from existing theory -itself derived from previous or current revolutionary practice. In this sense, every serious revolutionary struggle enriches the existing revolutionary theory either by confirming or refuting its universality and by adding new contribu- tions arising from concrete practical experience. It is also generally the case that those who articulate that theory--orally or literary-as spokesmen of and actual participants in the struggle, do so with the dynamic militancy, clarity, precision, and comprehensiveness which the practical struggle itself demands of and builds in them. Indeed, no revolutionary struggle against centuries-old colonialism and imperialism can last a single day without these indispensable attributes in the mode of leadership and the resultant actual operation of the struggle itself by the masses. We find in Comrade Samora Machel's speeches and interview all these attributes. This makes it all the more imperative for the revolutionary forces in Africa and the world of struggling masses seriously to read the booklet whose contents were written in the heat and furtherance of an actual, concrete, revolutionary mass struggle against colonialism and imperialism. J. L. KANYWANYI 240